PLEASE TYPE THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname or Family name: Zambre
First name: Fallavi Other name/s:
Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar:
School: UNSW Faculty: Built Environment
Title: Proposing A Cultural Landscape Paradigm: A Case study: Prospect Reservoir at Western Sydney.
Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE) The study sets out to investigate and question the Burra Charter, its interpretations and approaches for protection of cultural landscape in Australia. While achieving the preservation of state and national icons, the Charter has overlooked the meanings and values of heritage landscape. Drawing on the field of landscape theory, my research seeks to extend the theoretical approach to study of the cultural landscape. Thus, this thesis proposes the cultural landscape paradigm (CLP) which provides a framework to interpret the inherent values of cultural landscape based on ecological, experiential and narrative approaches.
Towards this goal, the research attempts to demonstrate and apply the CLP by conducting a case study of the culturally significant landscape of Prospect Reservoir in western Sydney. The study is undertaken with the help of a detailed analysis of landscape elements, historic documents, narrative references, personal observations and photographs. I found that although the site has been conserved on the principles of the Burra Charter, the regional identity and sense of place has not been taken into account. Over time, degradation of the ecosystem has changed the ecological, narrative and experiential quality of the place. Thus the landscape reflects the Burra Charter's values of national, state significance, and dominance in portraying a story of European past, with limited concern for aboriginal cultural landscape.
A current issue at the site is the increasing urban pressure of western Sydney. How can we interpret, protect the regional identity and cope with the ecological changes so as to maintain the continuity with the past landscape? Similarly, to what extent does the Burra Charter address these issues? I respond to these questions by developing and applying the CLP. This results in expanding the values and meaning of the cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir, and provides guidance for cultural landscape planning in general. Hence, the thesis also demonstrates the need for the Burra Charter practitioners to rethink their actions for the future of cultural landscapes, where the landscape is a continuously changing, naturally and socially driven phenomenon.
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FOR OFFICE USE ONLY Date of completion of requirements for Award: Proposing A Cultural Landscape Paradigm A Case study: Prospect Reservoir at Western Sydney
A Dissertation Submitted in Partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Landscape Architecture
At
University Of New South Wales 2010
By
Fallavi Zambre ORIGINALITY STATEMENT
'I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic.expression is acknowledged.'
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Date COPYRIGHT STATEMENT
'I hereby grant the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all proprietary rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstract International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only). I have either used no substantial portions of copyright material in my thesis or I have obtained permission to use copyright material; where permission has not been granted I have applied/will apply for a partial restriction of the digital copy of my thesis or dissertation.'
AUTHENTICITY STATEMENT
'I certify that the Library deposit digital copy is a direct equivalent of the final officially approved version of my thesis. No emendation of content has occurred and if there are any minor variations in formatting, they are the result of the conversion to digital format.'
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Date 'iSJO^imO Table of contents
Abstract ii. Table of contents iii List of Figures & Tables vi Acknowledgement viii
Introduction
Introduction 1 Objectives of the study 4 The structure of the study 4 Research design and methods 5
Chapterl: The Burra charter 7
1.1 Heritage: general understanding 8 1.2 The Burra Charter 10 1.2.1 Principles 11 1.2.2 Key concepts 12 1.2.3 Process 14
Chapter 2: Limitations of the Burra Charter 19
2.1 Monument concept 21 2.2 Authenticity 23 2.3 Public place and social needs 24 2.4 Social exclusion 26 2.5 Discussion 29
ni Chapter 3: Landscape theories: approaches 32
3.1 Introduction 33 3.2 Theoretical understanding of cultural landscape 33 3.3 Important factors of cultural landscape 36 3.4 Ecological approach 37 3.5 Experiential approach 40 3.6 Narrative approach 43 3.7 Overall conclusion 46
Chapter 4: The Proposed Cultural Landscape Paradigm 47
4.1 Why have a cultural landscape paradigm? 48
4.2 What is the proposed cultural landscape paradigm? 49
Chapter 5: Situating a Case 53
5.1 Prospect Reservoir: setting 54
5.2 Cultural and historic context of site 57 5.3 Why is the site significant for study? 70 5.4 Heritage Listing 73 5.5 Conservation Management Plans (CMPs) of Site 76 5.6 Discussion 87
Chapter 6: Applying the proposed CLP: Prospect Reservoir 91
6.1 Study Region 92 6.2 Ecological approach 93 6.3 Experiential approach 100 6.4 Narrative approach 106 6.5 Discussion ; 119 Chapter 7: Conclusions 123 Appendix 1 129 Appendix 2 132 Appendix 3 135
Bibliography 141 List of Figures
Figure no. Figure Name Page Fig. 4.1 Proposed Cultural Landscape Paradigm 49 Fig. 5.1 Aerial view of Prospect Reservoir site 55 Fig. 5.2 Location of Prospect Reservoir on Cumberland Plains 55 Fig. 5.3 Aerial view of location of site at Western Sydney suburbs 56 Fig. 5.4 Legal boundaries of Prospect Reservoir 56 Fig. 5.5 Sketch of Aboriginal life in the Prospect Area 57 Fig. 5.6 Sketch of Early Agricultural Settlement 57 Fig. 5.7 Sketch of Prospect after construction of the Reservoir 58 Fig. 5.8 Sketches of Present Prospect Reservoir and surroundings 58 Fig. 5.9 Language, clan and other named groups of Sydney 59 Fig. 5.10 Historic map of Early European Settlement at Prospect, 1811 60 Fig. 5.11 Parish map of Prospect Hill: Earlier grants at site 1830 62 Fig. 5.12 Historic photos of Prospect Reservoir 63 Fig. 5.13 Typical water supply pipeline 63 Fig. 5.14 Canal at Aqueduct 63 Fig. 5.15 Canal used in water supply network 63 Fig. 5.16 Pincott's roller used in the construction of Prospect Dam 64 Fig. 5.17 Picturesque Prospect Reservoir site 65 Fig. 5.18 Avenue of Hoop Pines at the entrance of Prospect Reservoir site 65 Fig. 5.19 Avenue of Palm Trees with Upper Valve House 66 Fig. 5.20 Avenue of Palm Trees with Upper Valve House 66 Fig. 5.21 Left- View of the Prospect quarry 66 Fig. 5.22 Below-Secondary crusher and conveyor belts at BMI quarries 66 Fig. 5.23 Present land ownership and legal State boundary 67 Fig. 5.24 Left- Proposed Plan of Western Sydney Parkland 69 Fig. 5.25 Below- Aerial view of Parkland site 69 Fig. 6.1 The Study Region 92 Fig. 6.2 Geology 94 Fig. 6.3 Physiography 94 Fig. 6.4 Soils 95 Fig. 6.5 Hydrology 95 Fig. 6.6 Vegetation 97 Fig. 6.7 Cumberland Plain vegetation communities 97 Fig. 6.8 Remaining Cumberland Plain vegetation communities 97 Fig. 6.9 Photographic sequences 104 Fig. 6.10 Photographic sequences 104 Fig. 6.11 Photographic sequences 104 Fig. 6.12 Experiential map 104 Fig. 6.13 Typical base camp of Aboriginal people, 108 Figure no. Figure Name Page Fig. 6.14 Aboriginal firing and hunting practices 108 Fig. 6.15 Aboriginal war against early European settlers 109 Fig. 6.16 A western view of Toongabbie 111 Fig. 6.17 Conceptual Diagram of Nepean Water supply system 113 Fig. 6.18 Site of Prospect Reservoir 114 Fig. 6.19 Workers at Prospect Reservoir quarry 115 Fig. 6.20 View of Gravel crushing plant at Prospect 116 Fig. 6.21 Earlier Tile and Pottery Workshop 117 Fig. 6.22 Views of the east side of Prospect Hill quarry 117 Fig. 6.23 View looking west towards Prospect Reservoir from Prospect Hill 118 Fig. 6.22 Recreational facilities near Lower Valve house, Behind Prospect Dam 119
List OF Table
Table no. Table Name Page
Table 5.1 Prospect Reservoir site Heritage listing 75 Table 6.1 Rainfall, Temperature and frost statistics.... 96 Table 6.2 Experiences of the study region-observation summary table 103 Table 7.1 Showing the Burra Charter's assessment model and proposed CLP 127 Acknowledgement
I would like to express my deep and sincere gratitude to my supervisor Associate Professor Linda Corkery (Landscape Architecture, UNSW). Her wide knowledge and her logical way of thinking have been of great value for me. I am very glad for her support throughout my work.
I am deeply grateful to my Co-supervisor, Senior Lecturer; Catherine Evans (Landscape architecture, FBE, UNSW). Her understanding, encouraging and personal guidance as well as critical comments have provided a good basis for my research work.
I wish to express my warm and sincere thanks to Associate Professor and Director of Research students, FBE, Patrick Zou for his timely help. I warmly thank to Professor (Architecture and Urban design, FBE) Jon Lang, for his valuable advice and critical comments in the development of my thesis. I am also thankful to Senior Lecturer (Landscape Architecture, UNSW) Katrina Simon for her kind support and helpful guidance.
I also wish to thank Ms. Vivienne for revising the English of my manuscript.
During this work many people are directly and indirectly helpful, including my colleagues at FBE for whom 1 have great regard. I wish to extend my warmest thanks to library staff of UNSW, Mitchell library, Bowen library and Heritage Office NSW, Staff at Planning department NSW, National trust office, Register of national state. Similarly, staff members of Blacktown and Fairfield Councils and Sydney Water have helped me with my work.
I owe my loving thanks to my husband Dipankar Dixit, for his help and valuable feedback throughout my thesis. Without his encouragement and understanding it would have been impossible for me to finish this work. My special gratitude is due to my Father and mother as well as my entire family in India for their loving support. Introduction
Cultural landscapes are landscapes that have been transformed by human actions over generations, and have a distinctive character and a strong sense of place. These are considered as examples of the highest integration between human activities and the environment. The cultural landscape paradigm is a broad area in which natural and human patterns and processes are mixed together with many layers and meanings, including physical, social, cultural, and political characteristics, which are continuously reshaping with changing demands and uses. Thus cultural landscapes are complex entities comprising feedback between human and natural processes dating back thousands of years. Comparatively, cultural landscapes and their preservation is considered a recent phenomenon although, people have been preserving the material expressions of these cultural landscapes in the form of artefacts, buildings and sites for a long time.
Largely cultural landscapes are considered heritage entities. Heritage is a diverse and multifaceted phenomenon and hence its preservation and management is equally diverse. The basic reasons to save our heritage/cultural landscapes from the past are their unique, often rare nature, their strong historical links, and their identity link to the family, community, and the state and nation. There are also certain economic reasons behind preservation where past items are tourist attractions and generate income for an area. Cultural landscape thus has physical, emotional, and temporal issues. Therefore, every cultural landscape has some unique management issues whereby a group of people with different perceptions may manage a particular environment, often reflecting their own philosophies in managing and directing that heritage.
In a climate of rapid change due to development pressures, increasing population, tourism, and land ownership issues, preservation and management of cultural landscape is becoming crucial. My basic intention of doing this research is to overview how it is achieved internationally and nationally, and find what are the important paradigms and missing links in managing cultural landscapes in general. Coming from a different cultural background of India to Australia, I have a substantial challenge due to my different perceptions of the cultural landscapes. My intention here is to find ways to understand the multiple meanings and values embedded in any cultural landscape and the management implications when different values are held about specific landscapes, especially in the Australian context.
The cultural heritage practices in Australia are widely spread at local and regional levels. By drawing together wider ideas and different charters and organisations of cultural heritage practices, my intention is to understand what are the different issues, social/ political, in management of such culturally significant places? And how have they been cared for? The Charter for the Conservation of Places of Cultural Significance- the Burra Charter (ICOMOS Australia) is the most significant and widely used reference document for the management of cultural heritage places, nationally and internationally. Therefore, this thesis specifically investigates the approaches implemented by the Burra Charter on which most issues of heritage sites have been based.
Although the Burra Charter dates back to 1977, there have been many alterations and rewrites that have shaped the way in which Australian professionals see their role and task of cultural heritage management, both in legislation and practice. However, the Burra Charter has many gaps and there is confusion in understanding the cultural landscape today; the confusion being embedded within a system that is still firmly based on the concept of monument. Moreover, the Charter reflects a dominant stance in defining and managing cultural landscapes. The thesis thus attempts to find out the limitations of the Burra Charter in a critical manner to investigate the perceptions and notions behind what counts as heritage. In a larger perspective, the Burra Charter is self- referential, authoritative and often misses the gist of landscape in understanding the cultural significance of a place. Therefore, important aspects of a place may be overlooked or worse, altered.
The concept of cultural landscapes has evolved from early theories, which recognized landscapes were layered with human actions over time. The cultural landscape has been explored in various fields, such as geography, anthropology, psychology, architecture. heritage planning, and sociology etc. These theories have provided an insight of multiple values in understanding cultural landscapes. Similarly, the theoretical discussion has shown that any management strategy could only be prepared when the values of that landscape were understood. Drawing from different landscape theories, my work provides a framework to extend the Burra Charter. The thesis thus intends to develop the cultural landscape paradigm which highlights the values of landscape which are often ignored in management of cultural landscapes. The proposed cultural landscape paradigm (CLP) provides a framework which helps in interpreting the inherent values of cultural landscape. This CLP is then demonstrated with a case study of the Prospect Reservoir at Western Sydney.
Therefore, this study is significant for two important reasons. First, my work will add to the body of knowledge of cultural landscape management by investigating and critiquing the Burra Charter. Second, this thesis will propose a framework for a CLP based on landscape theories, which will provide an understanding for various values and inherent meanings of cultural landscape that need to be considered in the management and planning process. This is conducted by performing a case study of Prospect Reservoir in the rapidly developing context of Western Sydney. The methodologies are based on conventional landscape analysis, narrative associations and personal experiential mapping which the Burra Charter has missed in its processes, and which is lacking in its approach to protecting cultural landscapes.
Prospect Reservoir has a history of occupation of both indigenous and modem Australian culture. The site has great cultural significance and has been conserved as a heritage site for more than five decades. The site has been managed by the Sydney Water Board as a reservoir with generally restricted access but some recreational facilities. Due to its strong cultural significance, the site has been listed on Local and State heritage registers. There have been more than three conservation management plans (CMP) prepared to protect the site and all are considered in this thesis. All three are based on the principles of the Burra Charter and are significant. One was prepared in 1995, and the other two in 2005. Now the challenge is to demonstrate the application of my CLP on the landscape of Prospect Reservoir which has been conserved and shaped according to the policies and processes of the Burra Charter. Clearly, if the cultural landscapes of the Prospect Reservoir are to be managed their meanings and values need to be articulated within a broader context than the traditional interpretation of the term heritage. This also provides an opportunity to reveal landscape meanings that need to be integrated with cultural planning practice in the changing context of urbanisation of Western Sydney.
The main aim of the thesis is to propose the CLP in a context which highlights and reflects past, present and possible future values and their inherited meanings which need to be considered in protecting a place with cultural significance. It also highlights the missing links in conventional heritage practice, which create awareness for decision- makers; their role and their view of heritage in relation to changing times and new usage. Similarly, there is a need to include the public in decision-making to maintain a sense of place. Overall, the CLP expands our thinking about the concepts/ideas of cultural landscape. This ultimately makes us aware of our actions in conserving what is deemed to be a significant landscape.
Objectives of the study
Firstly, the current study intends to focus on the cultural landscape management practices in Australia and critically analyse the Burra Charter. Secondly, it intends to develop the CLP which is based on the three main factors, 'place', 'people' and 'story' and is derived from landscape theories. Thirdly, it grounds the discussion on cultural landscape in Australia, at Prospect Reservoir in Western Sydney, and applies the proposed CLP on the defined study region to reveal the landscape values and meanings of Prospect Reservoir which need to be integrated into future management of the site.
The structure of the study
The introduction sets out the general background of the study. Chapter 1 provides a literature review on the heritage management structure in Australia, especially the Burra Charter principles and processes. Chapter 2 focuses on critical analysis of the Burra Charter in conserving heritage items. Chapter 3 reviews the literature on landscape theories, and its various viewpoints on cultural landscape. Later it focuses on the three main approaches of landscape theory which are ecological, experiential and narrative. It leads towards reassessing these various approaches in determining a comprehensive framework for the study. Chapter 4 questions why it is necessary to propose the CLP and then provides a detailed CLP framework. Chapter 5 provides the case study of the Prospect Reservoir site. Through cultural and historical layers, the discussion leads towards an understanding of the cultural significance of the site. Further discussion leads to an analysis of both the State's and local significance of the Prospect Reservoir site which has been assessed by various heritage organisations and listed on their heritage registers. On the basis of its heritage listings, three CMPs have been prepared for the site, which are discussed in detail and critically assessed to understand their approaches in management of cultural landscape. This thesis concludes that they lack understanding and interpretation of the cultural landscape of the site and hence, there is a need to address the issue in accordance with the proposed CLP for understanding the missing links and inherent values of landscape.
In Chapter 6 the proposed CLP is applied to the study region based on cultural and natural elements which have formed the site. The discussion focuses on the application of the CLP and its importance in finding gaps in interpreting the cultural landscape of the site and suggests areas that need to be integrated into future planning at site. Chapter 7 discusses the approaches of the research and its findings. It also concludes the study by summarising the strengths and limitations of the study, and compares the conventional heritage management approach of the Burra Charter with the proposed CLP. It also provides suggestions for future research.
Research design and methods
In order to demonstrate the CLP, the study required an appropriate context - a place with significant cultural, historical and natural values. Further, there was a need to use the ecological, experiential, and narrative approaches in the context of a case study. Therefore, this thesis is based on the case study method.
The primary body of knowledge in landscape architecture is contained in the written and visual documentation. Some contemporary landscape architects have used case studies to develop and test their theories and design ideas. Francis (1999) identified some elements required for a full case study: baseline information/context, process, program, design, site visit, use, perception and meaning, scale, time, unique constraints, community, environmental sensitivity and impact, impact on profession, infrastructure, lessons learned, and theoretical underpinning. Therefore, the research needed a unique case which would provide a strong context with various heritage meanings and socio-political developments. Hence, I have chosen the cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir in Western Sydney for a case study.
Methodology
Firstly, I reviewed the literature to understand the broad overview of my research areas and identified key theories, existing cultural management structure including cultural management plans, heritage registers, and charters and analysed them to develop my cultural landscape management model.
I proposed the cultural landscape paradigm with an ecological, experiential and narrative framework, and analysed it in the context of a case study. In order to understand the physical/ecological structure of the place, I analysed conventional landscape documentation and mapping. The mapping was produced from topographical sheets, soil analyses, geological and hydrological data, flora publications, and land use surveys. I analysed historical data and maps, to identify historic and narrative values as well as people's association in the development of the place over time. Lastly, in order to evaluate the experiential quality of the place, I used a mapping method based on personal observation, perceptual attributes and photographs of the site. Chapter 1: The Burra Charter This chapter reviews management practices of cultural heritage in Australia. Cultural landscapes are identified and managed through the Australian Heritage Commision which is influenced by the Burra Charter; the Australia International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) charter for places of cultural significance. Cultural landscapes are recognised as heritage entities containing features and processes requiring protection, conservation and management. The Australian Heritage Commission consider that "cultural landscape is applied to areas of landscape including landscapes where natural features have special meanings to people such as traditional Aboriginal Australian landscapes, to highly modified or developed landscapes. That land may have continuing use or may be a collection of extant remains" (AHC 2000:1). Hence, in order to understand cultural landscape and its management practices, first it is important to understand the general concept of heritage and its practices in Australia. However, the focus is on the Australian ICOMOS Burra Charter.
1.1 Heritage: general understanding
When we think about 'heritage', we think about something handed down from generations past, which can be either material or immaterial possessions. The dictionary definition of heritage is that "which is/ may be inherited" (Oxford dictionary). Broadly we can say heritage is a product of our personal or collective past. Each person identifies and values his/her heritage according to his/her own background and experiences. Similarly a group of people with a common socio-economic and cultural background often share common perceptions which results in common values of heritage. Those are community, caste, religion, and culture. Further, heritage also helps define a varied group of people, that is, of a particular country or nation. Hence, heritage is not only a personal concept but a product of historical, cultural, social and political circumstances (Aplin, 2002). Heritage makes us aware of our past, events, and our mistakes which provide clues and values for acting in the present and future. Hence, heritage acts as a background which in a way directs our future, through our behaviour and actions and assists in locating our position in the world, and in society past and present. Graeme Aplin in his book, Heritage, identification conservation and management notes that, "Heritage is intensely political as well as intensely personal" (Aplin, 2002: 1). Heritage provides a background for defining the present physical and cultural context. Usually every nation has its own official definition of heritage which is mainly derived by dominant groups. Aplin further points out that in all nations, heritage is always divided into natural and cultural components (Aplin, 2002). But this distinction seems to be artificial. However, natural heritage is rarely included in defining heritage; it seems heritage is reserved for only cultural items, whereas the fact is the cultural component is derived from nature itself and they are interrelated.
Modem Australia has a very short history of about 200 years, although aboriginal people have resided here for thousands of years (Dover, 1994). Aboriginal people have a complex community and strong culture, which is the oldest culture in Australia. It is different from the European culture (Aplin 2002) of the first settlers, who have ruled the nation since the 1780s. Thus, European settlement has had a noticeable impact in shaping and defining national heritage in Australia which is more concentrated on European history and shows a relative lack of recognition of indigenous heritage. Unlike Aboriginal cultural history, European cultural history in Australia is not linked with the prehistoric past although in Europe the national cultural heritage is seen as a continuous link from prehistory to the present. In fact for them it is very easy to absorb the prehistoric heritage into the national heritage (Aplin 2002).
The sudden invasion by different cultural groups in Australia has resulted in a discontinuity in heritage. This relatively recent history of European settlement has had a significant impact on definitions and practical approaches to national heritage, which is more centred towards the European heritage, whereas the prehistoric past is identified as indigenous heritage, separate from other aspects of national heritage (Aplin, 2002). Hence, heritage in Australia can be distinguished separately as indigenous and non- indigenous heritage. Indigenous heritage is an additional category specific to Australia. Therefore, these three categories, natural, cultural and indigenous are integrated conceptually and administered together in the management of heritage in Australia. Australian heritage conservation/preservation came into practice in the 1960s. On the whole the practice focuses on two main principles. First, cultural heritage items and places are non-renewable and becoming scarce. Second, since these items inspire present and future generations, they need to be taken care of (Heritage Office & Dept. of Urban Affairs and Planning, 1996:1). Since 1979, there have been regular changes and continuities in the heritage management structure. Various manuals have been introduced in order to address new approaches to heritage management. The main heritage management charters/manuals in Australia are:
1. The Burra Charter (Australia ICOMOS) 2. The National Trust of Australia 3. State Heritage Manual: NSW Heritage office 4. NSW National Parks and Wildlife Services 5. Engineers Australia 6. Australian Heritage Commission (Natural Heritage Charter) (Byrne et al, 2001)
The main concern of these manuals is to advance the professionlisation and centralised control over the management of heritage (Byrne et al., 2001). Of these, the Burra Charter is the most significant and extensively used nationally and internationally as a reference document. Hence, the principles and processes of the Burra Charter are analysed and critiqued in the next section.
1.2 The Burra Charter
The Venice Charter is a technical document that provides a framework for conservation and restoration of monuments or sites. In 1965, it was adopted at the UNESCO sponsored International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) (Byrne et al., 2001). Later it was adapted and adopted by Australia ICOMOS during a meeting at the historic mining town of Burra, South Australia in 1979. This Charter was approved and hence named 'the Burra Charter' (Marquis-Kyle & Walker, 1992). The Burra Charter is now a widely accepted guide for heritage conservation standards in Australia. The Australia ICOMOS has developed a series of guidelines since acceptance of the Burra Charter. These guidelines deal with the assessment of cultural significance, conservation policy, and finally procedures for undertaking studies and reports of heritage items.
The Burra Charter relates specifically to the conditions and practices in Australia. It provides a practical and useful conservation philosophy to guide the conservation practices in Australia and overseas. In the Illustrated Burra Charter: making good decisions about the care of important places (Marquis-Kyle et al, 1992:5) states that the Burra charter focused on seven ideas,
• The place itself is important • Understanding the significance of the place • Understanding the fabric, • Significance should guide the decisions • Do as much as necessary, but as little as possible • Keep records • Do everything in a logical order
The Burra Charter provides direction for conservation and management of culturally significant places including natural, indigenous and historic places. As Riddett states "the Charter provides a framework and approach that enables us to manage change and to make careful judgements about what is less or not significant and might, or should, be removed" (Riddett, 2001:27). The Charter is divided into three major sections which relate to identification of a heritage place and its cultural significance, followed by management policy, based on cultural significance and lastly development of policy considering the different factors affecting the future of the place (Australia ICOMOS, 1999).
1.2.1 Principles
There are three basic principles of the Burra Charter. The first and foremost is the conservation of the cultural significance of a place. The second is retention of the cultural significance of a place with an emphasis on the protection and maintenance of a place. The third one is focused on the least intervention in the conservation process. The Charter follows a "cautious approach" of changing as much as is necessary but as little as possible. Similarly, the techniques used should be traditional or appropriately modem. The Charter also stresses consideration of all aspects of natural and cultural values in assessing cultural significance which ultimately leads to appropriate actions at a place (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). However, natural and cultural values are not holistically considered in the charter principles, which are discussed in the following sections.
1.2.2 Key concepts
The Burra Charter has three key concepts that drive its approach to protection of place. These are 'place', 'cultural significance' and 'fabric' (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). The definitions of these three concepts are most important as they support the main principles of the Charter and are discussed in detail as follows.
Place
"Place means site, area, land, landscape, building, group of buildings or other works, and may include components, contents, spaces and views" (Australia ICOMOS, 1999:2).
This definition seems to enclose the general terms and items that should be considered in heritage. According to my understanding, place is more than just a labelled content, it is an outcome of the natural, physical, and emotional factors, which gives a holistic experience of that special environment. Motloch describes "Place is the mental construct of the temporal spatial experience that occurs as the individual ascribes meanings to settings, through environmental perception and cognition" (2001:279). In addition, time is an important factor in the formation of place. Ndubisi suggests that "places are not static; but links through time (natural and cultural history), and space (connection to larger places). Places are constantly changing as people adapt to them and to themselves" (2002:112). The importance of time/change is not addressed in the Burra Charter's definition of place.
It is noted that place is formed by involvement and commitment of the people who belong to it. Relph stressed the importance of people's involvement in place "Places have to be made largely through the involvement and commitment of the people who live and work in them; places have to be made inside out..." (2002:103). The definition of place in the Burra Charter overlooks the importance of the involvement of people in place making.
Overall, the Burra Charter neglects the natural and social aspects in defining the place; also, it is more focused towards elements, single or multiple. Thus, the Charter shows a lack of understanding of the larger context of place. The definition suggests that the terms used do not convey the specific meanings. However, the definition talks about the terms 'site', 'area', and 'landscape'; the Charter tends to identify the natural elements which are surrounded by built structures. The Charter does not specify the regional character and ecosystem in their notes (Aplin, 2002). Thus, it shows that some aspects of landscape are covered but not all are addressed entirely.
Cultural Significance
"Cultural significance means aesthetic, historic, scientific, social or spiritual value for past, present or future generations" and "Cultural significance is embodied in the place itself, its fabric, setting, use, associations, meanings, records, related places and related objects" (Australia ICOMOS, 1999:2). This means aesthetic, historic, scientific, social or spiritual value for past, present or future generations.
The definition of cultural significance is focused on evaluating the 'values' of a particular place. The Burra Charter stresses four major values in estimating its significance which are, 'aesthetic' derived from sensory perceptions, 'historic' related to significant history, 'scientific' related to research value which will depend on the importance of the data involved, and 'social' related to spiritual, political, or national, and the other related to some special values (Australia ICOMOS, 1999:12). Cultural significance is a concept which helps in estimating the value of a place. In a previous definition of place, we conclude that places are an intersection of natural processes, activity systems (social) and experiences. For any heritage place its natural historic, social and associational values are important. However, the Charter's significance is less focused towards natural heritage, which could be easily modified by emphasising the aesthetic as scenic values, and scientific as any physical component (Aplin, 2002). Thus, it is important to remember that in every cultural/ built heritage site, natural factors are the most important to build the story of place and vice versa.
Fabric
"Fabric means all the physical material of the place including components, fixtures, contents, and objects" (Australia ICOMOS, 1999:2).
This definition talks about components of the built heritage, like building walls, roofs, materials used and the style of construction etc. Landscape is not given any importance in the definition. However, for understanding the fabric, landscape elements play a vital role and they directly influence the character of place. For example, planting elements such as avenues of trees, or windbreaks contributes to a specific character of the fabric. The specific natural elements such as geology, hydrology, vegetation, fauna and their interaction with each other forms a particular landscape fabric, with which one can directly relate, for example, rocks, branches, water bodies, gently rolling hills, dry landscapes etc. It is necessary to include these environmental and ecological aspects in the definition, as they are a crucial part in the overall development of a place.
1.2.3 Process
The Charter has provided a series of steps for undertaking conservation (see Figure 1.1). This process has the following sequence to form policy or management structure for a particular site. First, the heritage place is identified and appropriate information is collected with many cross-references. Second, the gathered information about a place for proving significance may be in the form of oral, physical and documentary evidence. Third, the collected information needs to be critically assessed. Fourth, a statement of significance is written, which includes specific heritage values. It is the most essential part and justifies the purpose of conservation of a place. Fifth, the significance statement is considered and policy decided. Finally, this policy is incorporated into the management plan of the site (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). However, for a heritage listing, individuals or groups can contribute and be involved in the heritage management process. In the latest revisions, the Charter has concentrated on community and public participation wherever necessary in the management process. The Burra Charter process is listed below: (Australia ICOMOS, 1999)
Identify place and associations
Documentation of place y Assess significance Y Prepare statement of significance 1 r Develop policy Y
Management plan
Figure 1.1 The Burra Charter Process
Analysis of the Process diagram
The final policy or management structure is based on the statement of significance. This 'statement of cultural significance' is the most important part of the process, therefore, the documentation of place and assessment of significance must be inclusive of the natural, cultural, social and experiential aspects of a place. However, from the earlier discussion of key concepts we have seen that the Burra Charter is lacking in fully developing the concept of 'place'. This has a direct infiuence on identification of a place. So, there is a question of validity of its selection and whether the place really needs to be considered as heritage? Further at the documentation step, there should be accuracy in demonstrating the character of place. However, the Charter's criteria for documenting a place seems incomplete, and does not cover every context of place such as ecological, experiential, associational etc. aspects. As the assessment of significance shows limitations, it fails to portray a true picture of a site. This directly affects policy decisions. Hence, the final outcome may overlook important aspects of place or worse, alter them.
Conservation policy
After writing the statement of significance, the next stage is the development of conservation policy for making further decisions about the place. The main aim of deriving policy is to achieve conservation of a place in a better manner. The Burra Charter has specified certain issues that should be covered when making policy. The most important is to care for the fabric with minimum interventions/changes to it (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). The decision should be made to retain the original character of the place in considering its various usages. There is a need for a management structure which can be checked on a regular basis, so that new usage and interventions can be regulated. The decisions should be in accordance with future demands and usage. Also there should be scope to review and adopt an overall statement of conservation policy. Lastly, a strategy is made for implementation which covers financial resources, technical usage and staff required for a sequence of events and timings in the process, which should be properly documented in the report (Australia ICOMOS, 1999).
Conservation Management Plan
The conservation policies give broad direction to the statement of significance and specific processes and actions worked out in conservation plans. Heritage plans are the most important, and are called either conservation plans or management plans. Conservation plans are prepared in the early stages to recognise which process for example restoration, reconstruction, and adaptation are suitable to the heritage site. Management plans deals with the maintenance and preservation of the site. Further, these plans cover the budget, marketing, visitors and day-to-day management practice (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). A detailed conservation plan covers suitable actions, processes to undergo management and their expected results.
The Burra Charter prescribes specific process like 'restoration' indicating that the place should be kept in the state as it was; no new material should be introduced. Restoration is "restoring the existing fabric of place to a known earlier state by removing accretions or by reassembling existing components without the introduction of new material" (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). Moreira et al. (2006, 220) argue that restoration means repairing something to its "original" or predisturbance condition which is hardly possible in landscape. Similarly, Aplin points out that the Burra Charter's definition is a narrow definition, as restoration of natural areas may involve revegetation (providing seeds and plants from the site itself) of disturbed areas, weeding, and removal of structures with no heritage value (Aplin, 2002). Furthermore, this definition seems inappropriate for use with landscape as landscape keeps on changing; it is hard to return the landscape fabric to its original state. The understanding of landscape and its inclusion is not given any thought and consideration in the prescription of the restoration process.
Similarly 'reconstruction' involves partial or complete rebuilding of the structure to its original state, only if solid proof of its existing state is available (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). In landscape, we cannot reconstruct anything, as each landscape element is modified and transformed by environmental factors. This shows the conception and interpretation of landscape is limited in their management processes. Then next is 'adaptation' meaning modifying a place to suit proposed compatible uses (a use which involves no change to the culturally significant fabric changes which are substantially reversible, or changes which require a minimal impact.) (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). The 'adaptation' promotes minimal change to safeguard the place. This process is somewhat related to landscape as landscape can continuously adapt to new changes and usage. Aplin (2002) states that, it is difficult to find examples of adaptation in natural sites. Some adaptation might be possible under strictly determined and imposed conditions. Adaptation is possible only when the new uses are compatible with the primary aim of nature and landscape protection. (Aplin, 2002)
'Maintenance' and 'preservation' are more commonly applied to both the built environment and landscape. Maintenance is the continuous protective care of the fabric (distinguished from repair which involves restoration or reconstruction) and preservation is maintaining the fabric of place in its existing state and retarding deterioration (Australia ICOMOS, 1999). Aplin (2002) points out that maintenance for natural areas has limited application as the natural environment is self-maintaining and natural processes should be allowed to operate unhindered. However, the limits of preservation of natural areas are not defined and addressed in the Charter. Thus, the Charter is entirely focused on preservation of built fabric and the landscape is limited as merely surroundings of the built element.
This discussion shows that there are many limitations in addressing landscape and place in the Charter's definitions and processes. Thus, we need to specifically raise these issues so as to discover the limitations of the Burra Charter. This is discussed in the next chapter. Chapter 2: Limitations of the Burra Charter After discussing the processes and principles of the Burra Charter in the previous chapter, the question is raised as to what makes it so important in heritage practices? Precisely, the Burra Charter provides reference for conservation of heritage values that directs us in taking care of elements of cultural significance in the present community and ultimately, provides guidance for fiiture generations. In management, different cultural groups have different values, which need to be taken into account, and are the responsibility of the community. However, cultural and value differences exist and often create conflict, therefore, conserving a place requires acknowledgement and sensitivity to the associated cultural group.
With respect to the above it may well be asked how the Charter serves society and the built environment. The Charter has also prescribed a Code of Ethics, which provides a set of principles and practices for managing places of diverse cultural significance, assuming that in a pluralist society, value differences exist, which have the potential for conflict, and the healthy management of cultural differences is the responsibility of society as a whole. According to the Burra Charter this ethical practice needs to be incorporated into the management of places of diverse cultural significance. Similarly, each cultural group or indigenous people have the primary right to identify significant places as well as the right to their full custodianship. Furthermore, the Charter has suggested that the practitioner should adopt a multidisciplinary approach and an open attitude toward cultural diversity when decision-making.
Although the Burra Charter prescribed the healthy management of heritage and considered the values of different cultural groups, there are still limitations in its thinking, values and interpretations that are not addressed thoroughly. Some of the limitations we have already discussed in Chapter 1. This section focuses on the viewpoints of various authors and the analysis of the Charter's principles and practices in a critical manner. I have identified the four main critiques which are:
1. Monument approach 2. Authenticity 3. Public place and social needs 4. Public exclusion
These four critiques are important because they dispute the Burra Charter's dominance and authoritative approach in managing places with diverse cultural significance. In addition, the conservation processes are based more on different hierarchies, than emotional and associational values. Also, the Charter's philosophy seems to follow old concepts about heritage and is not concerned with new changes and demands. These four points are explained in detail below.
2.1 Monumental approach
The Burra Charter was derived in 1979, originally from the ICOMOS Venice Charter of 1965. Many alterations and revisions have occurred (Marquis-Kyle & Walker, 1996:1). As its cultural conditions differed to that of Europe, Australia required a separate reference document for undergoing conservation. Allom in his paper 'Linnaeus, Burra and Baudrillard Another interpretation' argued that people, who have been involved in heritage so far, have been less aware of their own heritage, the role their ancestors have played historically and the influences that have shaped the early interest in heritage in Australia. He states that the Burra Charter is still following the old traditions of conserving heritage and is not considered the changing times. Allom (2001) notes that, the Burra Charter was framed 30-40 years ago originally as Australia ICOMOS, when the cultural, social, and technological conditions were very different from now.
He further argues that the Venice charter did not take into account the new era and followed the old models, like Britain's Ancient Monument Act 1882. These Acts were linked to ancient history where no public structure was to be destroyed and had to be kept safe. Thus, the notion of 'monument' came into practice, and places with cultural and historic values were set aside. This 'monument' concept worked well in that period when history was the main reference point. However, times have changed; and the concept of 'every day culture' has come into practice over the past few decades, which is of major concern in Relph (1976), Tuan (1974) and Meinig (1979)'s works. In everyday culture, the reference point is not only the past like in the monument concept, but it represents diversified cultural subsets of a complex society with continuously changing needs. Allom (2001) further argues that the Burra Charter's understanding of cultural landscape is in doubt as it is strongly based on the monumental concept of looking at heritage. Culture today has fragmented into smaller parcels or subsets claiming their identity within or even to the exclusion of national or community culture. The complexity arises with the antiquated process of heritage assessment, where limited resources resulted in disputes. In such a scenario, how does one therefore evaluate the cultural significance of place in considering various, disputed and multiple meanings attached to it?
Allom further points out that the idea that heritage or culture can be assessed scientifically or dispassionately, cannot be sustained, and generally, that is the basis of all management charters. He further explains that the Burra Charter attempts to correct, in lesser degrees, the monumental approach of the Venice Charter by following the pseudo- scientific approach based on Linneaus' taxonomic system of the mid century. In this taxonomic system, plants were grouped into various hierarchies, such as genera, classes and orders. This is the simplest system to classify plant communities in which the observer plays no role and is the best system for plant identification. The Charter reflects this classification in the heritage structure, which indicates that the Charter demands the processes in which the viewer is isolated as if he plays no role (Allom, 2001).
It was only in the late 20^^ century that the concepts of multiple values, complexities and observers' view came into practice. Allom raises another point that the new concepts and multiple meanings of heritage are ignored by the "treasure house" accounting system of heritage. This attitude to heritage continues to collect and list places with relevance only to a few. Social reality and culture as heritage items do not seem to be concurrent. He further argues that the need for understanding place and community in popular culture and recent trends has been recognised to some extent, but the convention has broken down and since the 1980s places have been listed as heritage items. These recent listings are confusing to the public in classifying and interpreting heritage, as buildings from 1960s and 70s are now seen as heritage items and hence have been removed from life and culture (Allom, 2001:28-29). Thus, this discussion of the monumental approach shows that there should be consciousness in the Burra Charter's approach in order to respond to the changing time/trends, to have a better understanding of place and community and which ultimately reflect in their management.
2.2 Authenticity
Authenticity can be defined as a genuineness of a particular subject or area. The international Nara conference on authenticity, held in Japan in 1995, was aimed at discovering 'authenticity' in heritage management charters. It attempted to find ways and means to broaden the scope and respect for cultural/heritage diversity in conservation practice (Lemaire & Stovel, 1995), especially for World Heritage listings because the diversity of cultures and heritage in our world are an irreplaceable source of spiritual and intellectual richness for all humankind. The protection and enhancement of cultural and heritage diversity worldwide should be actively promoted as an essential aspect of human development. Ultimately, the purpose of the conference was to apply the test of authenticity in a way that gave full respect to social and cultural values of all societies.
However, experts at the conference have taken the Venice Charter 1965 and have expanded it in line with the changing demands. Their results have shown that cultural identity is pursued through aggressive nationalism and adverse suppression of the culture of marginal communities. Thus, the consideration of authenticity in conservation practice is necessary to clarify and illuminate the collective effort (Lemaire & Stovel, 1995). However, 'Cultural heritage diversity' is the key concern in heritage practice as it exists in time, space, demands and respect for other cultures and their belief system. Each cultural community has its own tangible and intangible expressions which are the basis of their heritage. The Nara document stressed that cultural heritage management is the responsibility of the cultural community to whom it belongs before being the responsiility of those who care for it. The Nara document states that conservation of cultural heritage in all its forms and historic records is rooted in the values attributed to heritage (Lemaire & Stovel, 1995). Understanding such values depends on the information sources and how these values are understood as 'credible' and 'truthful'. However, for assessing the aspects of authenticity, one needs to understand the information source, in relation to 'original' and 'subsequent' characteristics of cultural heritage and their meanings (Lemaire & Stovel, 1995). It is therefore essential to identify those values that represent their perception of authenticity in relation to cultural heritage. This identifies the necessity of the practitioner to understand the cultural contexts of where they are working, as value judgments and credibility of information sources differ from culture to culture. Depending on the nature and the cultural context of heritage, authenticity judgements may be linked to the various aspects (form and design, material and substance, use and function, tradition and techniques, location and setting, and spirit and feeling) of information sources. The use of these sources permits elaboration of specific dimensions (artistic, historic, social, and scientific) of the cultural heritage being examined.
The Burra Charter considers that the places of cultural significance are the historical records and tangible expressions of Australian identity. Throughout the Charter, the emphasis is on retaining the original fabric. The authenticity of a place is not specifically mentioned in the Burra Charter. The avoidance of the concept of authenticity may be the intention of the Charter, where the authenticity of information sources is understood, as it already existed in the original fabric. This assumption does not allow further elaboration of various aspects of information sources and hence it overlooks specific artistic, historic, social, and scientific dimensions of cultural heritage, which are critical in determining cultural significance.
2.3 Public place and social needs
The Burra Charter's "cautious" approach states "do as much as necessary to care for the place and to make it useable, but otherwise change as little as possible" (Australia ICOMOS, 1999:3). This approach seems odd for the management of pubUc spaces. Public spaces need to keep pace with changing social needs, public perception, as well as available resources. Sometimes by maintaining their status, we are not able to maintain cultural significance of public places as it lies in their use. Whitehead (2001) argues that therefore in the conservation of public space, the changing social needs, public perceptions and the available resources should be taken into account while managing heritage items.
The Burra Charter attempts to maintain the original state of a place without much change in the fabric, thus, focus is given to the fabric as a means of preserving cultural significance. Whitehead (2001) has explained this by way of example of the cultural heritage management of public parks. She further points out that with increasing urbanisation and the changing cultural landscape, preservation of public parks are most at risk because of inappropriate development and planning guidelines. For instance, these days public spaces are reserved for team-based sports in Australia. These sports require a higher level of infrastructure which leads to more cost and commercialisation of even leisure sports and more emphasis on vehiclar access. This sort of new culture requires more open spaces and many historic parks have been converted for sports-based activities rather than preserving their original landscape and cultural character. The real challenge for the Burra Charter with its museum approach is to deal with such complexities of changing lifestyle and increasing economic status of communities (Whitehead, 2001).
In conclusion, the Burra Charter portrays insensitivity, a lack of thorough knowledge, and a lack of clarity towards the particular conditions of a place (Whitehead, 2001:34). Additionally, the Burra Charter has stressed that it can be applied to all types of places. However, the main problem with this assumption is that it maintains that diverse communities and cultures hold uniform values of heritage and there is a single valid viewpoint about conservation and therefore, its approach is relevant for all places. We can say this concept is applicable to built places as it is easy to retain the evidence of the past, but it is not suitable for landscapes, as they do not have museum qualities and also have issues of present and future needs and uses along with their important pasts. 2. 4 Social exclusion
In Smith's book The Uses of Heritage (2006) she stresses that heritage is a social construct and specific groups are constructing it, and this is the only key to understanding heritage and its uses. She refers to this discourse as 'authorised heritage discourse' (AHD). AHD assists to derive what heritage is made up of; its values, how its resources should be utilised and what sort of cultural identities should be counted in a particular place and time. However, (in discourse) she stresses that heritage is not a discovery but "heritage is a culturally directed process of intense emotional power [that is] both personal and social act of making sense of, and understanding, the past and the present" (Smith, 2006:304). Heritage is always governed by a group of people of higher status. Hence, heritage is always attached to power relations and particularly the power to authorise and de-authorise the culture.
In the paper, 'The Utility of Discourse' Waterton, Smith et al. (2006) have tried to demonstrate that the techniques of 'critical discourse analysis' the different depictions of heritage by choosing the Burra Charter (Waterton, Smith et al., 2006: 339). The Charter was chosen for its international usage and the extent to which charter has been used as a reference point in promoting community participation in heritage conservation. As it is the agenda for this analysis to promote such community participation and it is a critical discussion of heritage and inclusion of marginalised groups of society.
A revision of the Burra Charter in 1999 stressed the broadening of the definition of cultural significance, in which fabric, use, associations and meanings were given equal account. Waterton and Smith et al. argue that the Burra Charter has attempted to incorporate the changing needs of society as well as community inclusion. However, discursive construction of the Charter effectively weakens these innovations regarding community participation in managing cultural heritage because there have not been enough changes to the Charter (Waterton & Smith et al., 2006). The critical discourse analysis of the Burra Charter identifies that the key ideas, such as cultural significance, place, and fabric have not been addressed specifically and suggests that the definitions are self-referring, evident from the way the text is organised. Also, the texts/terms are addressed directly without any theoretical reference, so that the user is not clear about the origin and criteria behind the definition. Overall, the Charter has focused on the practitioner's concern in establishing his/her understanding for good decision- making (Waterton, Smith et al. 2006).
Waterton, Smith et al. (2006) have mentioned that there are two ways to analyse the discourse of the Charter. Firstly, a broad analysis that situates the document within social events and a network of practices that validate and authorise it, and secondly, the microanalysis of the discursive construction of the Charter and its overall text organisation. Key terms are identified which demonstrate the extent to which particular discourses are utilised to give an idea about what constitutes conservation practice. The Charter has an important set of key terms like fabric, cultural significance, etc. First, the term 'fabric' is aimed towards a tangible concept of heritage, where it focuses on the fact that fabric should be managed, conserved and interpreted. Also there should be minimum intervention done to a place and its fabric which may alter its cultural significance. This discursive construction of the term contradicts the attempts of social and community participation.
Second, 'cultural significance' is embodied in the place itself, its fabric and setting (Australia ICOMOS, 1999:2). While defining the cultural significance, the Charter has assumed that, 'significance is embodied in fabric itself. Waterton and Smith et al. point out that the Charter's idea of fabric presumes that cultural significance is 'fixed' within the fabric, hence has a physical entity and needs to be conserved, managed and other technical practices carried out. This concept is similar to conceptualisation of heritage for antiques, where we assume that an artefact embodies an identifiable fixed set of meanings (Waterton & Smith et al., 2006). Therefore, in the definition of cultural significance, values and meanings are apparently equally weighted, but the semantic relations within the sentences suggest a perceived logic of difference (Waterton & Smith et al., 2006:349). The Charter also includes a statement that has given priority to public participation. It mentions that, in "conservation, there should be provision for the participation of people whom the place has special association and meanings, or who have social, spiritual or other cultural responsibilities of the place" (Austalia ICOMOS, 1999). However, Waterton, Smith et al. (2006) point out that the Charter has not clarified the type of participation they are referring to, and to what extent and how much importance should be given to community participation. Also, here the value of people's participation is referred to terms like spatial associations and meanings, which are not clearly defined by the Charter and are never associated with important terms like cultural significance.
The construction of community and non-expert participation are the other factors for the expert to deal with rather than people in the community. This shows that 'participants' are considered as passive beneficiaries in contrast with the 'expert'. So the expert becomes 'active', where he/she attempts to activate non-experts through their passive participation, recognising their multiple values and emphasising their subjection in the management process. Thus, the nature of cultural significance becomes something that the non-expert needs to understand rather than contributing to its protection (Waterton & Smith, 2006). Another aspect is the Charter's 'conserve as found' approach and keep aside as monument, where the heritage becomes frozen in time, separated fi'om present social and cultural landscapes in which they occur (Waterton & Smith et al., 2006: 350).
On the whole Waterton and Smith et al. (2006) have suggested that promoting community participation in the Charter allows community groups only to share in the existing conservation and heritage practice. They further have suggested that the community participation must depend on the 'negotiation principles' over the very meaning and nature of heritage, which has helped to 'redefine and renegotiate' the conservation ethics. They also have outlined the importance of discourse analysis in developing heritage practices that engages community in the process of preservation. 2.5 Discussion
The critical analysis of the Burra Charter and its management practices raises many questions which need to be resolved. First and foremost is how are heritage/cultural landscapes interpreted? Is it a socio-political concept and the practices maintain a national cultural identity or it is an emotional outcome of the personal/groups' understanding of the past? In order to understand heritage landscape, first we need to understand the concept of our past and the interpretations of landscape through different theories.
The above critique shows that the Burra Charter has antiquated concepts of dealing with the past. They are based on firm ideas about identity, national wealth and the European system of monuments. Smith has mentioned that "heritage is a social construct and specific groups are constructing thaf (304). Various authorities have classified the past as an intangible entity and places with cultural/historic values of national identity have been set aside and protected as monuments (Smith, 2006).
The Burra Charter shows a dominant and inharmonious attitude in treating heritage places. The primary issue in handling heritage is to assess basic components of the past as a basis for validating and protecting the past in the form of processes such as preservation and restoration. The Charter's definitions show that it considers cultural significance embedded within physical fabric and hence it has a physical entity which is at odds in understanding the other values of heritage.
Furthermore, the Burra Charter has stressed retention of the fabric, where the fabric is the 'physical entity' of the place. However, its definition of 'place' only contains the components of the place. However, place is not only composed of a physical aspect, but also cultural and psychological factors. There is a need to revise the basic concepts of cultural landscape in these definitions. Thus this thesis explains the basic concepts of landscape next and the various theoretical stances in landscape architecture, which ultimately support the derivation of the cultural landscape and make clear the understanding of heritage which helps in extending the Burra Charter.
The Charter's main objective is to hold onto the past, but the past keeps on changing. One cannot hold onto the past as there are always formations of new layers over time. Heritage is a result of human perceptions and interpretations of past and present events. This perception gives value and meaning which in turn is called culture. Culture is a product of human perceptions onto material and symbolic practices. The use of heritage in our lives helps protect our culture. However, the Charter has failed to understand this principle as the use of heritage is always attached to 'power relations' that authorise and de-authorise the culture.
Heritage is always separated into natural and cultural heritage; hence this has led to the development of separate policies for their conservation and management. This approach which does not recognise the interaction of cultural activities with the development of the physical environment, does not allow their integration. Similarly, most heritage policies and their listing of significant items has led to the listing of individual sites, such as artefacts, archaeological remains, monuments and buildings isolated from their environmental context. The management of individual items has contributed by valuing individual buildings and sites without an understanding of the broader landscape and cultural context of that site. To some extent the significance assessment of these areas recognises the importance of their landscape, but emphasis is placed on protecting sites within that landscape.
In addition, the concern for the caring of place is not possible without the people who belong to it. The Burra Charter's authoritative, self referential and dominant approach has failed to include the people who belong to a place. However, the experts have been given the right to change the usage and the individual/group has been given merely audience status. In all heritage preservation and conservation, the prime motive is the use of a place with respect to the present context. Thus, heritage is not a permanent process; the more it is saved the more it is changed and reinterpreted. This is the most important aspect which needs to be given equal weight in heritage practices. In short, heritage conservation needs to be conscious of the alterations and make changes in the use of the place in consultation with the people who belong to the place. Chapter 3: Landscape theories: approaches 3.1 Introduction
The concept of cultural landscapes has evolved since the beginning of the 20'^ century from the early theories in geography, architecture, landscape design, anthropology, psychology, and social science.. These theories have contributed to finding multiple meanings and values embedded in cultural landscapes and different ways to protect them. Combined they provide a vast amount of theory to understand the term culmral landscape and their management implications. At its core, this thesis questions the Burra Charter's limitation in understanding and interpreting cultural landscape and to a larger extent heritage. In previous chapters we have discussed that in heritage practices the assessment and management of cultural landscape is set by an authorized group of people who often overlook the theoretical understanding of landscape. Hence, due to a lack of theoretical understanding they shows gaps in portraying a true picmre of the site and neglect important aspects in making the place which ultimately may alter the original meaning and value of the landscape.
It is thus important to understand the different theoretical concepts of landscape which provide a framework to understand different values and meanings in culmral landscapes. This chapter reviews the different aspects of cultural landscapes with the help of landscape theories. It ftirther reviews the factors which help in developing the CLP which can guide in supporting an argument for extending the Burra Charter.
3.2 Theoretical understanding of cultural landscape
Broadly 'landscape' refers to land which has been modified by human actions. Landscape is developed by the way we see, think and feel about it which in turn influences our interpretations of how we use it and how we may change it. Due to constant reinterpretation and change the landscape gradually reflects the ideas and values of the community who use it. Landscape is interpreted differently over generations. In the past it was regarded as picturesque beauty and a piece of art (Swaffield, 2002). Over time there has been a substantial change in looking at landscape. It has been documented through various theories. To a large extent, theories generalise and provide a codified knowledge of a topic for practical actions (Comer, 1991). Most landscape theories have focused on understanding and dealing with the human-nature relationship and its developmental process. Cultural landscape is a comparatively new concept and was earlier seen as a branch of geography. However, it is now a major concern of research in heritage management.
Cultural landscape is complex, as it is a result of interaction of its social and spatial components. Paul Groth, in his book Understanding Ordinary Landscapes, describes landscape as "the interaction of people and place: a social group and its spaces, particularly the spaces to which the group belongs and from which its members derive some part of their shared identity and meanings" (1997:1). This definition covers the entire composition of landscape. Therefore, landscape is broadly understood as an interaction between culture and the environment. Largely, cultural landscape studies have focused on how people have used their space to establish their identities, articulate their social relations and derive cultural meanings (Groth, 1997).
Cultural landscape has been studied through many different disciplines. Each has covered different meanings and assumptions in analysing cultural landscape and its management. The concept of cultural landscape has evolved and has been reflected initially through cultural geographers Carl Sauer (1929) and J. B. Jackson's work (1951), where they considered landscapes were formed by different layers of human action over a time. This concepts of cultural landscapes were then directed to historical and heritage studies (Melnick, 1981, Taylor, 1990). The cultural landscape then was seen differently in cultural geographer Lowenthals's (1960) work, where he considered cultural landscape could be seen and read as texts.
On the other hand cultural geographers' Relph (1976), Tuan (1974) and Meining (1979) looked at cultural landscape phenomenologically and stressed the value of everyday life embedded in the cultural landscape. This 'everyday' allowed the cultural landscape discipline into the discourse about multiple ways of interpreting cultural landscape which has been reflected in the works of Gadamer (1960), Lyotard (1979) and Faucult (1972). This shift in cultural landscape studies led towards the notion of narrated landscapes, mainly seen in the works of Burgess et al. (1988) and Jackson (1989). The Australian cultural landscape was originally located under the realm of heritage and it is still considered as a heritage entity. More recently, Jacobs (1992) and Armstrong (1994) have used phenomenology to bring forward the complexity of meanings in the urban cultural landscape where they have looked at the hidden power relations and culturally inclusive interpretations in heritage landscapes.
Thus various disciplines view cultural landscape differently. Landscape architects and Architects consider cultural landscapes are the landscape which has a strong sense of place and has been formed by the interaction of humans and nature over time (Head, 2000). Environmental scientists consider cultural landscape, which is shaped and modified by people, the antithesis of natural landscape. Cultural geographers see landscape as the "transformation of social and political ideologies into physical form" (Duncan & Duncan, 1988: 22). Historians perceive landscape as "a medium to be read for the ideas, practices and context constituting the culture which created it" (Ley, 1985). It is also important that a cultural landscape exists both as an artefact and as a system; that is, it is both a process and a product (Alanen & Melnick 2000). Further, Alanen and Melnick (2000:16) state that "The measurement of landscape change, as distinct from archaeological or architectural transition, focuses on both shorter and longer periods of time, likewise, a landscape may be both a system in itself and also part of a larger system".
Lesley Head (2000) in her book. Cultural landscape and environmental change, reviews the changing relationships between humans and natural environment over time using three themes: colonisation, hunter-gatherer/agricultural impacts and post industrial impacts. People have attached meaning to their landscapes, and shaped them both consciously and unconsciously, throughout human history (Head, 2000). Those meanings have been contested, and have included values being placed on past memories. However, that does not imply that cultural landscape is only about the past, rather it gives us some tools for critical self-consciousness about the landscape being shaped today.
Antrop (2005) in his paper, 'Why landscapes of the past are important for the future', argues that the landscape is now endangered and is subject to negative evolution due to the current changes of globalisation and industrialisation which point to a loss of diversity and coherence. New designs, elements, and the materials used are mass produced in the industry which gives a similar look to every landscape. Antrop, further points out that, landscapes keep changing as they are the expression of the dynamic interaction between natural and cultural forces in the environment. He comments, "Cultural landscapes are the result of consecutive reorganization of the land in order to adapt its uses and spatial structure better to changing societal demands" (Antrop, 2005:22).
3.3 Important factors of cultural landscapes
The above perceptions show that cultural landscape incorporates a complex relationship between natural, physical, ecological, social, cultural, aesthetic and political factors. From the discussion of the various viewpoints of cultural landscape, Groth (1997), Alanen and Melnick (2000), and other authors agree that landscape is formed by a complex relationship of people and place over time. All authors have stressed the three key factors of landscape: 'place', 'people' and 'time' and the interrelationship of these in cultural landscape. Thus, as cultural landscapes are complex, their conservation needs careful attention because various influences can affect and alter their character.
Lennon argues that cultural landscapes are at risk in conservation management because of the numerous components that contribute to their "richness and diversity tlirough layers of various components contributing to themes, periods and patterns" (Lennon 2001:17). In the conservation of cultural landscapes, it is important to understand the dynamics of the complex cultural values inherent in the natural system, and the complexities of the system itself, for effective planning, management and intervention of the landscape. Alanen and Melnick (2000) point out that activity surrounding cultural landscapes has focused on simplification, rather than clarification of values (Alanen and Melnick 2000:17).
Drawing from the various theoretical understandings of cultural landscape, I have come to the conclusion that in understanding the culmral landscape and planning for its conservation, three key components and their interrelationships play important roles. They are place, people and time. These key components can be best understood through ecological, experiential, and narrative theories as they are very well expressed and clarified (their multiple meanings) through these theories. On the basis of these theories I am proposing my own CLP.
3.4 Ecological approach
Ecology refers to the reciprocal relationship between the species and their biological and physical environment. The physical environment is a result of the complex interaction of namral systems. Humans are part of ecology. In general, an ecological approach provides a scientific way of understanding landscape elements and their relationship with humans. The ecological approach stresses an understanding of form, function and regional character of landscape elements (geology, soil, hydrology, vegetation, flora, fauna) and their value in creating the regional landscape of a place. The regional context provides a unique character of that place, hence it is the most important factor in the ecological approach. The ecological planning approach has been reflected in many studies such as those of Geddes, Lewis Mumford, and Ian McHarg, who have argued that a holistic understanding of mutual and complex interactions between humans and their biophysical environment is needed in planning and design decisions (Ndubsi, 2002). All of these authors broadly talk about restoring the regional character of place.
Ecological thinking broadens the scope of landscape beyond physical features, scientific, and socio-cultural aspects. However, many ecological planning approaches stress either the biophysical or the human-cultural system as if they are two different factors. On the other hand, humans often ignore ecological values in creating human environments. Thus, the human-ecological approach tries to link human social organisation directly to the biological and physical environment. In short, this approach talks about the natural and cultural processes of how people value, use and adapt to the landscape. Human-ecology is thus closely related to cultural landscape.
American landscape historian, J. B. Jackson, emphasised 'vernacular landscape' which focused on how people shaped their surroundings and how that resulted in specific social meanings (cited in Groth, 1998). He further argued that in order to maintain the quality of landscape one had to consider it as a "place for living and working" which met "the need of the whole human- biological, social, sensual and spiritual" (Jackson & Steiner, 1985:228). Hence, an ecological approach provides a basis for understanding bio- physical and cultural characteristics in shaping a place.
Regional context
In the late 1960s, landscape architect Ian McHarg (1969) introduced a theory which provided an ecological inventory for understanding the regional context of place and a method for undergoing landscape planning. The method became known as landscape suitability, and is derived from biophysical and social factors. It can be achieved by undergoing an overlay analysis method, in which a planner reconstructs a landscape from its geological history, hydrology, soils, plants, and human activities (McHarg, 1969). McHarg used the same biophysical process that had shaped the natural landscape to determine the form and location of towns and cities.
Similarly, Michael Hough's (1990) work is based on identifying the regional character of landscape and finding out the identity based on the complex inteiTelationship between humans and the nature of a particular region. Hough's concept of 'regional identity' indicates that natural and human processes are guiding factors in design decisions. For Hough, regional identity is a peculiar characteristic of a place which tells something about its particular physical and social environment. Hough argues that the protection of natural and cultural history without turning a place into a museum can be maintained by continuing the link with the past and a place's identity. He further adds that "a valid design philosophy therefore is tied to ecological values and principles and to the biological sustainability of life itself (Hough, 1990: 179).
Recently, Hough (2007) pointed out the use of natural landscape in what he referred to as "green infrastructure" to organize or control urban growth, similar to Ian McHarg's approach in terms of giving priority to natural systems in the planning process. He examined three ways to protect ecologically and culturally significant places. In the first case, the natural infrastructure guides the growth and shows how the "nature first" concept can succeed in structuring planning priorities. The second case is the restoration of devastated landscapes, in which ecology has renewed industrial wastelands using integration of ecology, economy and arts. The third case shows how the theme of natural landscape as an organising framework can be expanded to include a larger macro-scale relationship of protected natural areas, which are like ecological islands, surrounded by forestry, industrial agriculture, mining, and divided by a highway that fragments the habitat.
Ecosystem-based management introduces new ways of thinking about the establishment of networks of protected areas and is recognised as essential to maintaining the genetic diversity of wildlife sanctuaries, heritage rivers, and other significant places. Overall, these ideas provide an environmental framework where urban growth is guided by or least linked to ecological systems.
Summary
The Burra Charter and its heritage practiccs do not adequately consider environmental and ecological factors as a part of the human landscape. Heritage is always divided into natural and cultural heritage as discussed in previous chapters. The ecological approach argues that much of the environment which has been impacted by human actions has cultural value. This concept is overlooked in heritage charters where each valuable item has to be individually identified and incorporated into a management plan. These actions lead to altering the original value of the environment. However, an ecological approach provides a complete understanding of environmental elements and the careful attention that is needed in managing the cultural landscape.
The most important factor in the ecological approach is regional context of a place, which is very well reflected in McHarg's (1969) and Hough's (2007) work. McHarg has developed a human ecological planning inventory which clearly outlines how human forces can cause damage to ecological systems. Hence, landscape decisions should be sustainable with the environment. McHarg's approach provides guidelines for protecting and conserving the ecological factors in landscape. Thus, there is a need to include regional context of place in interpreting and conserving cultural landscapes, in creating a link with the past and present landscape. It is important to note that the Burra Charter has not addressed regional aspects and their identities in conserving cultural significance of a place, which is a major missing link in protecting heritage.
3.5 Experiential approach
The experiential approach investigates the people's perception of their landscapes and their meanings ascribed to landscapes based on experiences. Specifically, it covers the broader ideas of landscape values and perceptions. Human experiences of landscape are complex, as they are psychologically influenced by a wide range of social and cultural factors as well as physical and spatial attributes of the environment. This approach covers the broader views on ideas of landscape perception, cognition, images and experiences.
Rachel Kaplan and Stephen Kaplan (1989) have proposed a framework for environmental perceptions that evaluates the human cognitive capabilities in discovering landscape preferences from themes of 'understanding' and 'exploration'. Their theory represents two critical aspects of people's relationship to information which influences their environmental preferences. In short, people prefer a landscape that makes sense and allows their involvement. This informational framework of landscape preferences can also be used to identify people's perception of cultural landscapes. Kaplan and Kaplan (1989) used their informational framework of landscape preferences as a basis to provide detailed recommendations on how to design and manage landscape in ways that are appreciated and beneficial to people.
Environmental cognition broadly covers the awareness, images, beliefs, and impressions that people have about the symbolic, functional, and structural aspect of environment (Moore & College, 1976). Thus, cognitive representation is a product of knowing the environment and these representations are called images. This concept is best understood from Kevin Lynch's (1960) theory of the image of a city. His work focused on visual elements and cognitive concepts of the urban environment. The entire theory is based on the physical elements (natural and man-made elements) and the psychological or mental image of the city. Lynch has suggested the contributors to imageability in the city are paths, edges, districts, nodes, and landmarks. These elements, when placed in good form, increase the human ability to recognize and value spatial characteristics of a city (Lynch, 1960). Thus, his theory takes into account the inhabitants of an urban area and identifies a set of performance dimensions, where each society has its own image.
In his recent book Experiential Landscape, Kevin Thwaites (2007) proposed new ways of looking at the relationship between people and their daily outdoor spaces. His theory is derived from the aspect of environmental psychology concerned with place making. Thwaites and Simkins (2007) focused on exploring the relationship between human experience and spatial organisation in urban neighbourhoods and other community settings. Their theory is directed towards developing an open space design vocabulary to inform processes of place making. They proposed a method to read the experiential potential of neighbourhood and community settings, actual and proposed, from their spatial characteristics (Thwaites & Simkins, 2007). Their method is based on experiential mapping, interviews, daily patterns and routines of people and the perceptions of their living environment. Thwaites and Simkins' main emphasis is on experiential features that encourage different types of place attachments, and strengthen capabilities and facilitate orientation which enhances a sense of place. These aspects are then translated into spatial features, conceptualised as centre, direction, transition and area, which are then used in analysing the experiential potential of an existing or proposed neighbourhood and community setting (Thwaites & Simkins, 2007). Conservation management plans can encourage the experience of significance by planning for increased understanding, coherence, imageability of the heritage landscapes.
Summary
Experiential theories suggest how individuals and group perceptions affect the interpretations and character of landscape. Perceptions are very subjective and hence their interpretations are constantly reconfigured, refashioned and contested. As culture is a result of group or shared perceptions, community perceptions have a strong influence on the formation of place. Hence, Relph (1993) argues that an outsider cannot feel and experience the place entirely in which other people live. It is thus important to include locals and try to make a balance with possible concerns in further development. However, heritage practices have been concerned with creating more aesthetically pleasing landscapes where privileged groups authorise the decisions of idealising the heritage.
Lynch's (1960) theory of imageability tries to analyse the pedestrian's perception of city and through his five components, that is, paths, edges, districts, nodes, and landmarks, he tries to enhance the spatial and visual quality of the place which is comprehensible to its occupants. This theory is a good example of where the inhabitants' experiences are involved in directing the design decision. However, heritage practices are more concerned with enhancing the visual and aesthetic qualities of a place to attract the public/tourists. This motivation of making the past a commodity tends to lower the value of a place. Thus, this attitude results into the transformation of a place into an aesthetically appealing museum object, neglecting present public participation. Thwaites' (2007) theory of experiential landscape, which is mainly concerned with urban and community settings, provides a practical approach and a mapping tool for allowing the community to participate in understanding and directing the spatial quality of a place. It provides tools for analysing and quantifying the various aspects of inhabitants' experiences and uses them in binding and enhancing their associations and then orienting them in a way to create more healthy and sustainable environments. Thus, an experiential approach offers the community's points of view in making decisions which is a necessity in cultural landscape management, unlike heritage charters that always overlook the individual. Overall, these theories offer a methodology and framework which includes the community. These collative variables with their inherent meanings and values can be integrated into cultural landscape management to broaden its scope.
3.6 Narrative approach
Finally, one of the major aspects of landscape is time. Landscape changes are reinterpreted over time and time is best understood through history, stories and narratives. In other words, stories and histories can provide physical, social and cultural contexts of a place at any particular time or era. Thus, scholars have always focused on understanding the history or evolutionary processes in place-making. Stories reveal associational values of people towards their place, which is shaped and modified by usage and demand. Hence, understanding the past is a complex process, based on people's perceptions which results in values and attributes and that make sense of our present.
The Concept of 'Past'
David Lowenthal's (1985) concept of 'past' and the 'uses of past' gives an insight into how to understand our past and then how to preserve it, that is, the concepts of heritage and the aspects of preservation. Lowenthal states that the past can be best understood through 'memory', 'history'" and 'relics,' three important attributes which create awareness in a place. He further states that the past has both benefits and burdens. The most significant burden he mentioned is tradition, which has both positive and negative impacts. The benefits are 'familiarity', 'validity' and 'identity' which give existence, meanings, purpose and values. These benefits have a basis in actual experience. Thus these together gives the past a character. Lowenthal points out that continuity and sequence are major attributes in maintaining a link with past and present. Through this he tries to create a picture of our perceptions of environment and the actions that are important in creating a place. Thus, landscape has cultural meanings which are either tangible or visible.
Lowenthal (1985) argues that we cannot fix the past, the more we have saved the past the more and more it is changed and reinterpreted. He points out that we require heritage that continually interacts, that which fuses past with present (Lowenthal, 1985). The most important thing is that we must be aware that the relics, history, and memory are continually remade so we can use the past productively only when we realise that to inherit is also to transform (Lowenthal, 1985).
Narrative associations
Narratives can connect place to people and are integral to landscape. Narrative is a way in which people shape and develop their experience and landscape. Landscapes receive and transmit the narratives of human activities over time. Narratives can evolve from experiences, associations and references, memories, natural and cultural settings, through different genres, ecological processes, interpretations, storytelling, from generations and traditions (Potteiger & Purinton, 1998). Thus narratives are used as tools in identifying cultural layers that have shaped the landscape.
Potteiger and Purinton (1998) in their book. Landscape Narratives, provide a design framework based on narratives to strengthen the visual and spatial dimensions of place. They provide five fundamental narrative practices which can enhance the identity and character of place. These are: 'naming'- provides identity that generates the plots of the stories; 'sequencing'- gives order to different components of a place, that is, names, trees, paths and other elements, events and characters; 'canceling and revealing'- creates drama. suspense or surprise so that viewers are engaged within the story; 'gathering'- creates a tangible and cohesive place; and 'opening', where the places are designed to create a response to cultural and natural processes. These practices of designing places and narratives are also applicable to cultural landscape management, where cultural practices of daily life, rituals, and interpretations are included in cultural landscape management .These practices are also found in vernacular as well as designed landscapes of different scales. Thus, Potteiger and Purinton's approach offers different and more meaningful methods of designing landscapes. However, while every theory has some aspect of narrative, Potteiger and Purinton's theory highlights finding the missing link in the design process. Hence, the authors argue that narratives offer more potential in evaluating the cultural values and meaning in any landscape.
Summary
Historical narratives are a means through which we can evaluate the human-nature relationship between past and present, which is integral to heritage conservation. However, in heritage management, the remains of the past are considered as an idealized image and only remain in tangible items which need to be kept safe and preserved. Historic remains are often revered for their aesthetic values, viewing that which is old or ancient as beautiful or romantic (Nehamas, 2000). Lowenthal (1985) points out that we tend to prefer 'ancient' and 'old' which can result in neglecting the present. Similarly, aspects of history which are less aesthetically pleasing are overlooked in conservation programs, despite the fact that history is not categorized as good or bad (Lewis, 1975)
Lowenthal (1985) has raised an important issue of landscape change, which is often neglected in cultural landscape conservation. Change in time refashions our identities and associations and hence, continuity with past and present should be identified and included in cultural landscape conservation (Lowenthal, 1985). On the other hand Potteiger and Purinton (1998) use a narrative design framework which focuses on identifying the missing link in landscape design as well as enhancing a sense of place through the careful use of narrative attributes. Hence, the narrative approach is important in cultural landscape management because it helps in providing the missing links in creating the overall story of landscape place. Narratives are included in heritage charters but what is missing is an expansion of the design intent or planning approach in cultural landscape management, where the aspects of past merge into the present landscape.
3.7 Overall conclusions
From a larger perspective, my aim is to develop the CLP, which is based on an integrated approach where both functioning ecosystems and human culture coexist. In summary, landscape theories show that landscapes are dynamic, living spaces where nature and culture intersect, and they influence and shape each other. Landscape changes over time due to social forces, but often the forces are overpowering. Hence, the theories provide an analytical framework to understand the detailed aspects of landscape and how to approach particular issues.
From the preceding sections I have concluded that ecological, experiential, and narrative approaches can challenge the conventional heritage management practices, which are locked into creating more idealized, anesthetized and overpowering images in heritage conservation. There is also a need to recognize the general motivations and tendencies of heritage conservation that the past is going to change which ultimately affect our decisions. Further, these three theoretical approaches argue that the fundamental factor lacking in understanding a place is its evolution through the commitment and efforts of people. Thus, we cannot isolate people and manage landscape separately.
Drawing from landscape theories, it can be concluded that the cultural landscape can be understood and managed by re-establishing an interrelation between, 'place', 'people' and 'story'. Therefore, these tliree factors form the framework of my thesis for developing the CLP. Taking into account ecological, experiential and narrative approaches, my proposed CLP will help to move cultural landscape managements towards achieving greater sustainability. This is discussed in detail in the next chapter. Chapter 4: The Proposed Cultural Landscape Paradigm 4.1 Why have a cultural landscape paradigm?
Overall, this thesis is investigating the limitations of the Burra Charter. The Burra Charter was meant to provide a set of instructions for healthy management while assessing cultural significance of place. However, we have seen there are several gaps in their assessment processes and policies as discussed in Chapter 1, 2 and 3. Moreover, the Charter is lacking in the interpretation of heritage. Also the Charter's key terms, used in interpreting heritage are 'cultural significance', 'place' and 'fabric', which do not address many issues such as emotional attachments, environmental issues, social changes, complexity of culture, public participation etc. as discussed in Chapter 2. The Charter is focused on preserving a place as a national or state icon and keeping it safe as a monument. Moreover, the Charter reflects dominance and authority in managing heritage (Smith & Waterton, 2006) and the focus is on conserving built heritage whereas landscape has been overlooked in the heritage management.
Heritage management plays a major role in modem society. However, the people who are engaged in heritage practices should question what exactly they are conserving and what sense should come out of their practices. Largely heritage decisions are taken by powerful authorities where they adhere to their own convictions and overlook the theories of perceptions, meanings and values in heritage and landscape. The discussion in Chapter 3 identified the gaps in heritage practices through reviewing various landscape concepts and their theoretical approaches. The theoretical discussion also has raised certain issues which need to be taken into account when managing cultural landscape. Therefore, in bringing various landscape theories together, this research offers an opportunity to extend the Burra Charter.
This thesis proposes a framework for a CLP based on landscape theories to assist in identifying, describing and interpreting the inherent values of cultural landscape which need to be taken into account in the management and planning process. The CLP challenges conventional thinking of the Burra Charter which considers built heritage places as the only tangible elements of the past which are preserved as monuments. The CLP argues that we cannot hold the past as it was because it is continuously reinterpreted over time and hence the character of place, its values and meanings change. Similarly, people are the most integral part of place, their interaction and involvement creates the sense of place. The Charter's approach is more focused on the values of experts in conserving the place than on people who work and live there. Thus, the Charter has overlooked the individuals who are a major part of that heritage. Hence, my proposed CLP sets out an expanded approach to heritage and approach inclusive of these complexities.
4.2 What is the proposed cultural landscape paradigm?
The proposed CLP is based on three main factors which are derived from the landscape theories in Chapter 3. These factors, 'place', 'people', and 'story', act as the major guiding factors in cultural landscape. In order to justify these factors, I have used three broad theoretical approaches of landscape. My proposed model contains; first, the ecological approach that provides special characteristics of place, its physical, biological and socio-cultural contexts. Second is the experiential approach which analyses people's perceptions, expressions and visio- spatial quality of the landscape. Third is a narrative that provides associations in building the story of place and people. The proposed CLP is shown in Figure 4.1:
The Cultural Landscape Paradigm
Place People Story
Physical Perceptions Associative Socio-cultural ^ Psychological Narratives Scientific Cognitive Events Spatial Form continuity Identity
Ecological Experiential Narrative Approach Approach Approach
Fig 4.1 Proposed Cultural landscape paradigm Ecological Approach
Ecology provides the interdependence which characterizes all relationships in nature; organic and inorganic. The basic natural elements are geology and climate and their complex interaction and reactions that create a unique environment, where all materials and organisms work together. The ecological approach attempts to link human social organisation directly to the biological and physical environment. The holistic understanding of mutual and complex interactions between humans and their biophysical environment is needed in planning and design decisions (Ndubsi, 2002).
Overall, the ecological approach stresses an understanding of form, function and character of landscape elements (geology, soil, hydrology, vegetation, flora, fauna) and their value in creating the cultural landscape of a place. It further incorporates regional scale to identify the natural processes which provide a unique character in the development of place. The most important factor in the ecological approach is regional context of a place. Therefore, my study framework seeks to discover and then analyse the interdependent relationships and the factors of environment which are independent and collectively make the place. This can be done by a detailed mapping of each landscape element and determining their connection with the larger ecosystem. An ecological approach provides a complete understanding of natural systems and with that understanding we can create a healthy environment. Hence, an ecological approach is the most important aspect and needs to be integrated and implemented in conserving cultural landscapes.
Experiential Approach
The experiential approach addresses landscape perceptions and values that people have as a result of interaction with the landscape. This interaction evokes varied experiences based on sensory perceptions, such as satisfaction or dissatisfaction, pleasure or discomfort, inclusion or alienation, a sense of achievement or failure, and sense of beauty or ugliness. The experiences are tangible and intangible as well as temporal and influence our perception of place. The repeated experiences develop associations which give attachment to a place and hence a sense of place. Thus, human perceptions and their interpretation have a strong impact in the evolving cultural landscape. Through experiences we can make a connection between past and present situations, and in turn to understand heritage value. Every cultural landscape/ heritage place bears the mark of continuous modification and additions set out over time by need, environmental factors, social and political change. Much of what is experienced in the landscape is adaptation and change over time.
In the proposed CLP, an analysis that specifically focuses on the present spatial aspects of a place and what needs to be done to enhance the sense of place in the conservation process will be performed. The spatial features of place are conceptualised as centre, direction, transition, area, viewpoints which are then used in analysing the experiential potential of an existing or proposed cultural landscape setting. This can be achieved by experiential mapping of individual or group perceptions to analyse the different qualities, values of place and the current usage. The analysis of the experiential qualities are be used to increase the place attachments and strengthen the character of the place to stimulate a sense of cultural landscape. However, in this study the experiences of landscape are focused specifically on my personal experiences and observations of place, as it is important to analyse it with respect to different cultural viewpoints (coming from a different cultural background to Australia).
Narrative Approach
Narratives provide a complete picture of human actions and their engagement with the landscape. In other words, landscape receives and transmits the narrative of human activity over time. Potteinger and Purinton (1985) state that nanatives are attached to places and places are attached to narratives. This intense and interconnected set of narratives develops in people a sense of belonging to that place. Narratives are thus the best medium to understand human values and the meanings that underpin the shaping of a place, which has been continually reformed and rearticulated. Lownethal's (1985) and Potteinger and Purinton's (1998) work suggest that narratives can be seen through the intersection with sites, the layers of history, in every material and process of landscape in continuity and sequence.
Thus, the narrative approach emphasises enhancing the stories of landscape while managing the cultural landscape, as we come to know places only when we know their stories. The model helps in identifying associational values which are often suppressed in developmental processes. This approach particularly emphasises finding the missing link which may have been overlooked in the process of conservation. This can be achieved through past events, reference points of landscape elements, art, customs, festivals, epics, and myths. This approach also determines the authenticity of stories and decides what story needs to be told and incorporated into future management. Overall, the narrative approach stresses that the planning and design guidelines should consider narratives and associational values, so as to retain people's connection with a place.
Thus these three approaches of the CLP expand our thinking about the concepts/ideas of cultural landscape. This ultimately makes us aware of our actions in conserving what is deemed to be a significant landscape. In order to demonstrate the CLP, we have used a case study method. The CLP has been applied to the Prospect Reservoir in Western Sydney which is explained and analysed in detail in the next chapter. Chapter 5 Situating a Case At Prospect Dam and Reservoir the application of the concept of cultural landscape has allowed an identification and representation of a complex web of meaning and value of human modifications, which overlies the natural landscape. In a sense what various groups and their changing demands hold about Prospect Reservoir have been mapped as intersecting layers in a cultural landscape. These layers of meaning and value are reflected through their representations and attachments to various features within the landscape on a regional scale. In mapping these layers of meanings/values through the proposed CLP, my methodology has included the collection of cultural history, heritage listings, conservation management plans, landscape mappings, various narratives, and personal experiential mappings.
Before application of the CLP, we need to know what makes the Prospect Reservoir's landscape significant through its historic layering, its significance on different levels, its identification as heritage landscape and different conservation management plans prepared so far to protect its cultural landscape. This is explained in detail in this chapter. This discussion then leads to the analysis of the different layers of meanings through the proposed CLP set out in Chapter 6.
5.1 Prospect Reservoir: setting
Prospect Dam and Reservoir is situated 30km to the west of Sydney (Figure 5.1) on the low undulating Cumberland Plains (see Figure 5.2) and on the eastern slopes of Prospect Hill. Prospect Hill is the most significant elevation on the low undulating landscape of Cumberland Plains. The Prospect Reservoir is spread over 1,266 acres of land at an elevation of around 117m above sea level and holds 1,951 million gallons of water. An aerial view. Figure 5.3, shows Prospect Reservoir is now located in the rapidly developing geographic and demographic centre of western Sydney (Cullen, 1995). v.,.<•.•«.-»''...-o...!.-''. • r.-- * ' * Figure 5.1 Aerial view of Prospect Reservoir site (Google Earth)
Figure 5.2 Cumberland Plains and position of Prospect Reservoir (Dept. Environment & Climate Change) Figure 5.3 Aerial view of location of site at Western Sydney suburbs (Google Earth)
The site comes under the control of Blacktown City which is adjacent to Holroyd City Council and Fairfield City Council. Figure 5.4 shows the legal boundaries of Prospect Reservoir.
City of Holroyd CITY OF BLACKTOWN
•trity of Fairfield!
Figure 5.4 Legal boundaries of Prospect Reservoir (Blacktown Council) 5.2 Cultural and historic context of the site
Prospect Reservoir is enclosed by open eucalypt woodlands on the higher elevation of Prospect hill (117 m above sea level) and on the southern side by casuarinas. Prospect Reservoir is at an altitude of 60-90 m, which forms a part of the relatively higher ground of the general area, thus the drainage pattern is primarily to the south, to meet Prospect Creek. This is a multilayered landscape, dominated with historic, religious, and technological and economical values. The landscape is an example of the human modification over generations. Aboriginals were the first people living on Cumberland Plains over 30,000 years ago (Karsken, 1991).
The natural vegetation is partly managed and has been altered by Aboriginal occupation of the land. They were closely associated with land, and have strong spiritual attachment to it. However, there has been much change to the landscape since European settlement, which has been due to needs, demands, developments and natural factors. Thus there have been various layers imposed on the landscape formed by the close association of human activities and natural elements identified as cultural landscape. The four prominent stages of the evolving cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir are abstracted in the following sketches (see Figures 5-5- 5.8). This provides an idea of historic and cultural layers shaped on the landscape.
Figure 5.5 Conceptual sketch of Aboriginal life in the Prospect Area (Zambre, P.)
Figure 5.6 Conceptual sketch of early agricultural settlement (Zambre, P.) Figure 5. 7 Conceptual sketch of the area after construction of the Prospect Reservoir (Zambre, P.)
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Figure 5. 8 Conceptual sketch of the present Prospect Reservoir and surroundings (Zambre, P.)
Aboriginal community
Aboriginals had developed a complex society and an economic system by carefully working and controlling the local environment. These hunter-gatherers generally lived in small groups called bands of around 40-50 people. They preferred to live within their own demarcated boundaries for hunting and food gathering and camped in open and scattered areas, particularly near the water's edge. They lived on a wide range of plants, animals and fruits (NPWS, 2003) and regularly fired the bush for hunting and for clearing walkways. Darug was the main band living in the Cumberland Plains. The Prospect Hill was significant to them, because of its elevation, and basalt stone. Archaeological sites have produced various artefacts which contain a range of tools made from basalt stone (Karsken, 1991). The following Figure 5.9 shows aboriginal people and their bands on Cumberland Plains. \ t DARGINUNG •'-J
X ^äHfiird • t 1 \ 'i J J "i? c DARUG (Moantein) > V' < ^'•i'-A /vJa-.<•1»
/ KkiitiHHid J GangaU
Buruberonga!
f
k /
DARUG (Hinterland)
DARUG "-''"V { (Coastal) •i Gameygi
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i DHARAWAL ßUNDUNGURRA
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Figure 5.9 Language, clan and other named groups in the Sydney (V. Attenbrow, Sydney's Aboriginal Past, p 23) Early European settlement
Around 1788, Europeans settlers arrived at Sydney Cove. Soon after they began exploring land to the west through the Parramatta River and reached Prospect Hill after four months (Karsken, 1991). The rich basaltic soil attracted the Europeans and they formed an agricultural settlement around Prospect Hill. Soon, a second agricuhural settlement was built near the Parramatta River (Collin, 1798). Many land grants were given to European settlers in this region to develop agriculture and grazing to supply the flourishing urban life of western Sydney around 1790 (see Figure 5.10). William Lawson was given a major grant at Prospect Hill and he became the most significant person of the area. His 'Veteran Hall' is a remarkable building of that time (Andrews &Hazell, 1971). Veteran Hall is described in detail in Appendix 1.
<;,',•./ i't'i\i>!r\ tfh nilh I'.wt tiiiititry rlfl-'iMii Umh tin,-1 It/. Ihirk \ /|i.>ji// \ '\ , mv/M/WA'.^-..¿^fi^; i'cUt^ i'i'.>>jx-- «^ riiiii —• V A r i: Aix'i' i rcw/.-^' -liJr^.T ^ .'i^Ajr?' lvv;> /intiiyiuill ¡tii'liinr I'll dt^ /.m,/ / " r^.thy l.t„.l Tlir.-f »1.11 Immics oI /y^i^.^v/ . •.\< o.v, lUUM KKX ll.\Y, r v/\" \ /Vf/.»//«.,•.I i'lltlM I 'n.mk. •>,'»11 COI.OMS-I'//. S \v,th /,'..• t.•„,,.•< ./ ff'f ll.v. t. ll.i»> l.. sl.i.i y /Vri.li V »• .*I'i- ,iji A* , / / h.^\\ //./.y 4T ti- / KOTr. yv mrftmn 1tfw4 4««» „X^v. ••«% mtm trAi- tm 'Miaw '»mutm mf nutJ >%t» ^ »Mi Figure 5.10 Historic map of Early European Settlement at Prospect, 1811 (Mitchell Library) At first early European settlers were very friendly with the aboriginal people but when farms and settlements were established trouble arose. When settlers acquired the lands they began clearing the bush and drove away the aboriginals which eventually resulted in conflict (Kohen, 1985). However, the Europeans were strong enough to defeat aboriginals. Later, aboriginals had no choice but to depend on Europeans for food and shelter. The European groups slowly acquired the surrounding lands and settled near Eastern Creek, near South Creek and at Bells Creek, which was later known as Blacktown (Karsken, 1991). Development of Urban Life Many settlers were attracted to the prospect of a new country and arrived in great numbers from Europe. Convicts and emancipists were sent to Sydney from England to help develop the settlement. In the early days, there was much tension between the convicts and the skilled people and government personnel. However, it was suppressed over time. The land between the Parramatta River, Prospect Hill, Seven Hills and the southern areas was partly cleared around 1825, followed by construction of cottages, roads, institutional buildings, railway tracts, stock yards, estates and farms (Karsken, 1991) (see Figure 5.11). Early municipalities of Prospect and Seven Hills started partially paving the roads with broken grey dolerite from Prospect Hill. The major road in the area was Western Road (now the Great Western Highway). Thereafter, each district started showing signs of town life. Around 1872 different council areas such as Holroyd, Blacktown and Fairfield were marked on maps of Prospect Hill and surrounds. Sydney City was an exciting place during these early times when colonial buildings and roads were major attractions. Due to the rapidly increasing population, the city became overcrowded and was not matched by the expansion of services such as sewerage, paved roads, and water supply. This caused more people to move to the western districts on Cumberland Plains (Karsken, 1991) PROSPECT ,1 iiiiiiiiiii i:C7J6 i / • j > V \ V " ' T i i -- -a I, VJ • ' 1 .»I.//-/ t i.»* Figure 5.11 Parish map of Prospect Hill: Earlier grants at the site in 1830 (Parish and historical maps, NSW, Department of Lands) Water Supply network and Prospect Reservoir Many settlement districts were rapidly growing around 1870. Sydney city's population was growing simultaneously and the city's urban areas were spreading. There was a need for new water supply facilities as the existing supply was inadequate and in 1879 the Upper Nepean Scheme was sanctioned. It involved a diversion of the Nepean and its tributaries, (Beasley, 1988). However, there was a need for a reservoir and the land at Prospect Hill was claimed as a suitable site. The land at the foothills of Prospect Hill offered natural grading from the Nepean River towards the city. The construction of the reservoir began in 1882 and was completed in 1888 (Sydney Water, 2005). The Upper Canal was connected through canals, aqueducts, and a pipeline to the Reservoir and then water was distributed to the city via Guildford, that is Pipe Head. The Figure 5.12-5.15 show the historic photographs of the construction of Prospect Reservoir and the components of the Upper Nepean Scheme. The details of construction of Prospect Reservoir are shown Appendix 2 Figure 5.12 Historic photos of Prospect Reservoir Figure 5.13 Typical water supply pipeline (Holroyd (Holroyd City Council) City Council) Figure 5.14 Canal at Aqueduct (Holroyd City Figure 5.15 Canal used in water supply network, Council) 1932 (Holroyd City Council) The Prospect Reservoir represents a major pioneering example of earth clay-core embankment engineering. It was Sydney's largest service reservoir and the principle water distribution point for over 100 years. The area of the Prospect Reservoir was owned by the Sydney Water Board, now called the Sydney Water Corporation (SWC). Dolerite was used in the construction of the reservoir wall due to its abundance at Prospect Hill and a new invention, Pincott's roller (see Figure 5.16), was used for the compaction of the earthen embankment of the dam wall, which had specific significance in the construction process. Figure 5.16 Pincott's roller was used in the construction of Prospect Dam (Holroyd City Council) Other engineering features included the Upper Canal, Lower Canal, upper and lower Valve Houses, and Gauge Weir. In addition there were three cottages, and service offices that formed significant elements at the Prospect Reservoir site (Higginbotham, 1992). The Reservoir played a central role in the supply of water to Sydney until the construction of the Warragamba Dam and the bypass pipelines around 1960 (NSW Heritage Branch, 1999) Prospect Reservoir was not only significant for its engineering achievements but it was an aesthetically significant site and became a picturesque spot in Sydney (see Figure 5.17). It comprised a large expanse of water, surrounded by open forest, a well marked Figure 5.17 The picturesque Prospect Reservoir site (Google Earth) road with an avenue of Hoop Pines, see Figure 5.18, Valve House with an avenue of palm trees (see Figure 5.19, 5.20), the backdrop of Prospect Hill, the surrounding water supply network. Prospect Creek and a casuarina forest. In the 1960s it was partially opened for recreational use. Due to its natural, cultural, and technological importance it is listed on eight different registers which is explained in the next section (Sydney Water, 2005) Figure 5.18 Avenue of Hoop Pines on the entrance of Prospect Reservoir site (Site Photograph) Figure 5.19, 5.20 Avenue of Palm Trees and Upper Valve House (Site Photograph) With the construction of the reservoir, Prospect Hill became a major development centre in the Prospect district. Around the same time in the 1880s, major industrial development was occurring in the district, such as quarrying of bluestone, clay and shale, and production of bricks, tiles, construction materials and agricultural machinery. The most significant industry was the quarrying of bluestone from Prospect Hill which had started in the 1820s (Karsken, 1991). By 1890 a narrow gauge tramway to the Western Railway was installed. Soon after there were many modem quarries opened to the east of the Prospect Reservoir (see Figures 5.21 & 5.22). The quarried rocks were widely used for roads, kerbs, gutters, the buildings of modem Sydney, and Prospect Dam, Sydney Dock etc.(Karsken, 1991). Figure 5.21 Left - View of the Prospect quarry (Boral Resource Library) Figure 5.22 Below - Secondary crusher and conveyor behs at BMI quarries in 1950 (Boral Resource Library) Present context Prospect Reservoir and Prospect Hill are now situated in the rapidly developing urban suburbs of western Sydney, surrounded with residential and commercial areas. The tranquil landscape is partly reserved and partly accessible for public recreation. The major road network comprises the Great Western Highway and the M7 Freeway. The Prospect Reservoir site was once wholly owned by the Sydney Water Board. However, in 1999 the Sydney Catchments Authority (SCA) was created which divided the land ownership. Now the site is owned by both the Sydney Water Corporation and the SCA (see fig 5.23). Also, the roads and freeways are owned by NSW Roads and the Road Traffic Authority (RTA) (Sydney Water, 2005). Figure 5.23 Present land ownership and legal State boundary (Google Earth) Currently, Prospect Reservoir is used only as a buffer for emergency water storage purposes. The water is cleaned at the Australian Water Services (AWS) water filtration tank, which is situated on the west side of the Prospect Reservoir dam wall (Sydney Water, 2005). Most of the site is reserved for the public. Due to its picturesque beauty and tranquil surrounds, it attracts many visitors and its recreational use has been increasing. An important issue is that the site is now part of the proposed open space corridor of the Western Sydney Parklands required for the growing urbanisation and increasingly overcrowded western Sydney suburbs (see figures 5.24 & 5.25). It is an area of approximately 5,500 hectare which is currently managed by the Department of Infrastructure, Planning and Natural Resources (DIPNR, 2004). Their vision is to restore biodiversity and create a better place in which to live and work. Thus, their main aim is to create a regional open space linked with the surrounding areas, which enhances the community, and has cultural, natural and recreational values. The proposal includes high quality sports facilities and a major recreation open space, that is, the Prospect Reservoir and Prospect Hill (DIPNR, 2004). Hence, this development is a major threat to the landscape of the Prospect Reservoir area and there is an urgent need to understand and assess this cultural landscape in order for it to cope with the present pressure of urbanization and the new usage of the surrounding land. Figure 5.24 Left - Proposed Plan of Western Sydney Parklands (DIPNR images) Figure 5.25 Below- Aerial view of the Parklands site (DIPNR images) 5.3 Why the site is significant for this study? Prospect Reservoir is a significant cultural landscape that incorporates distinct forms of natural and human modifications that have occurred over time. It is a site of State significance and has vital community assets for the people of western Sydney and the Sydney region. It is also of high significance for the Sydney Water Corporation. It is the core territory of the aboriginal band of the Darug, the site of the first successful farm and the first agricultural settlement of European colonisation. The site has distinct natural features such as the basaltic intrusion at Prospect Hill. The site became a pivotal component of the Upper Nepean scheme (Sydney's water supply system) when the Reservoir was constructed in 1888. It has acted as the central water supply reservoir for Sydney city and later has been used as a distribution point for the Warragamba Dam. As such it is the region's oldest cultural landscape, containing evidence of indigenous land management practices, colonial agricultural practices, water supply network and major quarries as well as recreational open space. It contains scattered indigenous artefacts and scarred trees, historic buildings such as the remains of the old cottage and Veteran Hall, historic water supply services, a heritage dam and buildings. Therein lies part of the problem in the conservation polices of the Prospect Reservoir (as per directions of the Burra Charter). The built elements described as historic and heritage items attract more attention than the landscape. The visual and aesthetic items such as the building, water supply services, dam wall and the scarred trees are easily identified and interpreted by the general community, to the detriment of the broader landscape. This reliance on the visual aspect has led to the development of separate polices for natural and cultural heritage conservation and management. This approach which does not recognise the interaction of cultural activities with the development of the physical environment, does not allow their integration. Similarly, most policies and their listing of significant items has led to the listing of individual sites, such as artefacts, archaeological remains, monuments and buildings isolated from their environmental context. The management of individual items has contributed to the general public valuing individual buildings and the site without an understanding of the broader landscape and cultural context of that site. This approach is largely reflected in listing the Prospect Reservoir site where the separate items are listed on various heritage registers. However, to some extent the significance assessment of these areas recognises the importance of their landscape, but emphasis is placed on protecting sites within that landscape. Generally, with respect to indigenous cultural heritage, people are attracted and rely on easily absorbed and understood artefacts, trees, built elements rather than the whole cultural landscape of the site. The spiritual meanings and the concept that the whole land area nourishes and provides meaning as the home of indigenous people is ignored in interpreting the cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir. Just looking at the site and the trees denies the complex layer of meaning both spiritual and secular which fills the land. The stories/narratives of the indigenous people and their relationship as well as their land practices have been overlooked in assessing the cultural significance of Prospect Reservoir because they are less visible. An example of the distinction of natural landscape and cultural activities is that the Prospect Hill site and Prospect Reservoir site are separately managed and conserved. The boundaries are divided by different councils mainly because of different land uses and ownership. The landscape of them is not seen as a part of a larger ecological system. The role of the regional context in shaping the physical layers of landscape is completely ignored. The fact that the area was selected by indigenous people for occupation is because of its proximity to the fresh water of Prospect Creek, the variety of available foods and hunting ground, open ground for camping and ceremonies. Prospect Hill for overlooking the country and basalt for making tools. Similarly, the non-indigenous area has been given importance because of its rich black soil for agriculture. Prospect Hill for overlooking the counti^side, open woodlands, later natural grade of land for diversion and storage of water in the Upper Nepean scheme, excavation of basalt from the quarry for use in construction materials and infrastructure development of the city, and visual importance for recreational use. However, looking at the present landscape of Prospect Reservoir we cannot make out its connection with Prospect Hill and similarly, the connection with the Upper Nepean scheme and the four dams attached to the Reservoir. These narratives are not considered in management so the community cannot understand the links of the whole landscape. Overall the landscape is considered and protected with specific boundaries which give discontinuity with the outside landscape. The transitional phase between indigenous and non-indigenous is overlooked. Moreover, the focus is given to protecting the visual aspects of the landscape. In addition, the interaction between nature and human experience are limited, because of restricted entries, and less effort has been taken to enhance the spatial structure of the place and the visual elements according to changing demands to create a sense of place. However, another important issue is the inclusion of the site in the proposed Western Sydney Parklands, which with further residential and commercial development will increase pressure on the site, thereby potentially further affecting the cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir. Therefore in changing context, there is a need for reassessing and reinventing the values of the cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir and Prospect Hill together. In conclusion, the landscape as a whole gives context and ambience to both the indigenous and non-indigenous significance of the Reservoir while Prospect Hill is ignored. Although Prospect Reservoir and Prospect Hill are listed on the Register of the National Estate, The State Heritage Register, the National Trust Register, Sydney Water register etc., destruction of the cultural landscape occurs if ecological, narrative and experiential values are not correctly described and interpreted in the conservation processes and managed holistically. Thus due to these complex issues the site is a significant example for testing the proposed CLP. 5.4 Heritage Listing The cultural landscape of the Prospect Reservoir has been assessed and its significance is listed on various different heritage registers/inventories. As discussed in Chapters 1 and 2, cultural landscape is considered and managed as heritage. Heritage management and planning however, has a number of inherent problems in relation to landscapes. One of the important issues in Australia is that heritage is listed and managed at three levels of government. They are national, state and local government. In addition, there are non-government and professional organisations such as the National Trust and Engineers Australia that can assess heritage and list heritage places according to their specific criteria. However, these lists recognise special places but do not provide legal protection related issue is the gap between state and local levels. (Dept. of Environment, Water, Heritage and Arts, 2008). The heritage branch of the Department of Planning is the State government agency responsible for the listings in the State Heritage Register (Heritage Branch, NSW) Similariy, local councils are responsible for local heritage listings and their management. Heritage planning at the local level has a highly important role in terms of local area planning. In New South Wales, related issue is the this was addressed effectively through the Heritage Study program, where the State government formed a partnership with local government (Armstrong, 1991). Hence, the Australian and State and Territory governments use legislation to protect heritage places from impacts, while local governments use planning schemes and instruments. Local government has many demands and development pressure upon these listings. This directly reflects their actions on heritage items which often ignore the detailed investigation of the cultural landscape. However, to some extent cultural landscape has gained appropriate recognition through the Australian Heritage Commission. They have responsibility to identify and assess places suitable for listing on the Register of the National Estate, but it does not have a statutory management role, other than providing advice on proposed actions which may affect the National Estate. Hence, it is free from planning appeals so it can easily concentrate on research related conservation of cultural landscapes (Armstrong, 2001). Hence, there are various assessment criteria, levels and different organisations involved in cultural heritage conservation which creates various issues and pressures in the protection of heritage landscapes. Prospect Reservoir is identified and listed on various registers, broadly due to its historic, indigenous and non-indigenous cultural and social values, as well as technological and water supply services, and economic significance. Table 5.1 shows the Heritage listing of the Prospect Reservoir site. The Blacktown and Fairfield Councils are responsible for protection of local significance which is regulated by a NSW State government agency. Components of the Prospect Reservoir site and its water supply items are listed separately on both registers (Local Environmental Plan, 1994). It is also identified and listed on National Estate and National Trust registers (National Trust, 1985). Engineering Australia specifically focused on listing the elements of water supply and technological invention of Prospect Reservoir as part of Upper Nepean Scheme. Prospect Reservoir is now partly owned by Sydney Water and Sydney Catchments Authority (SCA). Hence, they have the major responsibility of protecting the heritage of site, which has been listed as important for Sydney Water and the State as well as for the local area (Sydney Water, 2005). In conclusion, these various lists are concentrated on their own specific and individual interests, which is seen in identifying the separate items on heritage lists, such as Prospect Reservoir, Prospect Hill, Veteran Hall, Valve House etc. This approach reflects limitations in identifying and interpreting the landscape as a whole. The individual items are an important part of the major region in creating the cultural landscape of that place. However, these various heritage listings offer an opportunity to protect the site with on-going management guidelines. More than three Conservation Management Plans have been prepared for Prospect Reservoir in order to retain its cultural significance. These Conservation Management Plans and their policy decisions are discussed in the next section. Table 5.1 Prospect Reservoir site Heritage listing (Sydney Water, 2005) Heritage Register Listing NSW State Heritage Register Prospect Reservoir and surrounding area www.herita2e.nsw.g0v.au (Registration. No.-1031817) Prospect reservoir , the part of the Upper Nepean scheme Prospect Reservoir Valve House Veteran Hall Archaeological site. Prospect Hill Sydney Water s. 170 register ( item ref. No.) Prospect Reservoir Operational land httD://inetdev.sw.com.au/heritase/search.cfm (Registration. No. 4575804) Veteran Hall Site (Registration. No. 4575807) Prospect Hill Elevated reservoir WS0095 (Registration. No. 4575776) Prospect -Thoraleigh Pumping station WPS 138 (Registration. No. 4574703) Sydney Catchment Authority draft s. 170 Heritage Prospect reservoir (Registration. No- Conservation Register ( item ref no.) 4580067) Prospect reservoir is also listed as part of Upper Nepean scheme (Registration. No. 4580004) (Some items of the Upper Canal are included within site boundary of the site the listing for Upper Canal (Registration. No. 4580005) Fairfield Council Prospect Reservoir as part of the Upper Nepean Scheme Blacktown City Council Prospect reservoir Group, LEP Amend no. www.blacktown.nsw.iiov.au 143 Register of National estate Prospect Reservoir Area, Prospect, NSW www.ahc.20v.au/reeister/index.html (Registration. No 101536) National Trust ( no online database) Prospect Reservoir Engineers Australia Prospect Reservoir www.ieaust.aus.au/about us/sig/eha/ 5.5 Conservation Management Plans of Prospect Reservoir Site: As discussed in the previous section the Prospect Reservoir site has been listed on eight various registers. Because of this, specific elements of the site have been separately listed and considered as significant heritage items. The State and local government heritage listings identify that the Prospect Reservoir as a heritage item and therefore under statutory law, measures must be taken to protect its character for future generations. Under the NSW Heritage Act 1977, a Conservation Management Plan (CMP) must be prepared for items listed on the heritage registers. This CMP should be based on the assessment and statement of significance, which then follows with specific action and process such as restoration, preservation, maintenance, adaptation etc. to carry forward the protection of site. Broadly, the assessment of significance is based on the Burra Charter, the Australian Heritage Commission criteria, and NSW Heritage requirements. Usually, a CMP is undertaken and commissioned by different agencies and hence each can have their own requirements and specific purposes in preparing the CMPs. This approach in assessment can specifically emphasise values which are deemed to be important by the particular agency rather than considering the whole landscape in conserving the place. These assessment policies and on the ongoing management plans that were prepared often have failed to portray the true picture of site, and final outcomes may have overlooked the important aspects of the site or worse have altered them. Therefore, in order to demonstrate the proposed CLP of the Prospect Reservoir site, it is important to understand how the site has been conserved so far, various issues, policy directions and the implication of CMPs (specifically focused on CMPs prepared in 1995 and 2005) in addressing the values of cultural landscape of place. As we have seen Prospect Reservoir and Prospect Hill are listed differently on the heritage registers. However, these two sites are a part of a one regional landscape. Thus this chapter reviews the CMPs of both Prospect Reservoir (prepared in 1995 & 2005) and Prospect Hill (prepared in 2005) which are described below. Conservation plan for Prospect Reservoir, By A.M. Cullen (Environmental design group) June 1995 The Sydney Water Board commissioned A. M. Cullen in 1995 to prepare a Heritage Conservation Plan following an Environmental Impact Assessment for the reservoir and adjacent lands at Prospect Hill before undertaking a major on-site development of a water Treatment Plant (WTP). The aim of the document was to establish a comprehensive ongoing policy and program for protecting and maintaining the natural, cultural and technological heritage values of Prospect Reservoir. In addition, Sydney Water had raised certain issues and services that were ongoing which also had to be accounted for in the conservation plan. They were adequate water supply, catchment conservation for Prospect Reservoir, Toongabbie and South Creek, open space management, recreation, educational and commercial returns (Cullen, 1995), Assessment of significance The CMP prepared by Cullen was based on J. S. Kerr's methodology with the principles of the Burra Charter and criteria promoted by the Australian Heritage Commission criteria for significance (Cullen, 1995). In the assessment of significance, Cullen used the inventory of heritage items under three broad groupings. The first was Aboriginal cultural heritage. The second was non-Aboriginal cultural heritage, assessed through a thorough investigation of historical records and detailed inventory where the Prospect Reservoir site was divided into seven precincts/environs of European heritage importance. These precincts (based on Higginbotham's 1992 heritage study of the Upper Nepean System) were Entry Avenue, Prospect Hill and Veteran Hall archaeological site, the Valve houses-lower canal. Prospect Dam and Reservoir, the pumping house 24 group, the By-wash and bridge group and the Upper canal group with respect to their heritage value and present status (Higginbotham, 1992). The report stressed the distinct characteristics of each precinct according to the usage of the site. The third group was natural heritage which related to landscape, water, and flora and fauna communities (Cullen, 1995). This shows that in the assessment process of cultural significance Cullen had differentiated the cultural and natural heritage, furthermore natural heritage was assessed as a visual component of place. Due to identification of the seven precincts, the focus of the report was on assessing the fabric of the built elements and immediate surrounding landscape. Aboriginal association with landscape was limited and not assessed with respect to the current landscape. Statement of Cultural significance Taking into consideration State listings, local heritage listing, the Australian Heritage Commission's and the National Trust criteria, this report identified the cultural significance of the Prospect Reservoir for current conservation management at the site. The report stated that Prospect Reservoir was considered to be of outstanding cultural significance in view of its historic, scientific, archaeological, aesthetic, recreational, integrity, and rarity values. It specifically stressed the significance of the Darug people, the first agricultural settlement in early colonisation. Veteran Hall, William Lawson's contribution and lastly the Sydney water supply network. It was also considered as having outstanding natural significance, in view of its remnant Cumberland vegetation, geology, habitat, and rare and endangered species (Cullen, 1995). In writing the statement of significance, Cullen did not taken into consideration regional landscape and its connections in shaping the cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir. The scope is limited to the Reservoir site and the seven precincts. Cullen has shown not interpreted associational, spiritual and secular meanings of the Aboriginals attachment with the landscape. More emphasis is given to the stories of non-Aboriginal people and the distinct remains of their past. Community perceptions and spatial structure of place is ignored in evaluating the significance of the place. Policy and management plans Based on the statement of significance, Cullen prepared management guidelines to undertake ongoing conservation of the Prospect Reservoir. The most important issue was the management of the environs/precinct and all operational facilities of Sydney water. There was a need to design additional recreational facilities which should be available for various communities. In addition, landscape management issues covered were re-establishment of indigenous vegetation, weed control, fauna management, maintenance of soil cover and water quality, movement of individual or group vegetation which has historic value and fire control facilities (Cullen, 1995). The conservation policy suggested in the report specifically covered the conservation of the archeological remains of the Veteran Hall site, and natural heritage safeguards of air, water, flora, fauna, landform and soils. Cullen has also given a general idea of reducing fragmentation where the site should be considered as part of the Upper Nepean scheme (Higginbotham, 1992). However, he again stressed that "each item should be conserved separately based in order of their high, medium or low significance" (128). This approach seems at odds in conserving entire cultural landscape as it is strongly based on the Burra Charter's monumental approach and the conservation of individual sites. The next point in the report stressed that vegetation should be conserved, and also replantings should be done where necessary. The native vegetation needed rehabilitation and regeneration works and this should be carried out without disruption to the cultural landscape the report stated. Moreover, the emphasis was on restoring the avenue of palms and Hoop Pine trees and other non-Aboriginal plantations. The Aboriginal vegetation was again ignored and perhaps because it has been replaced over time creating more aesthetic and attractiveness to site for those of non-Aboriginal background, for example, native grasses have been wiped out and replaced with mowed lawns. Further in the report, the preferred strategy stressed the consideration of Prospect Reservoir being part of public open space and therefore should connect to regional open space networks. Additionally, recreational facilities should be developed such as bicycle and pedestrian pathways, water features, native flora reserves and wildlife comdors. The Upper and Lower Canals also needed special consideration of their aesthetic pasts (Cullen, 1995). On the basis of these policies, Cullen prepared the Prospect Reservoir CMP. The CMP contains three management zones based on primary land use. They are first a Conservation Zone which includes terrestrial and aquatic landscapes. Second is a Multiple Use Zone which contains public use spaces, roads and recreational open spaces. Third is a Utility zone which contains water supply utilities. The main management concern in the CMP is the proposal for land-based recreation and educational facilities, which need to have as little impact on the landscape as possible (Cullen, 1995). In addition, this CMP provides for periodic and day-to-day maintenance of landscape and built heritage so that the SWC can monitor these requirements on a regular basis in order to retain cultural significance of the Prospect Reservoir site. In conclusion, Cullen's CMP has focused on zones which are within the boundaries of SWC. There is still no connection with the outside landscape such as relationship with Prospect Hill and the Upper Nepean scheme and the Parramatta River. Community perceptions and enhancement of the narrative associations are overiooked so that the general public is not aware of the cultural landscape of the site. Prospect Reservoir Site: Draft Conservation Management Plan By Sydney Water Corporation (SWC), Dec 2005. The Prospect Reservoir site is listed on the SWC's S.170 Heritage Register (various entries) in 1996 and the State Heritage Register in 1999. Under the NSW Heritage Act 1977, a CMP must be prepared for items listed on the Register. Hence, after State heritage listing the Sydney Water Board commissioned Cullen to prepare a CMP, which we have already discussed above. Later in 2005 the SWC issued another CMP for the Prospect Reservoir site. The framework for undertaking the CMP was directed by the SWC's own policy directives. The aim was to undertake specific actions, set guidelines, and establish polices and strategies for the future development at the Prospect Reservoir site. A three-tier system was adopted. The CMP manual provided advice and guidance to the SWC to best achieve heritage management of its State significant heritage items (CMP Manual, 2005). Assessment of significance The significance of the items is determined by the process outlined in CMP manual Tier 1 document, which is based on the Burra Charter's methodology along with the NSW heritage office assessment criteria and Cullen's earlier statement of significance of the Prospect Reservoir site (Sydney Water, 2005). This CMP is more focused on documenting the SWC's functional units and built heritage structures. The documentation in the assessment process is based on the SWC's heritage register, the SCA's draft S. 170 register, the Heritage Study of the Upper Canal, Prospect Reservoir and Lower canal (Higginbotham, 1992) and Cullen's CMP for Prospect Reservoir (Sydney Water, 2005). This SWC's CMP and Cullen's CMP have followed similar methods for assessment of cultural significance. Therefore, their approach is similar in identifying individual elements and sites, however SWC has focused more on the water supply system and their built elements. They were not concerned about Aboriginal associations and stories, as well as natural landscape and the regional context of place. Statement of Cultural significance The statement of significance is categorised separately into State and local level significance. This distinction evaluated the specific heritage items on various grades to neutral and probably all the policies should have concentrated on conserving exceptional items more than items with neutral importance. This valuation suggested showed that neutral items did not have much value in shaping the cultural landscape of place overlooking the fact that cultural landscape is shaped by equal contribution of each element. This bias towards the exceptional values is misleads the interpretation of the value the overall landscape. Significance for NSW SWC found that the Prospect Reservoir site plays a significant role in the history of the water supply in Sydney, where it has been a key component from 1888 to the present. The site has tangible historical components which are unique and rare in Sydney and NSW. The most important elements which contribute to State significance are the Upper Canal, Screening Chamber for the 72 inch (1830 mm) main. Prospect Dam and Reservoir, Upper Valve House, Lower Valve House, Receiving Basin and Initial Section of the Lower Canal as well as directly associated minor elements. These elements provide high aesthetic and technological significance (Sydney Water, 2005). Significance for local area and Sydney Water Corporation The site also has strong significance in the historical development of Sydney Water. It possesses tangible evidence of water supply, water storage, and water pumping. The site has associative values with the Public Works Department who constructed the dam and other systems in 1880s. The Prospect Reservoir site has aesthetical and technological features notable in the local and organisational context of the site (Sydney Water 2005:139). Policy and management plans The SWC's CMP provided recommendations as follows. After construction of the Bypass water supply line from Warragamba dam to the City, the Prospect Reservoir currently acted as a storage and emergency reservoir. Hence, the main task of SWC's CMP was on conserving the Prospect Reservoir site in conjunction with the Upper Nepean Scheme. The preservation of technical (engineering and technological elements) as well as aesthetic and architectural site elements should be addressed. Conservation of landscape elements needed to done with respect to any future planning. Other issues involved the built fabric. Repairs to the Prospect Dam wall must meet the water quality standards for drinking, as well as current security of reservoir water. The SWC's issues such as maintenance of service units, buildings, ownership and control of land between SWC and SCA needed to be considered (Sydney Water, 2005). This CMP focused on the management of cultural issues which were identified under Aboriginal archaeological elements and the historic remains of Veteran Hall. In addition, natural landscape management issues were water quality where water should not be contaminated by runoff, management of the cultural landscape elements of Palm Avenue, the Hoop Pines along the entrance road and the remaining pines leading to Veteran Hall. This CMP further focused on vegetation maintenance, replacement of dead trees, weed control, maintenance of grassed areas. and management of vegetation for the protection of infrastructure, such as fire breaks to protect possible damage to power lines. In addition, SWC's natural heritage management also covered soil related to vegetation management, threatened floral species and native fauna. The latter could be managed by increasing the natural bushland which enhanced habitat and removed feral animals. Fire fuel management was needed to avoid damage to natural and cultural items and loss of human life. The CMP also loosely focused on the involvement of community associations, which were basically concerned with recreation. These other agencies lease various elements such as Veterans Hall archaeological site and have an obligation to observe the CMP. SWC's conservation policy for treatment of the fabric of the site is based on the significance level grading. Built elements of historic significance should be managed on an individual basis. Ongoing functions of the Prospect Reservoir site involve repairs and changes which can be done in a way to create less impact on items of significance. However, an impact assessment is needed before installation of any changes. To summarise this CMP, the issues and approaches are handled in similar manner to that of Cullen's CMP. The CMP for natural heritage is limited within the boundaries of SWC's land, has no connection with Prospect Hill and its significance in creating cultural landscape of place. Although they stressed soil conservation, native grasses are not proposed in the CMP to retain the original character. Similarly, within fauna management there is no concern in creating vegetation corridors in order to improve wildlife habitat although they did propose increasing native bushland. The cultural management is limited to SWC services and built structure and emphasis is on restoring non-Aboriginal historic associations and values. Prospect Hill Conservation Management Plan, by Conybeare Morrison Plus, Oct 2005. Holroyd City Council commissioned Conybeare Morrison Plus (CM+) to undertake the CMP in 2005. Following the heritage listing of the Prospect Hill on the State Heritage list in 2003, there was a need to prepare a CMP under the NSW Heritage Act 1977 (Conybeare Morrison, 2005). The main objective of the CMP prepared by CM+ was to provide Council with an understanding of the heritage items in terms of their historical and geographical context, their research potential and importance to the community. It also provided an updated Statement of Significance through analysis of documentary and physical evidence. There was also an immediate reason for preparing the CMP in accordance with the State Environmental Planning Policy (SEPP) N059. Central Western Economic and Employment area which applies to a number of land holdings in Western Sydney including Greystanes Estate (Prospect Hill quarry). The SEPP rezoned the Greystanes Estate for two broader residential and employment generating land uses. Thus, this CMP was also followed with development of policy which guided current and future owners on the heritage potential of the item and its ongoing maintenance. Assessment of significance The assessment of significance carried out by CM+ involved physical investigation and analysis of the Prospect Hill State Heritage Register (SHR) area jointly owned by Stockland Corporation, the National Australia Bank Super Fund, Macquarie Goodman, Boral and Holroyd City Council. The significance was derived from detailed analysis of the natural, indigenous and European cultural items against the criteria of both the NSW Heritage office and the Australian Heritage Commission. CM+ also focused on exploring issues related to opportunities and constraints which affected the site and feasible uses. The values raised through assessment of significance were physical, tangible evidence, including built fabric, archaeology, landscape and setting, associations, people, activities, events, meanings, sense of place, and evocative and experimental characteristics. Further assessment of each value provided a grading of relative significance and the implications for conservation processes were based on the grading scale which was exceptional, high, little, neutral, or intrusive (Conybeare Morrison, 2005). CM+ has to some extent assessed the various values in finding cultural significance of place. However, regional understanding with respect of Prospect Reservoir is missing and heritage items have individual status. Statement of Significance CM+ reported that Prospect Hill had national historical significance due to its association with some of the earliest European land exploration from 1788, some of the earliest farms in New South Wales around 1791 and with important early figures of Australian history including Governor Phillip, Lieutenant William Lawson, Nelson Simmons Lawson and D'Arcy as well as a major reference point for the Aboriginal people. CM+ further evaluated that the site also had national historical, social and spiritual significance from its association with Aboriginal frontier warfare due to European incursion (Conybeare Morrison, 2005). On the basis of heritage listing, CM+ assessed that Prospect Hill quarry had state historical significance in meeting the demands of urban growth by supplying quarried materials for major construction and road building projects in Sydney. They pointed out that the establishment of rail track in Western Sydney grew significantly due to quarrying at Prospect Hill. In addition, Prospect Hill was considered of national historic significance due to its association with BMI, and currently Boral, whose ownership of Prospect Quarry contributed to its growth as a major supplier of construction and building materials in both Australia and woridwide. CM+ also stated that Prospect Hill had national historical significance due to the CSIRO Division of Animal Production. The work of CSIRO at Prospect Hill was associated with scientific and agricultural research programs, which had had a significant role in the agricultural development of Australia since the 1940s, particularly in relation to the sheep and wool industry. Lastly, CM+ stated that Prospect Hill had aesthetic significance as a conspicuous topographic feature rising to a height of 117 m above sea level and providing expansive views across the Cumberland Plains. It acts as key open space in the landscape (Conybeare Morrison, 2005). Policy and management issues CM+ has undertaken the opportunities and constraints from the statement of significance where issues such as physical condition and client requirements as well as constraints and issues arising from various legislative and non-legislative requirements are considered for the future use and design potential. CM+ has listed the various management issues. First, protection of rare geographical and topographical features despite the extensive quarrying. Second, the history of Aborigines and European settlement should be used for educational programs and be managed to retain their significance. The third major issue is open space management as well as that of remnant native flora and fauna, and the fourth is that the protection of the ridge top should achieve conservation of both heritage and scenic values. The fifth issue covers landscape management, soil erosion control and stability, vegetation cover, removal of non-native varieties and re-planting of native plants. The sixth issue is the management of vegetation damaged in a severe storm in 2002. The seventh issue states that there should be provision of minor recreational facilities and eighth that the site needs to be the open to the Aboriginal Land Council and the local people. Finally, an important issue that CM+ has raised is the future development at the Greystanes Estate (quarry), commercial lands and residential lands, as well as their respective amenities. However, CM+ has concentrated more on the Prospect Hill demarcated area, the ridge line and the open space. There have been many changes in land use in the Prospect Hill area. The State Environmental Planning Policy and Westem Sydney Economic and Employment policies applied for a number of land holdings on the Greystanes Estate. Greystanes Estate, which owns the land, decided to close the quarry and turned the land into a part industrial, part housing and open space. Thus, the CM+ report mainly has focused on the restructuring of the new land use in a manner whereby the cultural and natural significance of Prospect Hill could be retained and enhanced (Conybeare Morrison, 2005) CM+ has prepared a maintenance schedule for the vegetation where they have given recommendations for constant reviewing and updating by good general horticultural practice. The report stated that the owners should also endorse and implement a Landscape Plan of Management. Road and pedestrian links should be maintained. Also CM+ has given a loose visual proposal for connection between historic and former historic properties such as Veterans Hall, Greystanes House and Bella Vista Homestead. They strongly have advised that new developments should aim at achieving the building heights and forms that respect the heritage values of Prospect Hill as well as providing an attractive streetscape. CM+ has also given future advice on preparation of an overall Interpretation Plan which outlines the strategies and methods by which the site could be presented to the public and future users of the site. A suitable educational program for cultural heritage awareness should also be developed. To summarize, this CMP prepared by CM+ has made efforts to evaluate the values of Prospect Hill in order to incorporate those into future planning of the site. In order to understand these three reports clearly, a comparative analysis chart has been prepared. This is explained in detail in Appendix 3. 5.6 Discussion There is no doubt that the Prospect Reservoir is something that the people of NSW cherish and wish to maintain as a living entity and a reminder of past achievements. Despite the formal reasons for its cultural significance as represented in the conservation plans, it is an example that is well-woven in the development of a cultural landscape of a region. However, the CMPs detailed above show limitations in interpreting and protecting the cultural landscape which ultimately shows exclusiveness in management. One of the major problems facing these CMP reports is the fragmentation of the site. This fragmentation is both cultural/political as well as physical. In abstract, Prospect Reservoir comprises the major linking elements in the cultural development of indigenous and non-indigenous people. It is part of a regional landscape where the Prospect Hill, Nepean River and its four tributaries, and the Paramatta River combine to shape the landscape of Prospect Reservoir. However, this aspect of understanding the place as a system of nature is missing in these CMPs. The place is defined and interpreted in fragments where the emphasis is within the assigned boundaries. One reason behind this is the different ownership of the site and the demarked political boundaries of Prospect Reservoir and Prospect Hill. Prospect Reservoir is owned by the SWC and SCA and comes under two council areas, each with varying interests in the site as heritage. This approach of assessing the cultural significance of place in the form of four values - aesthetic, historic, scientific and social - within that particular landscape (inside demarcated boundaries) shows a lack of understanding in the overall landscape, as the Prospect Hill and Prospect Reservoir are naturally, historically and culturally integrated. Protection of a cultural landscape outside the area/boundary is nearly impossible. The regional understanding is neglected in CMPs. Similarly, legislation usually allows only for individual sites within the same landscape area to be registered or listed for protection. The proposed CLP argues that this approach of assessing the cultural landscape where there are many in-built problems in interpreting the values of cultural landscape, ultimately affects policy-decisions and then in the worse case alters the character of the landscape. Thus, the proposed CLP provides a framework and attitudes to include an holistic approach ensuring that recordings of the entire cultural landscape are interpreted for the values of each element with respect to others. Another important point is cultural and natural heritage distinction in assessing the values which are then protected within the assigned processes and actions, which is commonly seen in the above three CMPs. In the natural heritage policies of Sydney Water's CMPs, their orientation is towards restoring the culturally significant elements of landscape. SWC is more concerned with utilisation and distribution of their water throughout the site, which is reflected in their present management policies. However, the proposed CLP through its framework has put forth an idea of landscape which also helps to redefine a sense of the natural. Thus, the CLP argues the Burra Charter's false dichotomy of defining heritage as cultural and natural. The CLP's ecological approach stresses and identifies form, function and character of the landscape elements (geology, soil, hydrology, vegetation, flora, fauna) of the region and their value in creating the cultural landscape of the Prospect Reservoir through traditional landscape analysis. It incorporates regional scale to identify the natural processes which provide a unique character in the development of Prospect Reservoir. This is discussed in the next chapter. The character of place or landscape is articulated through past events, memories, and associations. These values are very well understood through stories/narratives. Thus stories are at the root of cultural heritage. Theses narratives tell about people, events, emotions, relationships and the action of human activities within the landscape. In the discussion of the above CMPs the spiritual and secular meaning and the attachment of Aboriginal people with the Prospect Reservoir site is ignored. Moreover, these CMPs have concentrated on restoring the non- Aboriginal past. The narratives of the European past and elements of water supply functions have been given more importance in conservation. This approach is misleading the current local community in understanding the entire value of the landscape and the different connections with the past. The entire story of landscapes is missing in the SWC's CMP. Thus the proposed CLP's narrative approach emphasises enhancing the stories of landscape so that we can acknowledge different perspectives and adopt a more appropriate methodology to manage cultural landscape which overcomes these biases. Through this narrative approach the CLP can create an intense and interconnectedness in local people with a sense of belonging towards the place. The common trend in these CMPs shows that the policies emphasise conserving the aesthetic qualities of landscape. These aesthetic qualities are only derived from the conservationist's point of view. Landscape perceptions and values that people have as a result of interaction with the landscape, where this interaction evokes varied experiences is completely overlooked in policy decisions. This limitation of assessing experiential qualities, that is, spatial and visual is addressed in the experiential approach of the proposed CLP. The issues such as awareness of community, sense of place, visual links, have been totally neglected in the above CMPs and there has only been a focus on maintaining the neat look of the landscape to retain its picturesque character. Although some aspects of landscape and landscape quality have been provided in these CMPs, they are still missing some important qualities or subtleties in deriving the cultural landscape of the site and its management in the present context. The proposed CLP has tried to resolve the Burra Charter's overlooking of the individual concept. First, it is important for conservation experts to understand and appreciate the different experiential values so as to increase the place's attachments and strengthen the character of the place to stimulate a sense of cultural landscape. Thus, the CLP has limited the scope to personal/individual assessment of place by experiential mapping of Prospect Reservoir. Another reason for limiting the scope to personal experiential mapping is to assess spatial character of place through different cultural viewpoint (due to my different cultural background). However, in further research it could be achieved by conducting interviews of members of local community and analysing their various viewpoints. Thus, in presenting places to common people, a broader interpretation of the landscape is achieved rather than just considering the needs of monuments and individual sites. As Johnston (YEAR) said, "We then need to support a community who in turn might become the local guardians of a landscape" (PAGE NO). The application of the proposed CLP for the Prospect Reservoir is discussed in detail in the next chapter. Chapter 6: Applying the proposed CLP: Prospect Reservoir The CLP provides a framework which helps in interpreting the inherent values of cultural landscape. On the whole the CLP emphasises finding the meanings of cultural landscapes, and hence their heritage significance which is largely derived from a relationship between landscape and the elements within the landscape as well as people who have contributed in shaping that landscape. The CLP through its ecological, experiential and narrative approach tries to discover different relationships within the defined boundaries of the cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir. Boundaries of cultural landscapes need to be defined for analysis which is then considered the landscape region for the study. However, because cultural landscapes result fi-om the activities or association of one or more human activities or land use, they are often spread over a large area and hence it is difficult to determine the boundaries of the region. There are several approaches to define boundaries, such as socio-political, land use, natural elements, etc. However, the conceptual boundary of landscape defined here is based on the landscape elements which have contributed in shaping the cultural layers of the landscape. This study region investigates the uniqueness in creating the Prospect Reservoir's cultural landscape. The proposed CLP is then applied to this study region which is described in this chapter. 6.1 Study Region In the case of Prospect Reservoir, there are some cultural landscape characteristics, such as the effects of Aboriginal occupation, land management practices and European agriculture, urban development, quarrying and water supply activities that extend across the Cumberland Plain and the Sydney region. The boundaries of European cultural development with respect to Prospect Reservoir are to a large extent between the Upper Nepean River water supply scheme on Cumberland Plain to the distribution water tank in Pipe Head and then to all parts of Sydney City. It is much more difficult to define the evidence of Aboriginal impact on landscape, as it was widespread over the Cumberland Plain. S '¿yy \ • ' V" v" STUDY RIXilON- lonccptiial Diagram Imscd i>ii Ihc past atiil picscni ciilliinil layers Ahitrigiiiiil iisiiyoDi l.iiul hl.nc I 7KX I ¡iiK I (iii>|KMn soiikinoni ITsx is.^o SciikiiKMH I'liitcrn .iiul IVospc».! Kosi rMni IK.Wl-IS'Jll t rlMii liiovMli IK»«) iMiNWiuU CZJ Civsom WcMorn S_\»liK'\ Mihiirb;iti l,iiulsi.,([X' [=• I'msposal Ui'Mcrn I'iiikliiiul HouiuI;iin IVCinctI SluiK Kejiion Hoimd.irs I KiUKI 5.1 SlUDY kICilON Uascil «m huM-miip Ioimi^tjuIiic niiip. I aiut and (Vii|H'n> inti)tnMii(iii NSW Hence, Prospect Reservoir is directly and indirectly connected to the whole Sydney Region. However, they are some immediate characteristics and elements which give value to the landscape. These landscape elements play an important role in the development of cultural layers of Prospect Reservoir. While recognising the extension of aspects of the cultural landscape beyond the immediate Prospect Reservoir (based on SWC and legal boundaries), an effective boundary/ study region of the Reservoir landscape is defined on the basis of landscape elements which have played a significant role in the development of the place. This study region is derived on the basis of Aboriginal and European cultural layers which are marked on the map shown in Figure 6.1. The boundaries of the study region are determined by natural features: to the east of Prospect Hill, to the south of Prospect Creek, to the west of Eastern Creek, and to the north of Blacktown Creek and Toongabbie Creek and to the north-east of the Parramatta River. There are various different land uses and landscape elements within this study region because the cultural landscape is defined by a combination of human land use and associations with the land, which directly and indirectly influence in shaping the cultural landscape of the region. Hence, the Prospect Reservoir's cultural landscape should be studied with respect to this defined region to avoid fragmentation, resulting in an understanding and assessment of the values which directly influence the protection of the entire cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir. The application of the proposed CLP on the defined study region is discussed below; first through an ecological approach, then an experiential approach and lastly a narrative approach. 6.2 Ecological Approach The ecological approach seeks out and analyses the interdependent relationships and values of the landscape, which independently and collectively make up the character of the study region. This ecological approach also provides special characteristics of place, its physical, biological and socio-cultural contexts. Thus, an ecological approach is important in providing regional identity of a place. It gives a holistic understanding of mutual and complex interactions between humans and their biophysical environment, because without this we cannot interpret the inherent values of a particular cultural landscape. The ecology of the study region is discussed below: The study region lies in the centre of the Cumberland Plain. Geologically, the Cumberland Plain is a low, undulating area underlain by horizontally bedded sediments of the Wianamatta Group (Benson, 1990), mainly of Bringelly Shales. These shales are generally composed of clay stones, siltstones and carbonaceous shales with sparse sandstone layers (UPRCT, 2002). Figure 6.2 shows the geology of the study region. The overall physiography of the study region is gently undulating plains and low hills rising from flat and low lying areas. Prospect Hill, in the middle of these low lying hills of Cumberland Plain, is a massive intrusion of volcanic rock with a significant elevation of 117 m above sea level (Conybeare Morrison, 2005). Prospect Reservoir is constructed on the western slopes of Prospect Hill and is not more than 100 m above sea level. Figure 6.3 shows the overall physiography of the study region. Soils of the study region are mostly Cumberland Association, which is mainly derived from Wianamatta Shale. Soils are shallow to moderately deep, clayey, fine textured, acidic and moderately fertile. They are basically red and brown podzolic soils on crests grading to yellow podzolic soils on the lower slopes and in drainage lines (Bannerman & Hazelton, 1990). At Prospect Reservoir, soils are loamy and either yellow or red podzolics, which are shallow to moderately deep and moderately fertile (Bannerman & Hazelton, 1990). Figure 6.4 shows the soils of the region. Igneous rocks have made the soils surrounding Prospect Hill rich and fertile but due to extensive agricultural use of the land, gradually their quality has been degraded. There are three main catchments in the Cumberiand Plain: WIANAMAMAdKOUP OUAl liKNAKY Al I.UVIAI. BASALI I re IRIASSIC IIAWKSIUIKY SANDS IONI l'KìURl' 6 2 (ìL ()L()(ìY M-'P ''i'-' l'rospcci Inlriisioii (S .Icvons, 11 I Jcnsoii, l i Irillì Ih Taylor and (' A Siissmilch, riic (icology ÌIIKI l'clrograpliv ol'llic l'mspccl Inimslon, in llic .linimal ol'llic Koyal Socicly ol' NSW, I'M I ) /T \ / ? •'"'S-, / ¡A' i \ - A 'V y . J / r? A rX -A '"7 J 1 ''V- A J yl. / / Oi u (V, / U ^ /I V-' I •) ..y P ) . \ vv. I ' I J v \1 \\ <(L/' i^v i < > \ \ V •I /A - ;.. ^ f? V /»-jLIi,i c-'^C] V- C-, < S <~~> r RARRAMATTA RIVER 'i /' ) / s Sü onHHi ^ 1 \ i' r-^^'-i?^i-i-' / r'?^»'' II »• ^ c^-' i f' -1 / 0 ml - 20 nit \ I 20 nit - 40 ml \r 40 mt - 60 ml 60 mt - 80 nit J , V T' liKv-' T / r J \i V 80 ml - 100 mt p '^y] /v^N c ^ I//' 100 ml - 120nit .r- 120 mt - 140 mt ? > ^r , _ 'i 1 W X "pi S.y-r.-' '-•' I ; © 140 ml - 160 ml FIGURE 6.3 PHYSIOGRAPHY Topographic map. Land and properly inrornialion NSW RKSIDUAL SOILS Red and brown podzolic soil on crcsl, yellow podzolie soil on cresl and lower slopes, shallow to moderately deep Gentaly inelincd valley lloor surrounded by steep eolluvial side slope formed on voleanic intrusion within hawkesbury sandstone and Wianamatta group shale soil deep red podzolic soils on steep footslopes and yellow and red podzolic soils on undulating foot slope FLUVIAL SOILS Fluvial : Hoodplains valley plains and drainage depressions, deep layered sedimented over bedrock or relict soils Dissected gently undulating low rise , weakly pedal orange heavy clays and clayey sands , Disturbed soils / terrain KROSIONAL SOILS Undulating to rolling low hills on Wianamatta Group shales associated with Minchinbury sandstone, shallow dark podzolic soil, massive earthy clays on crest and red and yellow pod- zolic soils o n slopes and drainage lines COLLUVIAL SOILS Steep sideslopes on Wianamatta Group shales and shale eolluvial materials, shallow to deep red and brown podzolic soil on upper slope FIGURE 6 4 SOILS Soil landscapes of the Penrith, 1989 ( Banncrman, S.M and Hazclton, P.A. Soil conservation society of NSW, brown and yellow podzolic soil on eolluvial Sydney. material on lower slope • The Parramatta River - on the north-eastern side of Prospect Reservoir • The Hawkesbury River- on the north-western side • The Georges River- on the southern side. The most significant part of the region boundary is the Upper Parramatta River which is the major catchment of the creeks flowing on the north side of Prospect Reservoir and Prospect Hill. There are six major creeks which are tributaries of Toongabbie Creek, which flows on the north-eastern side of the Reservoir, and which finally meet the Upper Parrramatta River. These creeks are Blacktown Creek, Grantham Creek, Greystanes or Girrawen Creek, Pendle Hill Creek, Coopers Creek and Finlaysons Creek. Prospect Hill is a U-shaped ridge. Greystanes or Girrawen Creek rises within the U and flows towards the north to meet the Parramatta River. The other creeks which meet Toongabbie Creek flow from the south and west of the catchment across the Cumberiand Plain. The Toongabbie Creek sub-catchment soils are generally fine-grained silts and clays. The predominant soil landscape is Blacktown, which has been formed by residual geomorphic processes. These soils are generally of low fertility and less than 100 cm in depth (UPRCT, 2002). On the southern side of Prospect Hill is Prospect Creek, which flows south eventually to join the Georges River. (For hydrological patterns see Figure 6.5.) Topographically the catchment is gentle undulating terrain with almost level floodplains. The catchment consists of Wiannamatta Shale-based clay soils (Bankstown City Council). Eastern Creek which is the western boundary of the study region flows northward to meet the Hawkesbury River. The soils are generally fine-grained silts and clays. The climate of the study region is very dry, with low annual rainfall, and the topography and distance from the coast are the two main factors influencing the weather patterns in western Sydney. The coastal areas of Sydney have a higher annual rainfall than the inland areas due to the moist air streams flowing from the east (Tozer, 2003). Compared to the coast and due to the frequency and influence of onshore winds, temperatures increase towards the west reaching a maximum on the central Cumberland plains, exactly in our mmmmhif-mmm^ie FIGURE 6.5. HYDROLOGY Topographic map. Land and property information NSW study area (Burton, 2005).. Most of the Cumberland Plain west of Parramatta receives less than 800 mm of rainfall annually. Annual rainfall increases with elevation to approximately 900 mm on the margins of the Plain and reaches a maximum of 1,444 mm at Pymble on the Homsby Plateau. The average maximum temperature over the most of the study region is 29 degrees and the average July minimum temperature is 1 to 4 degrees centigrade. These comparative data of annual rainfall and temperature is shown in Chart 6.1. However, the average maximum temperatures are lowest on the coastal area due to the frequency of onshore winds. Similarly, in winter, the minimum temperatures on the coast decrease inland due to moderating influences of the ocean. Frosts also occur more frequently away from the coast and at higher elevations (Benson & Howell, 1993). A higher proportion of annul rainfall occurs in the warmer months of the year and summer rainfall is less variable than winter rainfall. Table 6.1 Rainfall, Temperature and jfrost statistics for selected weather stations on the Cumberland Plain and Homsby Plateau (Bureau of Meteorology, 1979) Cumberiand plain Homsbay Plateau Penmant Bankstown Parramatta Picton Richmond Hills Annual rainfall (mm) 921 922 804 806 1102 Av. min. temp. July (°C) 3.1 4.6 1.8 3.6 4.6 Av. Max. temp. Jan (°C) 27.7 28.1 29.5 29.4 27.6 Days where temp. > 38°C - - 6.1 9.6 - (av/year) Severe frost days (av/year) 46 38 133 84 85 Last recorded severe frost in 31-Aug 3-Sep 9-Oct 26-Sep 18-Sep any year The study region comprises Cumberiand Plain Woodland, which is typical on the clay soils of the region, and this is further divided into Shale Plains and Shale Hills Woodland (See the vegetation map of the region. Fig. 6.6). According to a survey dated 1893, seven }• IGURE 6.6 VECiETATION Native Vcgelalion of Ihc CLimbcrland Plain NSW National Parks and Wildiilc Scrvicc, Octobcr 2002. woodland types could be found around Prospect Reservoir and the study area (Cullen, 2005). On the clayey soils of the study region, Eucalypt woodlands with an understorey of native grasses, commonly Themeda species, is typically characteristic of the vegetation (Burton, 2005). These woodlands have sparse foliage and range in height from 5m to 30m which gives them a special character. The crown of the trees is well developed and well spaced with a totally protective foliage cover. Shale Plains Woodland is typical of the flat, low rainfall areas. Presently the most common and widespread species of the Shale Plain Woodland are the Grey Box {Eucalyptus moluccand) which is commonly found on rises, and the Forest Red Gum {Eucalyptus tereticornis), found on lower slopes and in depressions. Shale Hills Woodland occurs at higher elevations. This Woodland comprises Narrow- leaved Ironbark {Eucalyptus crebra) and Broad-leaved Ironbark {Eucalyptus fibrosa) which are both found in areas of gravel and stones. The rest of area of the study region comprises the edges of the creeks and poorly drained sites. The most common varieties . are Cabbage Gum {Eucalyptus amplifolia), Blue Box {Eucalyptus baueriana), Coast Grey Gum {Eucalyptus bosistoana) and Broad-leaved Apple {Angophora subvelutina), and there are also groves of Swamp Oak {Casuahna glauca), especially near Prospect Creek, and paperbarks {Melaleuca decora) (Burton, 2005). Little of the original native vegetation remains on the Cumberland Lowlands area. To get a better idea of the differentiation of past and present vegetation, see Figures 6.7 and 6.8. The groundcover plays an important role in contributing to the plant diversity of the woodland. The native grasses and perennial herbs are more dominant than the shrubs in the study region (Burton, 2005). The groundcover consists of native grasses such as Lix;al G..-".e" v'nef" Af-as Map 2: Cumberland Plain MCOC iOO ¡.'íT ' 'v vegetation communities before fan Sf'a e Sai':lst-..ir-.f; T':i''sit ^ou-s' Low iMfu.fc'tc«.?; European settlement •• St-ae oands'or.-i j.re?' ocjr drf.j- "; • ue-'-re i i OxjKs Ri\,or Cas'lt-r-auf" I'' •! ri'- í^o'os: Ca^'t-eapi Swvi'nt:. 'vV-i-ii' ir -1 •• Casrerearjf- S-crir.l 'v Guti VVi in.-;iar:j f ^ Ayñtírs B.i' L-^ai öc'.e"'"'c!-' Areas Map 3: Remaining M vAj-tcU Cumberland Plain S'Mt- Sa"-::- ' jf'fe t,V!s!k:-: Fitfe.-;» tLo'.v Sar-Js!:e If;' uw. Vegetation b^a'e Sanasto'^e f c-rest ''i^p Sard?ioi't " >e- Cook.-; R.vcf Cast t/oagt- ':ofh,jfk Forest Cast e' Figure 6.8 Remaining Cumberland Plain vegetation communities (Dept. of Environment and Conservation NSW, 2002) Themeda austmlis, Eragrostis leptostachya, Aristida ramosa and Aristida vagans growing with scattered shrubs or patches of dense Blackthorn {Bursaria spinosa) scrub. Wetlands are generally found around the perimeter of the lake and in poorly drained areas of the site. Earlier, the wetlands were likely to have been on the edges of Prospect Creek. Aquatic vegetation occurs on the shallow parts of the shoreline of the lake. These are basically dense reed beds up to 2 m in height (Sydney Water, 2005). The records of the native fauna of the region show that grey kangaroos, small wallabies, possums, bandicoots, platypus, native rats, quails, tortoises, eels, mussels, yabbies, and locusts were seen. These were caught for food by the Darug people (Cullen, 1995). Also, koalas, brush- tailed phascogales, eastern quoll, dasyurids, betongs and rat kangaroos also occurred in the region. Two wallaby species - redneck wallaby and swamp wallaby - may have occurred during European settlement as fauna were introduced into the region at that time. The recent surveys done by: Australian museum in 1980, the Road and Traffic Authority (RTA), and the Sydney Water Board in 1992; shows that there are hardly any native fauna left in the study region. According to Sydney Water's later survey in 2005, the threatened species at Prospect Reservoir are Grey headed Flying Fox, Eastern free-Tail Bat, Eastern False Pipistrelle, Green and Golden Bell Frog, Swift Parrot, Barking Owl, Cattle Egret, Fork-tailed Swift, Latham's Snipe, Rufous, Fantail, and the Large Land Snail ( Sydney Water, 2005). Regional identity of the study region The study region is in the central part of the Cumberland Plain. The main ecological characteristics of the study region are discussed below. Plant communities on the shale soils of the Cumberland Plain vary with changes in elevation, rainfall and sandstone influence in the soil. These various environmental factors have resulted in communities ranging from open grassy woodlands to forest with tall ironbarks, turpentine trees and dry rainforest, to the floodplain communities of the Hawkesbury-Nepean River. These varied vegetation types are recognised as a distinct ecological community (NSW NPWS, 2000). The Darug people were associated with this land and they travelled all year across the Cumberland Plain for food and game. The floodplain offers a variety of plants and fruits and the open woodlands offer sites for camping, gathering and hunting. The grassy Shale Plains Woodland offered a variety of animals, including grey kangaroos, wallabies, possums, bandicoots, platypus, native rats, quail, tortoises, eels, mussels, yabbies, and locusts (Cullen, 1995). They fired the open woodland periodically to enable hunting, for finding underground food resources and for clearing walkways. Prospect Hill provided basalt for making tools and it was commonly used and exchanged among the coastal and inland people. The bush in the region offered various materials for making simple shelters, including thick tree branches, sheets of bark and cabbage palm leaves. European settlers were attracted by the flat landscape and the open woodlands of the Cumberland Plain. The elevation of Prospect Hill helped in broadening their vision of the surrounding area for future usage of the land. The fertile soil near Prospect Hill offered opportunities for agricultural settlement and other land uses on the Cumberland Plain. Early significant agricultural settlements were established in the study region. Basalt quarrying at Prospect Hill, which started in 1880 offered extensive stone, aggregates and bitumen for building construction, and surfacing the unpaved roads of the early settlement and later supplied materials for the urban development of Sydney. Similarly, sandstone on the edge of the Cumberland Plain offered stone for various uses in building construction. The typical soil landscape of the region is clay, which provided opportunities for making bricks, and the sand and gravel offer construction materials, which were used in suburban development and later in developing Sydney. But in the process of utilising these natural resources, the people cleared extensive bushland for rural, residential, industrial and extractive development, which led to fragmentation of the landscape. This has resulted in isolated patches of remnant vegetation providing less than required habitat for different species. The dry climate and lower rainfall are typical of the region, which often resulted in crop failure for the early settlers. These failures caused more and more clearing of land for agriculture and settlement. The areas of cleared land that failed agriculturally were not maintained properiy, which resulted in losing the native ecological communities. Many settlers from Europe were attracted to the free and abundant lands, which resulted in increasing urbanisation. The scarcity of water was always a major problem in the settlements on the coast, and this led the settlers inland to utilise the rich catchments of the Nepean River in the west and divert water to Sydney city. The lower slopes of Prospect Hill offered a natural gradient and land was cleared for the construction of the service reservoir in 1888. Prospect Reservoir then became significant for Sydney's water supply system. Overuse of land for agriculture and grazing has resulted in infertility in the soils. The pressure of urbanisation has led to more clearing of native bushland and now the original character of the landscape is even more fragmented and degraded. The remains of native bushland in the region are mainly seen near Prospect Reservoir, some portions of creek corridors, and on the slopes of Prospect Hill. Increasing residential and industrial developments have put more and more pressure on the region, which has resulted in an even more degraded landscape. An ecological approach to landscape conservation provides an opportunity to develop connections with the larger ecosystem, which can be used wisely in maintaining the link with the lost landscape. 6. 3 Experiential Approach An experiential approach to cultural landscape investigates human perceptions of their landscapes and the meanings ascribed to landscapes based on their experiences. This approach provides broader ideas of landscape values and perceptions of a place. In order to understand the experiential qualities of landscape in the present regional setting of Prospect Reservoir, I loosely adopted Kevin Thwaites (2007) experiential mapping as a method for recording experiences of landscape. The mapping is based on my own observations and experiences of the site, where I have recorded details of the landscape, made conceptual sketches of my journey from Blacktown to Prospect, and taken photographic sequences, which I have then put onto maps to analyse experientially this significant location. I have limited the scope of the experiential assessment to myself This allows an interpretation of the present character of the landscape from a completely different cultural viewpoint (due to my different cultural background). It is important for any practitioner/ expert to understand and feel the landscape by themselves first before incorporating it into further decisions about heritage. In a larger study, this could then be followed by taking various viewpoints of the local people to strengthen the character of place. Here, the experiential landscape map (based on personal experience) generated from my observations represents a distribution of place and perceptions stimulated largely by visual information (Thwaites, 2007). For the purposes of mapping, the spatial features of place are conceptualised as a centre for social interaction, directions, transition area, thresholds, viewpoints and visual .axis, and restorative important places. This makes it possible to begin understanding the experiential quality and character of the setting and specific locations within the site, which can then be used to increase understanding, coherence, and imageability of the heritage landscapes as well as strengthening a sense of place, both in management and cultural landscape planning. Experiential mapping of Prospect Reservoir The study region was once characterised by open Eucalyptus Woodlands and native grasses. It was transformed into a cluster of agricultural villages, quarrying and then Prospect Reservoir and its water supply networks were built. So the past 100 years has been a succession of residential and commercial developments that have transfomied the study region's appearance and expanded its population in the extending of various suburban areas. At one time the Prospect Hill and reservoir area was connected with beautiful trails and later by rough road to the residential areas of older suburbs now divided by a highway (Great Western Highway) and freeway (M7) which now seclude the reservoir site with their surroundings of Blacktown and Parramatta. The character of the landscape and the means to communicate with the place has been drastically changed in the region. Hence, the changing layers on the landscape have had significant impact on identifying and perceiving a place with respect to its history. The best way to perceive the character of the landscape is by walking around the region. The intention of walking around the Prospect Reservoir site and looking at objects and features could contribute to its visual characters and identity of place. This experiential mapping begins by journeying from the Great Western Highway to the end of the unrestricted Prospect Reservoir site. The Journey The journey begins at the crossing of Blacktown Road and Great Western Highway and moves towards Ponds Road via and St Bartholemews Church and the old cemetery which then turns to meet the Prospect Highway through the narrow space between the highway and grassed edge. Through the roundabout it crosses the Highway bridge on the top of Western Motorway (M7) to meet Reconciliation Road, which is surrounded by construction sites and industrial buildings. The road then leads to Prospect Hill. The entry to the Prospect Reservoir site is found after turning into Reservoir Road and walking 50m. The journey then moves inside the boundaries of the Sydney Water site through well grown, old avenues of Hoop Pine trees, crosses the public parking and small recreational lawn, to a bitumen road, turns and moves to an open area with higher ground on the right hand side surrounded with three historic residences. These were built at the time of construction of the Prospect Reservoir, and have been conserved but restricted to the public. Only a few steps away towards the left hand side are the slopes of Prospect Hill. The journey then crosses the restricted archaeological site of Veteran Hall situated on the base of Prospect Hill. On the right side of road is a large expanse of water enclosed by woodlands in the distance. The journey further crosses heritage display items and equipment used at the time of construction of the Reservoir in 1888 and a display of their brief history. The important equipment displayed is Pincott's roller used in compression of the earthen dam wall, other elements including historic pipes, woodstove main.. Further on, I crossed a two storied service building. Proceeding along the lawns with the water's edge on the right hand side and Prospect Hill on the left hand side, I approach the avenue of palm trees directing me towards the Upper Valve House, an octagonal building on the water connected by a footbridge. The entire water edge is fenced and restricted to the public. At the back of the Valve House is the diagonally placed Prospect dam wall with mowed lawns on both sides. On the other side of the road is a small road which connects to Prospect Hill Reservoir, which after a few metres provides an overview of the Reservoir. At its foot is another former residence converted to a training centre. Adjacent to it on the road is Lower Valve House and receiving basin, and a Venturi Flow meter that was connected via a pipe to the Lower Canal which supplies water to the city. However, now there are bypass pipe lines which carries water directly from Warragamba dam, then from the to Lower Valve house connected to a separate city pipeline. My walk ended when I reached the open recreational space behind the dam wall which on the further southern side was surrounded with Casuarina forest. For the analysis I have made detailed photographic sequences (See Figure 6.9 -6.11, photographs 1- 31 on next page) of the journey and have summarised my own experiences of the site in table form (see Table. 6.2). The table lists the locations of the journey which I felt were experientially significant and needed addressing in further discussion. These experiences were then conceptualised as spatial features such as social interaction, directions, transition area, thresholds, viewpoints and visual axis, and restorative important places and then put into diagrammatic form on the map (see Figure 6. 12). Thus the experiential landscape map generated from the observations of the place, represents a distribution of place perceptions stimulated by visual and to some extent 10 11 Figure 6.9 Photographic sequences of the Journey Figure 6.10 Photographic sequences of the Journey Figure 6.11 Photographic sequences of the Journey Table 6.2 Experience of the study region- Observation Summary Table Area Experience of the study region- Observation Summary Table 1 Great Western Highway Direction Loud sounds of fast moving traffic, Visual disturbance, less vegetation, barren footpaths, Crossing lot of distractions and highway traffic. uncomfortable crossing, one edge of the road is lined with typical suburban residences 2 Crematory and Church Threshold Change in spatial and physical Significant heritage building surrounded with native quality, heritage building landscape character, matured Eucalyptus trees and native traditional colonial architecture, grasses on the slopes of crematory. However, it is materials creates sense of an area fragmented piece of landscape and neglected in surrounded on Ponds street traffic and highways. 3 Over bridge on M7 Threshold Change in experience, material and Functional space has a visual axis to surrounding different modem construction of traffic activities, road network, traffic, distant view of Prospect bridge over western motor way Hill and dense vegetation 4 End Old Prospect Road Direction Change in spatial rhythm and draw No trees along road, no signage to provide directions as your eye toward rough and quite well as road names are not properly displayed road as well as current construction site 5 Prospect Reservoir Transitional Strong sense of axis, change in Thickly grown avenue of Hoop Pines provides strong Entrance space enclosure, long corridor, direction and sense of history welcoming and calm feeling 6 Recreational Space Social Visually enclosed space, interactive Public space enclosed by reserved woodlands, public interaction area and gathering space parking and boundary of SWC 7 Three historic Transitional Sudden change in views and rural Restorative important buildings and its rural landscape Residences space experience, sense of perspective character surrounded with old tress, potential view point and view into open turfed however not given importance at present because the undulating ground with historic movement in landscape is only orientated along internal tar fenced residences, enclosed road which is specifically focused for vehicular movement backdrop 8 Prospect Reservoir View points Strong sense of direction and Enclosed on left side by sparse vegetation and mowed internal road restrictive movement, poorly lawns with a backdrop of increasing elevation of Prospect worked out focal point, at long Hill. Other side with sparse shrubs and ground cover and distance could see fenced water restricted entry inside reserved forest with small workshop. edge 9 Historic Buildings/ Restorative Remains of Veteran Hall, Enclosed Intemal road is mnning in between two storied service heritage display elements space, movement into passage, building along the fenced edge of water and heritage sense of history and focused on display items, adjacent archeological Veteran Hall site and awareness of heritage items, strong backdrop of Prospect Hill. restorative importance 10 Edges of the water View points Distant view of serene water with Less accessible water edge has visual gateway beyond, but backdrop of green forest line, visual and sensual disturbance by fences strong sense of movement along road, fencing on water edge a visual eye-sore. 11 Eastern slope of Prospect View points Strong enclosure, higher elevation, Potential view points could be treated to get an perspective Hill old Prospect Hill reservoir tank, of whole landscape sense of perspective, sparse vegetation 12 Upper Valve House Social Elongated mowed lawn in between Only interactive space near water edge, visual line is lawns interaction water edge and intemal road, focal stopped at avenues of Palm tress directing towards the tress, strong focal point and sudden Upper Valve House connected cast iron foot bridge and at block in views, restorative the background long elongated sloped Prospect dam wall, important elements views of water line 13 Comer of Prospect Dam View points Sense of perspective and views Long, angled, turf slopes on both side of Prospect dam Wall around entire area, fencing on wall are remarkable elements and strong barrier wall of the upper elevation gives visual eye- tranquil waters of Reservoir. Behind the dam wall is vast sore, On the back side historic expanse of turf ground and at long distance enclosed with training center block has restorative casuarinas. Potential view point neglected at present, could importance be treated to emphasize on expanding the visual axis and movement areas around 14 Lower Valve House Threshold Change in direction, sense of Heritage octagonal valve House which was used in perspective and views into lower collecting water from Upper Valve house and then recreational space and enclosure of connected via pipe to distribute to city. Potential to casuarinas, restorative and enhance free movement wider areas. informative importance 15 Recreation space behind Social Change in experience, interactive Strong barrier of Prospect wall, enclosed other side by the Dam interaction and picnic ground, enclosed open casuarinas forest on the edge of Prospect creek space. VED FOREST PROSPEa RESERVOIR WATER SUPPLY "iff, pKiüRl-6.12 UXPIU^IHNTIAI. MAP ( The most significant element on the journey outside the Reservoir is the old cemetery and St Bartholemews Church, which is a fragmented piece of landscape with patches of open spaces largely inaccessible and neglected, although the Church is restored as a heritage place. The colonial architectural that remains acts as a focal point in the surrounding infrastructure and traffic contributes to the potential for centres of social imageabiltiy. There are many neglected open spaces where there is no visual link which comforts a person's feelings. The industrial and quarrying activities at Prospect Hill show a degraded skyline, less vegetation cover, no pleasing distant views to obtain a sense of the old landscape. In contrast to the outside areas of the Reservoir boundary, the inside landscape character is significantly different. The entire landscape experience is visual and reveals that it has a strong directional emphasis, which draws people through the site. The entire movement in landscape is oriented around the internal road, which was specifically constructed for vehicular traffic at the time of construction of the Reservoir. Two landscape features which provide a strongly focus are the avenue of Hoop Pine trees and the avenue of Palm trees. However, these plantings contrast with the naturally occurring surrounding trees. These trees look isolated in the overall landscape because they are very prominent and not repeated anywhere else but have strong historical significance in providing direction. To an extent the directional emphasis of the Prospect Reservoir experience is not well considered. The transitional areas are not highlighted properiy. The overall feeling is of one road running beside a lake and stopping at two different comers of public recreation space; pedestrian movement has not been considered. The site has been partially used for public recreation for over 50 years; however the focus of landscape experience is limited only to public lawns and built elements. The centre of the landscape is the Reservoir Dam wall and expanse of water, which is restricted to the public and has been fenced. This fencing on water's edge is an eye-sore as it gives a feeling of disconnectedness to the elements of the landscape. The landscape has spatial and scenic qualities and has the potential for some views and transitional spaces to be developed in order to have a rich visual experience. The site at present shows discontinuity caused by the materials used, the different threshold areas, the plantings and the outside landscape. Prospect Reservoir was a significant cultural landscape for both indigenous and non-indigenous people. Looking at the site one cannot make out any sense of Aboriginal history and their associations with the landscape. Indigenous heritage items need to be highlighted in a manner that reflects the story of the Aboriginal cultural landscape along with modem culture. The experience at the site provides a sense of dominant aestheticness and neatness in order to create a visually pleasing and picturesque look to landscape. However, the potential of the site is to emphasise materials, space distribution, visual points, native plantings, regional landscape connectivity, and social awareness which gives an experience which is not only pleasing to the eye but gives various sensory experiences, ultimately a sense of history and cultural landscape. Soon commercial and residential development at the edge of Western Sydney Parklands will put extra pressure on the site. Thus, it is important to retain the site's heritage values and original landscape character in order to balance people's desire to use the area for recreation and enjoyment with a landscape that contrasts with its surroundings. Experiential analysis provides planning directives so as to control social activity and at the same time enhance the spatial configuration of the cultural landscape. 6.4 Narrative Approach Narratives provide a complete picture of human actions and their engagement with the landscape in the formation of cultural landscape of that particular place. This section specifically reviews the narratives that have shaped the landscape of the study region. These narratives discussed below mark important phases in the evolution of the cultural landscape from aboriginal occupation to the present culture of the study region. Each narrative indicates the interrelationship of human activities and its resultant impact on the ecological conditions and hence landscape character of that time. For example, there was a major impact on the ecology conditions following the arrival of Europeans. These narratives are important links to the past, as they indicate important places and events, collective experiences which have associational values which shaped the present landscape. Narratives are thus the best medium to understand human values and the meanings that underpin the shaping of a place, which has been continually reformed and rearticulated. Hence, it needs to incorporate an interpretation of the values of cultural landscape and their management, which ultimately creates awareness and develops in people a sense of belonging to that place. Spiritual and ceremonial landscape The Darug people had a rich spiritual and ceremonial life centred on their own territory. These territories were areas identified by natural features. Aboriginal people gathered food during the day and at night they congregated in their 'base camps', see Figure 6.13 (Karskens, 1991). With simply a fire, they would communicate with each other, dance and spend time with their families. Aborigines lived in small groups so they only made a small clearing for their base camps. Usually, different tribes came together for gatherings and sometimes for exchanging goods, for example, basalt, thick branches and medicines (Karskens, 1991). They often travelled long distances for their gatherings, for example, from coastal areas to inland. They cleared trails to travel from one place to another (see Figure 6.14). There were a few cleared places with available food and water for big gatherings. Prospect Hill and the current Prospect Reservoir site were the most significant places for the Darug people. In addition, the Darug had the skill of the Karadji or doctors, so many aboriginal people of different regions visited them. These gatherings could also have occurred in the open areas of our study region. Similarly, people gathered for initiation ceremonies that were a common custom in aboriginal tribes, where front teeth were removed, and nose piercing and the insertion of bones or other ornaments was common. A common custom amongst males and females were raised scars in individualised patterns, and white pipe clay was used to paint the face and body for corroborées and other important gatherings (Kohen, 1985). Therefore, the study area was a most important site for social, cultural, traditional as well as the utilitarian part of life for Aborigines. In addition, the Darug gathered for burial practices. Burial mounds were made in soft deposits along the river bed where there were exposed burials, partial burials, transportation burials and their combinations (Kohen, 1985). Hence, they only dug a small amount of soil for burial grounds, which had less impact on the landscape. These spiritual and ceremonial attributes of Aboriginals provided a close attachment and had a give and take relationship with the landscape in shaping cultural landscape at that time. Figure 6.13 Typical base camps of Aboriginal Figure 6.14 Aboriginal firing and hunting people, William Romaine Govett, "Three practices (National Libraries of Australia) Blacks encamped for nights, (National Libraries of Australia) Pemulwuy's guerilla war During the initial struggling years of European settlement in New South Wales around 1788, Governor Philip began to settle time-expired convicts (from Britain) on the land as farmers. In 1791, he placed numbers of men on the eastern and southern slopes of Prospect Hill. From that time, wherever Europeans settled, they drove away the game and cleared the bush and the yam beds of the river banks, depriving the Aboriginal people of their food. They also killed them. The hunger and poverty resulted in Aboriginal people stealing crops and animals from the Europeans' farms (Attenbrow, 2002). In retaliation, angry settlers killed Aboriginal children and took away women, which enraged the Aboriginal people. Later their anger led to organised attacks by Aboriginal people on settlers (see Figure 6.15). Fig. 6.15 Aboriginals war against early European settlers around 1800 (www.convictcreations.com) Attacks on settlement farms around this time were led by a man of the Bediagal clan named Pemulwuy. Both Aboriginal people and Europeans saw him as a leader. The attacks led by Pemulwuy at Prospect Hill stirred the European settlers. In 1800 Governor King issued an order to shoot on sight Aboriginal men, women or children that appeared around Parramatta, Prospect Hill, and the Georges River (Attenbrow, 2002: 36), which resulted in an open war which lasted for a year with many deaths on both sides. Pemulwuy was finally shot in 1802. After his death his son, Tedbury, continued to carry out small attacks on settlers. However, Pemulwuy's death marked the effective end of the Aboriginal resistance in the Parramatta area (Kohen, 1985). Governor King then relaxed restrictions on Aboriginal people in the district and permitted them to travel to Parramatta freely. This narrative has described the anger and struggle between native and outsiders for land, which ultimately resulted as distress on the landscape. Places between Prospect Hill and the Parramatta River The area between Prospect Hill and Rosehill (Parramatta) became a very pleasant trail and walking track that was popular for European settlers. These tracks/trails were already marked by Aboriginals bands living in that area. Aboriginal people had divided these pieces of land into eight different districts. Each place had associative and cultural values, with intricate stories and songs attached to them. This area was described as, "A very pleasant tract of country, which, from the distance the trees grew from each other, and the gentle hills and dales, and rising slopes covered with grass, appeared like a vast park. The soil from Rose-Hill to Prospect-Hill is neariy alike, being of loam and clay. Although the distance between these two places is only four miles, the natives divided it into eight different districts" (Hunter, 1968:268). Further, this walk was beautifully described with reference to the names of the places: In going Westward from Rosehill in ten minutes you can walk to Warmul, in nineteen to Mal-gram, in seven to A-ra-woo-rung, in eighteen to Car-rarmattar, rarmattar, in five to Bul-bam-mattar, in twenty to Kar-rar-wo-tong and in seventeen to Murrong-Prospect Hill (Hunter, 1968). Currently, this route is located between Parramatta Park and Prospect Hill, and Old Prospect Road and the Great Western Highway. Thus, this walk has significant associative values in building the cultural landscape of the study region. It forms an important link to the past landscape. Clearing and grazing After European settlers reached Prospect Hill, they were attracted by the potential of the countryside and they began developing their settlements in the region. The grassy open woodland was easily cleared and initial settlements were established on the open stretches of land between Prospect Hill and Parramatta. As hundreds more convicts arrived from Britain they were sent to the public farms at western Parramatta, known as Toongabbie (see Figure 6.16). The soil was better, some land had been already cleared by the Aborigines, and there was plenty of water. Soon the Toongabbie settlement was self- contained. Figure 6.16 A western view of Toongabbie, cited in David Collin's book. An Account for the English Colony in NSW in 1798 (Mitchell Library) The arrival of Governor King in 1800 renewed the status of public farming. He began to establish farms elsewhere, for example, north of Castle Hill and introduced new settlements at various places. The settlers cleared hundreds of acres, burned around fifty acres of land and planned to build more huts on the Cumberland Plains. As many settlements failed, the settlers shifted on to other places (Karskens, 1991) leaving behind half-cleared land, which caused damage to the ecosystem. Furthermore, in 1807, due to a cultivation failure throughout the colony, the convicts moved on to different tasks such as logging timber for roofs, battens, and fencing and making roads and bridges. Thus, the forests were cleared at a much greater rate, there were many quarrying activities on the sandstone plateau for construction materials, and clay was used for making bricks, all of which further resulted in degradation of the native ecosystem. Convict farmers, who were unaware of agricultural techniques, wildly attacked and cut down the bush, often burning the trunks of trees. They cleared almost two acres of land for agriculture at a time. They used very primitive methods of agricultures, for example, they sowed seeds by hand and not in proper rows, thus causing seed wastage and promotion of weeds. These convict farmers were also ignorant of crop rotation, which resulted in damage to the topsoil. Only the alluvial soils at Prospect withstood these reckless cultivation methods (cited in Karskens, 1991). In line with agricultural improvement practice at the time, the settlers introduced many exotic animals, such as horses, cows and sheep, ploughs and horse-driven agricultural equipment. Also, many free settlers were appointed to suggest improvements in cultivation. Sheep were grown for wool, which was exported (Fletcher, 1976). Some of the newly introduced animals were used as grazing animals which saw the rise of the grazing industry. These grazing activities resulted in the clearing of more woodland which degraded the soil and hence the native vegetation. Additionally, pigs, hens and birds were introduced for meat. Dogs and cats were introduced as pets along with new plant species, fruit trees and different cereals for food. The settlers also introduced animals for gaming such as rabbits and wild pigs. This introduction of animals suppressed the native fauna. In the early 1820s, the expanse between Parramatta, Prospect, Seven Hills and later Smithfield was partly cleared. Cottages, outbuildings, convicts huts, some inns, and a few mansions could be seen from unruly roads. In the 1830s, local municipalities were established who were responsible for road construction. The major road was the 'Western Road' which ran straight over the plain to the edge of the Blue Mountains. Most of the roads began as unruly tracks between settlements but later, in 1840, they were widened and improved to accommodate the growing number of wheeled vehicles. As settlements spread and consolidated, new roads were constructed around properties (Karskens, 1991). The progress of roads and urbanisation used vast areas of the Plain which resulted in drastic changes to the original appearance of the landscape. Water supply line - Upper Nepean catchments Water has been vital to the survival and prosperity of Sydney city since the first days of the colony. In the early days of settlement and following the early urban growth of Sydney there was small water supply systems. The first one was the Tanks Stream which was a fresh water course which ran through Sydney but failed around 1826. Another two sources were at Centennial Park and Botany Bay. However, these systems were inadequate for the increasing population and the demand led to a call for a more permanent water supply for Sydney city (Sydney Catchment Authority, 2002). NEPEAN-AVON •^=5==- TUNNEL _ NEPEAN DAM AVON DAM CORDEAUX DAM PHEASANTS NEST WEIR CATARACT DAM NEPEAN RIVER Figure 6.17 Conceptual Diagram of Nepean Water supply system (Sydney Catchment Authority) in 1879, the Upper Nepean Scheme was proposed (see Figure 6.17. Dams were constructed on all four rivers. The New South Wales government sanctioned a scheme in which water was to be diverted from the Nepean, Cordeaux, Cataract and Avon rivers, which all gathered high rainfall, and collected in a reservoir at Prospect Hill, that is. Prospect Reservoir, from where it would supply the city via a pipeline. However, this was not an easy task. A very complex network diverted water that was collected at Prospect Reservoir through aqueducts, canals, tunnels, and pipelines. This system was collectively known as the Upper Canal and was approximately 62 km long. Water released from the Cataract Dam flowed down the Cataract River to Broughton's Pass Weir. Water collected from the Nepean Dam and the Cordeaux Dam flowed downstream to Pheasants Nest Weir on the Nepean River, where it was diverted via a 7 km tunnel to Broughton's Pass Weir. From Broughton's Pass Weir, water was diverted into the Upper Canal where it flowed 57 km entirely by gravity to Prospect Reservoir and then to the city via a pipeline (Sydney Catchment Authority, 2002). Figure 6.18 Site of Prospect Reservoir (Holroyd Council) Around 700 people were employed in the reservoir construction which represented a major engineering feat at the time. The construction site of is shown in Figure 6.18. One thousand horses were employed for the haulage of blue metal slabs and the movement of large quantities of earth for the construction of the dam wall. Also, 5,000 sheep were used to compact the soil at the base of the dam wall. Around eight years after commencement, the construction work was completed, and the reservoir now gives a picturesque character to the site, with a vast expanse of water surrounded by open bush on one side and casuarina forest and Prospect Hill on the other side (Sydney Catchment Authority, 2002). Quarrying Landscape Quarrying has existed at Prospect Hill since Aboriginal occupation. Aborigines used basalt for making tools, equipment and weapons. There is also evidence of the exchange of stones between inland tribes and coastal tribes. European settlers discovered the availability of basalt on Prospect Hill soon after they arrived in 1780. Basalt was used in the construction of cottages, and the early local roads were paved with broken grey dolerite around 1820 (Wallace, 1992). Afterwards basalt was used in minor construction. The first major exploitation of the basalt of Prospect Hill was not until the 1880s when basalt was quarried from the western side of Prospect Hill, on the Lawson Estate to surface the water side of Prospect Reservoir's earth wall. This was undertaken by Spering and Partners, using primitive methods. The rocks were drilled, shot out and broken down by hand by mainly convict labourers (see Figure 6.19). This quarry area was owned by the Water Board and was named Prospect Reservoir Quarry (Wallace, 1992). Figure 6.19 Workers at Prospect Reservoir quarry ( Boral) Booth Brothers opened the first private quarry, called Widemere Quarry, in the 1880s. In 1879, the NSW Mines Department acknowledged that the basalt at Prospect Hill was of very good quality and of unlimited quantity. They certified its value and from then it became a major industry in the region as well as in NSW (Wallace, 1992). During 1890, a narrow-gauge tramway was constructed which made for easy transportation of the stone to other parts of Sydney and this encouraged several quarries to be established around this time. The first gravel crushing plant was established at Prospect in 1890 (see Figure 6.20). ' Figure 6.20 View of Gravel crushing plant at Prospect Modem quarrying began in 1901. By 1920 there were many quarries. Around 1935, Blue Metal & Gravel Limited (BMG) was formed to sell the aggregate, and they started bitumen plant, which heated aggregate with bitumen to produce a substance known as hotmix or asphaltic concrete. The material was used for surfacing roads (Karskens. 1991). By the end of 1940 around two million tonnes of stone had been extracted. The shale part of Prospect Hill was at that time used for making bricks, producing 15 million tonnes of bricks per annum. A typical tile and pottery/brick workshop is shown in Figure 6.21. Figure 6.21 Earlier Tiles and Pottery Workshop (Mitchell Library) Around 1956, Blue Metal Industries (BMI) became the major company, and they extracted and produced about 12,000 tonnes of material a day. Their stone and bitumen plants supplied material for the roads, kerbs, gutters and buildings of modem Sydney and for such major structures as Woronora Dam, the Captain Cook Graving Dock, the Sydney Opera House, the Circular Quay Overseas Terminal and the Cahill Expressway. By 1982 BMI Limited had grown to become a major supplier of construction and building materials to both Australia and worldwide. Later Boral Limited acquired BMI. The company now has a major quarry, crushing plants, associated facilities, two asphalt plants, brickworks (Boral Bricks), a Besser block plant, and modem laboratories that conduct Boral Research activities (Wallace, 1992). Current photographs of Prospect Hill changing landscape of quarries are shown in Figures 6.22 and 6.23. • ^ m" Figure 6.22 Views of the east side of Prospect Hill quarry (Conybeare Morrison plus) Figure 6.23 View looking west towards Prospect Reservoir from Prospect Hill's Boral resources quarries area (Conybeare Morrison plus) Recreational facilities During the construction of the Upper Nepean dams, temporary townships were established at each construction site (Sydney Catchment Authority, 2002). These temporary township structures were shifted after completion of the works and the grounds were turned into gardens and parklands with picnic and recreational facilities. After completion of Prospect Reservoir in 1890 there was continuous change at the site. In 1900 a new road was built at the foot of the Prospect embankment to ease pressure on the embankment. Around 1939 an avenue of Jacarandas was planted at the site. Afterwards the Water Board started bulldozing the temporary facility buildings and cottages. Later, they began levelling the ground at the back of the embankment on the eastern edge of the reservoir and started turfmg the open space so it could be used for public recreation. Parts of the site were open to the public and more turfed areas were created near the Lower Valve House and behind Prospect Dam from 1960 (see Figure 6.24). Soon it became the picnic place for the western Sydney suburbs. However, for security reasons recreational facilities were limited and the boundaries of the reservoir and bushland areas were fenced. In 1998, a proposal was made for Prospect Reservoir to have a wider range of facilities, but the proposal was rejected. Since then Prospect Reservoir has become the largest open space in western Sydney. Müny people have been attracted to its picturesque beauty and bushland surroundings. Cullen's Conservation Management Plan (1995) stated that many surveys had been undertaken in the community and people wanted a range of recreational activities on the reservoir. However, it was deemed that such activities would cause water pollution in the water supply network and hence they were rejected. At present Prospect Reservoir is partially open to the public but many new residential and commercial developments are proposed for the surrounding suburbs which could create additional pressure on the site to be used for more community recreation. Figure 6.24 Recreational facilities near Lower Valve house and Behind Prospect Dam 6.5 Discussion For the application of the CLP on the study region I have identified values which are important in providing special characteristic to landscape, and in turn a sense of place of Prospect Reservoir. Through ecological, experiential, and narrative methods CLP reveals Prospect Reservoir is a landscape with a range of levels giving physical reality to a number of different value and meanings of the past. The CLP argues that there are many gaps in the assessments and interpretation of cultural landscape of Prospect Reservoir which have been reflected in previous CMPs. The landscape of Prospect Reservoir and its heritage identification has always emphasised its significance as an element of Sydney's water supply system and part of the Upper Nepean scheme. Looking at the landscape on the site one could make out its connection with its European past through the stories of built elements and accent trees. However, an entire story of the cultural landscape at Prospect Reservoir is missing. Taking these issues into consideration, the CLP portrays the entire story of landscape in providing regional identity to Prospect Reservoir. The analysis of ecological considerations at Prospect Reservoir highlights the interrelationship of landscape elements such as the climate, physiography, geology, hydrology, soils, and flora which together formed a place that was a habitat for various fauna and ultimately provided resources for humans. The landscape has distinct characteristics. The initial impact on land by Aboriginals was minor but this was quickly altered by European settlement and its major impact on the landscape. Through this ecological approach, individual and group landscape values have been discovered which have given regional identity to Prospect Reservoir. Thus, regional landscape provides clues in understanding the various ecological links which cannot be restricted within the legal boundaries/site boundaries. Similarly, the protection of such cultural landscape should not be limited to retaining the present character rather than reinventing the natural processes which together have formed distinct character which has been suppressed by cultural activities. In the ecological approach, decisions should be guided by natural processes or at least integrated to reinforce regional identity. Regional identity indicates that natural and human processes are guiding factors in design decisions. Through an experiential approach I have described the spatial structure of the region. Moreover I have seen the fi-agmented remains of the past landscape. The experiential approach also argues that the over-emphasising of aesthetic/visual qualities in heritage management rather than considering other variables of human experiences such as, exploration, understanding and imageability of cultural landscape as a whole is not acceptable. Through narratives Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal actions and engagements with landscape are uncovered which provide the character of the landscape and values which are often overlooked in interpreting the cultural heritage of the region. Thus, narratives of cultural heritage play a central role in our evolving sense and assertion of communal identity. Opportunities and constraints An ecological approach provides an opportunity to create regional identity by maintaining an ecological link within the study region which includes the wildlife corridor, and regenerating the devastated landscape such as quarries and industrial sites etc. It also provides an opportunity to develop the natural trails linking the elements of heritage importance such as aqueducts, canals, and pipelines of the water supply network system, creating green corridors to link the significant creeks of the study region. The current CMPs with their lack of ecological considerations make it difficult to create the important ecological links and hence regional identity, and will result in only preserving a fragmented landscape of the Prospect Reservoir site. The experiential approach provides an opportunity to increase public participation to create a sense of place. The experiential mapping provides a conceptual framework of transitional spaces, view/directions, viewpoints, thresholds, social interaction, restorative importance which are then used in analysing the experiential potential to strengthen the place values. It is then used in design applications in managing existing as well as in proposing new public recreational spaces at the Prospect Reservoir site. Further, it can add value to open space image within the region. The current CMPs focus is limited to visual and aesthetic quality of the landscape and therefore does not involve people's experience. The narrative approach provides an opportunity to discover the missing stories which can help in establishing links with past, which is very important in preserving local history and regional identity. The important narratives in the study region include the social. spiritual and ceremonial landscape of the aboriginal past, stories of conflicts and the shared history of Aboriginals and Europeans, places of Aboriginal and eariy European history between Parramatta and Prospect Hill, clearing and grazing that narrates the ecological change in the region, the water supply line from Prospect Reservoir and its connection with the Upper Nepean River, and quarrying at Prospect. These narratives have the potential to add to the associational values of the study region and are important for regional identity. The current CMPs have already preserved some of these important elements, which are links to the past. However, they consider that cultural significance is only embedded within the built fabric, and any change around built fabric will disturb its cultural significance, and thus any change is not encouraged. Therefore, there is a potential risk of conflict with the CMPs approach, in that cultural significance of the built fabric may be given priority in decisions and policies over the ecological functioning or the changing cultural context. This conflict can be avoided only by a holistic understanding of functioning of all the natural and cultural processes, narratives of site and the human experiential values, and their interrelatedness, which is critical in order to manage them. Chapter 7: Conclusions Conclusions Overall, this thesis has investigated ways of interpreting the cultural landscape in a more meaningful and dynamic manner. The proposed CLP has opened the door on questions of meanings attributed to cultural landscape. The thesis questions the conventional and set out concepts of looking at cultural landscape and their management practices. By detailed investigation of the assessment model set by the Burra Charter, this thesis finds that there are many gaps and biases in understanding the multiple meanings of heritage/cultural landscape which often misses the gist of landscape in understanding the cultural significance of a place. In order to overcome these limitations, the thesis has proposed a new tool/framework which is used to interpret inherent values of cultural landscape. The CLP through its ecological, experiential and narrative approach tries to answer the inadequacy of the conventional heritage practice, specifically the Burra Charter. The Burra Charter's assessment of heritage/cultural landscape is oriented towards understanding the three key factors of 'place', 'cultural significance' and 'fabric'. The most important is the cultural significance of place which guides the management decisions. Hence, retention of the significance is the basic principle of the Burra Charter. The Charter follows a 'cautious approach' in managing heritage whereby changing as much as is necessary but as little as possible is the rule. The Charter also stresses consideration of all aspects of natural and cultural values in assessing cultural significance which ultimately should lead to appropriate actions at a place. However, there are certain gaps in the overall thinking and interpretation of heritage. The central thinking of the Burra Charter is based on the concepts and ideas that heritage places are the only tangible elements of the past hence they are preserved separately as monuments. Largely, heritage decisions have shown dominance and authority in managing heritage. In heritage practices, the assessment and management of cultural landscape is set by an authorised group of people who often overlook the theoretical understanding of landscape. Hence, due to lack of theoretical understanding there are gaps in portraying a true picture of the site/place and important aspects in making the place are neglected which ultimately alters the original meaning and value of the landscape. The thesis specifically argues the Burra Charter's set key concepts. The discussion points out that, the definition of 'cultural significance', 'place' and 'fabric' shows a lack of understanding the various attributes attached to them. The concept of place is limited to listing of different items which contribute to the place, where natural, physical and emotional values that change with time are completely neglected. Similarly, the Burra Charter's idea that cultural significance is embedded in fabric, which is a physical component of place, limits the concept of cultural significance which should include other important aspects like social changes, complexity of culture, and public perception. The discussion concludes that the Burra Charter's main objective is to hold onto the past in preserving the places of cultural significance, but the past is always being reinterpreted and there are constant formations of new layers over time. The discussion also identifies that place is formed by the involvement and commitment of people over time, hence, care of a place is not possible without the people who belong to the place. Therefore, quality heritage conservation should be done in a manner which is conscious of the evolution of a community and makes changes in use in consultation with all people who belong to the place. In bringing various landscape theories together, the research has offered an opportunity to extend the Burra Charter. On the basis of landscape theories, this thesis proposes the CLP which helps in interpreting the inherent values of cultural landscape has been overlooked in the heritage charters. The thesis has strongly pointed out the gaps in heritage practices by reviewing various landscape concepts and their theoretical approaches. The thesis supports theoretical discussion which has identified three important factors of cultural landscapes: 'place', 'people' and 'time' and their interrelationship which gives significant character to the landscape. Further, the thesis has identified landscape approaches/theories that support the relationship of people, place and time. These approaches are broadly classified as ecological, experiential, and narrative. The thesis develops the CLP on the basis of these three approaches. First, the ecological approach seeks to discover and analyse the interdependent relationships between humans and natural systems in order to define regional identity. The experiential approach addresses landscape perceptions and values that people have as a result of interaction with the landscape. Narrative strongly enhances the stories of the landscape and past associations while interpreting the cultural landscape. The most important part is the interconnection of these three approaches in order to discover the critical issues in protecting cultural landscape. The important issues addressed in the proposed CLP are first, regional settings which provide an understanding of landscape character, natural systems and their interdependence, evolutionary processes and various cultural expressions. This combination provides the regional identity which is a peculiar characteristic of a place and portrays its particular physical and social environment. Second, the experiential approach, which explores the relationship between human experience and the spatial organisation in landscape, can be achieved through detailed experiential mapping which can be then used to encourage different types of place attachments, strengthen capabilities of place and facilitate orientation which enhances a sense of place. Third, the narrative approach which helps in providing the missing links in creating the overall story of the landscape, where narrative elements can be used in expanding the design intent and planning approach in managing the cultural landscape. The most important discussion of the CLP is an understanding of the landscape character and its ecological systems which have been changed over time through human actions. The model has specifically given priority to natural systems in understanding their narratives and experience over time and which have been used as guiding factors in cultural landscape planning. Through ecological, experiential and narrative criteria, the CLP identifies the missing links and critical issues to create a regional identity. This is achieved by maintaining an ecological link within the study region including a wildlife corridor and regenerating the ecology of devastated landscape such as quarries and industrial sites etc. It can use as an approach for conservation and restoration of landscape where future urban growth can be guided or linked to the environment. Thus, the CLP creates healthy and sustainable cultural landscapes for future generations. Comparison between the proposed CLP with the Burra Charter's assessment of heritage/cultural landscape is shown in Figure 7.1. Table 7.1. The Burra Charter's assessment model and proposed CLP Heritage/cultural landscape assessment The Proposed Cultural Landscape and management practices Paradigm (CLP) Interpretations: Based on the Burra Interpreting the inherent values of cultural Charter landscape Place -Labelled content of items Place Ecological Approach Physical Site -No ecological Socio-cultural Area consideration Regional identity Scientific Interdependence Landscape -No emotional factors Spatial Ecological link Building -Not focused on changing time People Experiential Cultural -Values in estimating Perceptions Approach sìgnifìcance significance Psychological Experiential quality -focused on built element Aesthetic Cognitive Spatial structure rather than natural Historic Form Imageability element Scientific Awareness Social -monumental concept Story Narrative Approach -No landscape fabric Fabric Associative Changing time Physical -emphasis on built fabric Narratives Attachment Material Events Sense of belonging Component continuity Human engagement Objects Identitv Based on the above key factors and The interrelationship between place, Statement of cultural significance: people and story provides critical issues useful for protecting the cultural landscape Development of policies and of place/ Cultural landscape management heritage/conservation management plans The application of this CLP on the case study of the Prospect Reservoir region strongly suggests that the site has had significant landscape character of Aboriginal occupation which is now not evident. There has been substantial ecological degradation which has changed the ecological, narrative and experiential quality of the place. The CLP argues that the current conservation plans based on the Burra Charter's approach are limited towards conserving built elements and bushland which are fenced rather than re- establishing its links with the larger region and the larger ecosystems. Overall, the proposed CLP suggests that the ecological changes have been the result of cultural insensitivity and the processes of degradation, which could be considered part of a poor cultural landscape management plan. The thesis has referred to a broad range of literature in order to support its theoretical findings. It has critically analysed the various heritage elements including the Burra Charter, heritage registers, and previous conservation management plans to develop an argument for the model. The thesis has used historical data, stories, environmental maps, various other documents, personal observations/ experiential mappings and photographs to develop an ecological, narrative and experiential connection with the study region. However, there is much scope in developing the variables for different approaches of the model using detailed documentation of landscape, the present ecological values, the regeneration of ecological communities, regional links, open space network, ecotourism, as well as public surveys, questionnaires, and various interpretative and associated documentation. This CLP has vast scope and is not only limited to preservation but can be used in new urban developments, regional parklands and cities. This thesis concludes that the Burra Charter and similar heritage conservation reference documents need to address the bias and confined approach of their policies and practices in order to revive the cultural landscape in any given situation. However, today it is important to change our perspective to look towards cultural landscape planning and preservation practice in order to create a sustainable cultural landscape. Appendix 1 Veteran Hall In the late 1820sVeteran Hall, the house of William Lawson, was a prominent architectural building set high on Prospect Hill. In 1822, the initial dwelling had begun with bricks produced from local soils. The architecture was vernacular, of low height with sloping roofs extending over on the verandas. It was further extended to become a total of 20 rooms with wings at both the sides. A road lined with Hoop Pines was constructed leading to Veteran Hall. The garden was planted with palms, olives and roses (Andrews & Hazell, 1971:23-26). See Figurel. Figure 1 Augustus Earle,' The farm house of William Lawson Esq. N.S.W. in 1824 showing Veteran Hall left of centre (National Library of Australia) Lawson died in the 1850s and the estate including Veteran Hall was inherited by his son and later taken care of by their heirs (see. Figure 2). The Lawson family played a predominant role in the early colonial families in Australia. Colonel Mundy, wrote in his book Our Antipodes about Veteran Hall and the Lawson estate, We were particularly struck with the fine dark loam of the Prospect Hills cultivated to the very summit and the well chosen site of the Veteran Hall, the residence of the Mr. Lawson, with its luxuriant orange groves and vineries. contrasting in their vivid green with the leaden hue of gum forest below (cited in Cullen, 1995:23). Figure.2 Veteran Hall late 1890, Prospect (Holroyd Library) Later, in 1900 the Sydney Water Board acquired Veteran Hall and it was then used by workers of the Water Board. See Figure 3. In 1912 it was leased to the Commonwealth Government as a remount depot for the military. Minor alterations and additions were continuously done at the cottage. Veteran Hall was demolished, in June 1929 as it had fallen into disrepair. Figure 3 Members of the Water Board outside Veteran Hall in 1900 (Sydney Water Board) Appendix 2 Construction of Prospect Reservoir: 1882-1888c Construction of Prospect Reservoir began in 1882 and was finished in 1888. It was a major engineering achievement of that time. It covered 2,000 acres of land and had a storage capacity of 10,813 million gallons. The maximum depth of water was 22.5 m. The earthen dam wall, the first of its kind, was 2178 m long, had a maximum height of 25.5 m and a top width of 9 m. The slope gradient was three to one inside and two and a half to one on the outside over a 4.5 m height. The road level at the top of the dam was 60.9 m high and the top water level was 58.5 m. The dam surface was pitched with diorite stone 45mm deep. The puddle wall constructed inside the dam wall was placed 1.8 m below the top of the bank to the solid shale. It was 2.4 m wide at the top and the battering was one in eight outwards to the ground, then continued below ground level to the shale foundation, as shown in Figure 1. It was protected on each side by red and white clay rammed in 150 mm deep sloping at a gradient of one in twelve downwards towards the puddle wall. The remaining clay was rammed with similar materials sloping in a similar manner but 300 mm in depth. (Sydney Water Board Journal, 1958) Water this side Slope 3 to 1 Slope 2 72 to 1 Clay Puddle. 6-inch (150mm) layers Selected Materials, 6-inch {150mm) layers Inclination 1 in 12. 12-inch (300mm) layers Yellow Clay (natural layer) Dark Gravel (natural layer) Clay and Shale (natural layer) Figure 1 Prospect Dam wall section (based on original plans, SWC Plan room, 92/23) (Sydney Water, 2005) Two methods were used in the consolidation of the main wall. In one method, around five thousand sheep were employed to trample down the fill. In another method a special type of roller was used, known as Pincott's roller. It was not an ordinary roller; it was made of volcanic stone built in sections with the circumference not exactly round but irregular in shape. The shape allowed maximum consolidation. It had been used before in Melbourne and as volcanic stone was available in abundance at Prospect it was an obvious choice. It was pulled by a team of ten horses and was driven by Mr. George Pincott and his brother Tom, hence the name Pincott's roller. The roller was not used again after completion of the reservoir and is now preserved and displayed on site. The construction of Reservoir is shown in the photograph below, Figure 2 (Sydney Water Board Journal, 1958). Figure 2 Work underway at Prospect Reservoir in the 1880s (Sydney Water Board) Appendix 3 Comparative Analysis of three CMPs as follows Analysis Conservation Plan For Prospect Reservoir, June 1995, Draft Conservation Management Plan, Dec 2005, By Prospect Hill Conservation Management Plan (CMP), By A. M. Cullen (Environmental Management Group) Sydney Water Corporation, 18 Oct 2005, Conybeare Morrison Plus This CMP report is consistent with Sydney Water's Sydney Water Corporation has undertaken CMP for: The Prospect hill is north eastern side of Reservoir. Corporate Plan; aim to deliver quality services in an Listed on the State Heritage Register (its cultural and environmentally acceptable manner. 1. To set guidelines and standards and establish natural significance) significance for its historic and physical evidences. Aims: 2. The framework for the future management and CMP's Aims: 1. To maintain and enhance the conservation values with conservation need to be undertaken by Sydney water's 1. To provide Holroyd city\Council with an understanding its continued use as major water supply facility and own policy directives i.e. CMP Manual. of the heritage item, AIM regional recreational area. 3. To maintain significant fabric by continuing use of site, it's historical and geographical context, 2. To mange natural areas in the manner so as its whereas many historic elements are not in use, need to be 2. Find out its research potential and importance to the conservation, aesthetic and educational values as well as maintained as heritage items. community. utility should be retain 3. Derive an updated Statement of Significance. 3. In addition, the new water supply services are coming 4. Derives a Conservation Policy, to guide current and up which need to be taken care of, while proposing new future owners on the design potentials and its ongoing usage. maintenance. Need to be taken care of, while proposing new usage. The methodology includes: Sydney water has adopted 3 tier systems. The tier consists The methodology includes 1. In accordance with J.S. Kerr's The Conservation Plan of the CMP Manual and should read in conjunction with 1. The Australia ICOMOS Charter for The Conservation 2. As per the Principals of the Australian ICOMOS Burra the CMP manual. of Places of charter for the conservation of the places of the cultural Tier 1: Document that provides policy level advice with Cultural Significance The Burra Charter. significance. respect to heritage obligations, practice and principles. 2. The Australian Natural I leritage Charter (1997) 3. Also, the Regional Thematic Model recently promoted Tier 2: Documents provide generic conservation analysis published by The Australian Heritage Commission, by the Australian Heritage commission of the functional water and sewerage system, or class of 3. J.S. Kerr's Conservation Plan 4. Plan has review and collation of existing reports elements 4. The NSW Heritage Manual, The NSW relating to the heritage estate at Prospect Reservoir Tier 3: Document provides assets specific detailed 5. National Parks and Wildlife Service Aboriginal Cultural METHODOLOGICAL conservation advice for the state Heritage Register listed Heritage Standards and Guidelines Kit (1997) Methodological processes: APPROACH elements of the system. 6. The NSW Heritage Office CMP Assessment checklist, Historic documentation September, 2003. Natural and physical documentation CMP Manual and its processes are in accordance with the Assessment of significance Burra Charter and Australian This methodology incorporates the following sections: Statement of Significance Historic analysis (using State Heritage themes). Policies CMP process: Physical Assessment Project Preparation Significance Assessment Investigate Significance Opportunities and Constraints Assess Significance Management Policies Manage Significance 1. Aboriginal usage of the site 1. Timeline of events presented in the chart form 1. Formation of Prospect hill 2. European settlement 2. Detail documentation of history from 1880 to present in 2. Aboriginal usage history 3. Economical development and settlement history similar fashion as in report 1. 3. Early European history 4. Built elements 3. More emphasis is given on the construction details of 4. Land Tenure HISTORIC 5. Sydney Water supply network Reservoir and their supply systems. 5. Development of prospect DOCUMENTATION 6. Creation of Prospect Reservoir and its usage and 4. Documented the Sydney Water Supply units and built 6. Industrial and Agricultural developments changes over a period of time structures in the form of maps. 7. Prospect quarry: Boral industries (Greystanes Estate) 5. Ownership of Land 8. Visitors to Prospect Hill 9. Current Land uses 1. Geology Emphasized only on Vegetation cover Physical assessment 2. Soil 1. Cumberland Plain woodland types 1. Topography 3. Vegetation cover -with threatened flora and fauna, 2. Grassland 2. Geology endangered ecological community 3. Wetland 3. Economic geology 4. Settlement pattern 4. Detail formation of Prospect Hill LANDSCAPE 5. Flora DOCUMENTATION 6. Fauna 7. Regional Rivers and streams 8. Infrastructure 9. Built form 10. Site views 1. Aboriginal usage Social, Cultural structure similar as Report 1 Prospect Hill is adjacent to the Reservoir, which plays • Meeting place Some Usage of land changed after 1995: important role in shaping regional natural and cultural • Food Gathering (wanderers) landscape. • Hunting grounds 1. The Water treatment plan • Sacred ground 1. Aboriginal occupation: 2. New By Pass water supply line • open sites or camp sites that they are transient, or short 2. Early Europeans: stay, • Agriculture, pastoral 3. Proposed Development at Western Sydney Parklands. • Foraging for vegetable foods, hunting game, SOCIAL AND • Vantage point, transient visitation. 3. Sydney water board for water supply reservoir 4. Active recreation CULTURAL STRUCTURE 2. European occupation 4. Different Services: channels and by pass water supply • Industrial and agricultural development: Blue metal lines constructed due to demand (basalt) quarry • Many different companies acquired the quarry so 5. Recreational usage of land chances seen in the social economic structure. • Built structure correlates to the industry 3. Prospect hill as main lookout for visitors Inventory assessment has been done under three broad Inventory has described as physical and functional areas: Significance Inventory: categories: 1. Physical cartilage: 1. Aboriginal Cultural Heritage: • Urban context 1. Natural Significance Surveys: Archeological remains • Visual cartilage • Geology • Ownership and tenure of land • Economic Geology 2. Non- Aboriginal Cultural Heritage: The seven Heritage • Flora and fauna Precincts 2. Natural heritage: • Regional river and creek structure • The entry avenue group • Woodland, Grassland, Wetlands. • Prospect hill & Veteran hall • Environmental issues: Weed, Introduced fauna 2. Indigenous significance • The valve houses • Aboriginal land uses compared with current physical • Prospect Dam and Reservoir 3. Operational Curtilage: areas • Pumping House 24 group • Position of the site within Sydney Water Corporation • Impacts on land INVENTORY • By Wash and Bridge Group water supply • Archeological remains ASSESSMENT & • The upper channel group • Infrastructure and site components HERITAGE VALUES 3. Cultural significance 3. Natural Heritage: 4. Built components: Layout of water supply infrastructure • Detail land ownership and their developments: • Flora and site components Greystanes Estate, CISRO, Boral resources. National • Fauna • Inlet Precincts Australia Bank, Macquire Goodman. • Prospect Dam group • Built forms: Boral and Former CISRO office • Valve Houses Precincts • Transportation network • Prospect Hill Precinct • Site views • Northern Precincts • Open space • WPS no.24 Group • By-wash & Bridge Group • Veteran Hall Precincts • Main Entrance Precincts 1. Prospect Reservoir By-pass Stage 1: south side 1. Land subdivision and ownership: 1. Rezoning of land-uses by State governments under 2. Prospect Reservoir By-pass Stage2: water pumping • Sydney Catchments Authority (1999): SCA controls the State Environmental Planning policy station to supply direct water to northern part of Sydney. water-body and catchments area 2. Site used for quarrying and associated activities nearing 3. Prospect Reservoir Treatment Plant • Sydney Water Corporation: SWC maintains ownership the end of its economic life. Boral resources are closing 4. Proposed Prospect Electricity Supply of the area below the dam wall and the parts of the site to down CURRENT 5. Improvement of water quality the east. 3. Proposed Western Sydney Parklands site INTERPRETATION 6. Security and amplification of supply of water to Urban • NSW Road and Traffic Authority (RTA): Small portion 4. Greystanes Estate is broadly divided into two zones, OF SITE areas of site industrial and half housing 7. Landscape integration work for the above civil work 2. Prospect to Pipe head Tunnel 5. The eastern side of Prospect hill has zoned for 3. Prospect Filtration plant residential and western side for employment zone and rest 4. Proposal for open site for Recreation Hill area is preserved for Native Cumberland plain forest for regional open space. . Listed Criteria of Australian Heritage commission for Assessment of Significance in accordance with process 1. Criteria for assessing significance: natural and cultural heritage significance. outlined in CMP Manual • Natural significance includes 1. Examination of NSW Heritage office criteria • Indigenous significance 2. National trust of Australia 2. Comparative analysis. Rarity and Representative ness • Cultural significance Historic significance • Water Storage facilities 2. Level of significance: Engineering significance • Elements of Water supply • National On -going role • Residences • State Services 3. Thematic associations: Historic themes • Local • National theme, 3. Grading of Significance 3. Detail study place • State theme, • The values are given to justify the status of the heritage 4. Assessing significance of Places, Precincts and • Physical evidence or historical context that reflects the items. For example, exceptional, high, little, neutral and ASSESSMENT OF individual component theme intrusive SIGNIFICANCE Flora and fauna 4. Earlier Statement of Significance • Each grading has different implication and which 2. Aboriginal Heritage items 5. Statement of Significance from analysis suggests the policy decision. 3. Non- Aboriginal Cultural Heritage: sites structure and 6. Schedule of Significant elements: Grading of 4. Analysis of Element of Prospect Hill with above object significance with the condition of elements of Heritage grading and level of significance. items 5. Application of Assessment Criteria 4. Level of significance are qualified on • Exceptional 6. Statement of Significance • State, •High 7. Constraints and opportunities • Regional • Medium 8. Assessment followed through various Acts in Australia. • local level • Low 9. Heritage interpretation 10. Feasible uses. 5. Constraints and Opportunities Management issues: 1. Retention of significance issue 1. Rare geological and topographic feature should be 1. Stored water quality 2. Built heritage conservation maintained 2. Run-off quality 3. Ownership and control of land 2. Mange Aboriginal Heritage 3. Terrestrial Ecosystem Management 4. Engineering and technical heritage issues • Usage of Significant elements of Aboriginal history •Weed 5. Archeological issues • Site should be open to Aboriginal Local community • Plant species diversity • Natural heritage issues: 3. Views and vistas • Tree Canopy • Water quality 4. Interpretation of site in respect of current development • Fauna • Management of the Cultural Landscape at western Sydney 4. Aquatic ecosystem management MANAGEMENT • Vegetation management 5. Biodiversity • Plant species ISSUES •Soil • Protection of remnant native flora and fauna • Fauna • Management of Animal species • Removal of exotic tress and plants 5. Infrastructure Impacts 6. Fire and Fuel management 6. Educational programs 6. Fire control 7. Community Associations 7. Recreational facility with reservoir 7. Visual landscape control 8. Local community 8. Potential exists to link the Prospect Hill with green 8. Facility/ Access 9. Curtilage corridors 9. Public use impacts 9. Potential exists to link the Prospect Hill residential and employment development 1. Creating policy 1. General policy statement Policies are grouped under key headings and set out in 2. A trust body: Heritage related authorities 2. Procedural Recommendations bold, then followed by discussion of detail information. 3. Statement of purposes based upon significance 3. Health and safety Issues 1. General policies • Conservation Policy and Program 4. Retention of Significance with policy statement and 2. Archeology- Indigenous and European 4. Recommendation of broad steps and practice guidelines 3. Review • Aboriginal heritage safeguards 5. Built Environment with policy statement and guidelines 4. Conservation Process • Natural heritage safeguards 6. Other Site Elements with policy statement and 5. Change in use and management • Overall cultural and natural safeguards guidelines 6. Maintenance 5. Conservation strategy Consideration 7. Schedule of Elements specific actions with grading of 7. Significant fabric 6. Conservation strategy: three board possible scenario heritage items 8. Flora and Fauna • Do little or nothing 8. On going Maintenance 9. Access (Public) POLICY AND • Individual or group heritage conservation plans 9. Engineering Heritage and Technical Significance 10. Setting and Curtilage IMPLEMENTATION • Fully developed and integrated regional themes 10. Movable Heritage 11. Exemptions 11. Archeological resources 12. Recordings Management and implementation: 12. Landscape 13. Future Developments and New Fabric 1. Zonings to work out program 13. Waste minimization 14. Interpretation • Conservation Zone 14. Interpretation 15. Consequences of Conservation policy • Multiple Use Zone 15. Adaptive Re-use • Utility Zone 16. Curtilage Implementation Strategies Provide detail guidelines for 2. Utility strategy design and use of proposed cartilage to interpret and 3. Visitors' strategy Implementation enhance the significance 4. Monitoring, auditing periodic reviews using 1. Guidelines . General maintenance manual. 2. Schedule of maintenance and repair 2. Interpretation devices: recommendations 3. Maintenance and functional uses 1. More emphasis is given on the Built and services used 1. Sydney Water has completely focused the items and . Regional Scale is missing in the water supply network built elements used in the water supply network 2. The report has satisfactorily touched various issues in 2. Landscape/ ecological elements has not documented in 2. Landscape elements are not explained on maps, the conservation detail except the vegetation cover. therefore gets lesser idea about the context and only 3. Explained in the form of maps in the analysis which can 3. Regional scale has not taken into consideration concentrated on vegetation cover easily express the situation 4. Immediate Prospect Reservoir site has taken for 3. Regional Scale is missing 4. The various landscape dimensions still need to be consideration, difficult to finding out the historic and 4. Authoritive approach of the Burra Charter is reflected in expressed in detail manner. social links the management of site Overall, this report has given some thought in handling the 5. The pattern of settlement and their connection with Overall, the two reports reflect the mechanical way of heritage values of landscape CRITICAL important significant places has not very well documented dealing with heritage landscape. The various landscape CONCLUSION 6. Experiential values of landscape has not considered in values are not considered while making decisions. the analysis 7. The discussion is not focused on the, whose story needs to be told in the whole conservation approach 8. 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CüH( :x: i^.J •• Sh^ e Hnis VVjCCki(X) r.iTt"^ ••„•s' Sf'-.ro P'.-uMi, w. - Í •i-i^i I 'eüKr..•«'••• vVvtiiir'-Js A! uv .:) Waoira-'i :! F: Bar>si.i Sc' Rpan.ir FQ-ts: t' r l-cnca-ft ^ I S'bjie Grave T-MfiSi' ii-;: BWHSlefi- Svciney D-v P.i '••f;;fi:sr I BIj'i Guiri • 1"' Mctst S^ictie vvco'iicwj Figure 6.7 Cumberland Plain vegetation communities before European settlement (Dept. of Environment and Conservation NSW, 2002) ' t^ ^