Matthew Josephson, Robber Barons
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Economic & Business History
This article was published online on April 26, 2019 Final version June 30, 2019 Essays in ECONOMIC & BUSINESS HISTORY The Journal of the Economic &Business History Society Editors Mark Billings, University of Exeter Daniel Giedeman, Grand Valley State University Copyright © 2019, The Economic and Business History Society. This is an open access journal. Users are allowed to read, download, copy, distribute, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISSN 0896-226X LCC 79-91616 HC12.E2 Statistics and London Underground Railways STATISTICS: SPUR TO PRODUCTIVITY OR PUBLICITY STUNT? LONDON UNDERGROUND RAILWAYS 1913-32 James Fowler The York Management School University of York [email protected] A rapid deterioration in British railways’ financial results around 1900 sparked an intense debate about how productivity might be improved. As a comparison it was noted that US railways were much more productive and employed far more detailed statistical accounting methods, though the connection between the two was disputed and the distinction between the managerial and regulatory role of US statistical collection was unexplored. Nevertheless, The Railway Companies (Accounts and Returns) Act was passed in 1911 and from 1913 a continuous, detailed and standardized set of data was produced by all rail companies including the London underground. However, this did not prevent their eventual amalgamation into the London Passenger Transport Board in 1933 on grounds of efficiency. This article finds that despite the hopes of the protagonists, collecting more detailed statistics did not improve productivity and suggests that their primary use was in generating publicity to influence shareholders’, passengers’ and workers’ perceptions. -
DISENCHANTING the AMERICAN DREAM the Interplay of Spatial and Social Mobility Through Narrative Dynamic in Fitzgerald, Steinbeck and Wolfe
DISENCHANTING THE AMERICAN DREAM The Interplay of Spatial and Social Mobility through Narrative Dynamic in Fitzgerald, Steinbeck and Wolfe Cleo Beth Theron Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr. Dawid de Villiers March 2013 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ii DECLARATION By submitting this thesis/dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. March 2013 Copyright © Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iii ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on the long-established interrelation between spatial and social mobility in the American context, the result of the westward movement across the frontier that was seen as being attended by the promise of improving one’s social standing – the essence of the American Dream. The focal texts are F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby (1925), John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath (1939) and Thomas Wolfe’s You Can’t Go Home Again (1940), journey narratives that all present geographical relocation as necessary for social progression. In discussing the novels’ depictions of the itinerant characters’ attempts at attaining the American Dream, my study draws on Peter Brooks’s theory of narrative dynamic, a theory which contends that the plotting operation is a dynamic one that propels the narrative forward toward resolution, eliciting meanings through temporal progression. -
The Origins of Political Electricity: Market Failure Or Political Opportunism?
THE ORIGINS OF POLITICAL ELECTRICITY: MARKET FAILURE OR POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM? Robert L. Bradley, Jr. * The current debate over restructuring the electric industry, which includes such issues as displacing the regulatory covenant, repealing the Public Utility Holding Company Act, and privatizing municipal power sys- tems, the Rural Utilities Service (formerly Rural Electrification Adminis- tration), and federally owned power systems, makes a look back at the origins of political electricity relevant. The thesis of this essay, that govern- ment intervention into electric markets was not the result of market fail- ures but, rather, represented business and political opportunism, suggests that the intellectual and empirical case for market-oriented reform is even stronger than would otherwise be the case. A major theme of applied political economy is the dynamics of gov- ernment intervention in the marketplace. Because interventions are often related, an analytical distinction can be made between basis point and cumulative intervention.' Basis point regulation, taxation, or subsidization is the opening government intervention into a market setting; cumulative intervention is further regulation, taxation, or subsidization that is attribu- table to the effects of prior (basis point or cumulative) intervention. The origins and maturation of political electricity, as will be seen, are interpret- able through this theoretical framework. The commercialization of electric lighting in the United States, suc- cessfully competing against gas lamps, kerosene lamps, and wax candles, required affordable generation, long distance transmission capabilities, and satisfactory illumination equipment. All three converged beginning in the 1870s, the most remembered being Thomas Edison's invention of the incandescent electric light bulb in 1878. - * Robert L. -
The Bourgeois(Ie) As Concept and Reality
Immanuel Wallerstein The Bourgeois(ie) as Concept and Reality Définir le bourgeois? Nous ne serions pas d’accord. Ernest Labrousse (1955) In the mythology of the modern world, the quintessential protagonist is the bourgeois.* Hero for some, villain for others, the inspiration or lure for most, he has been the shaper of the present and the destroyer of the past. In English, we tend to avoid the term ‘bourgeois’, preferring in general the locution ‘middle class’ (or classes). It is a small irony that despite the vaunted individualism of Anglo-Saxon thought, there is no convenient singular form for ‘middle class(es)’. We are told by the linguists that the term appeared for the first time in Latin form, burgensis, in 1007 and is recorded in French as burgeis as of 1100. It originally designated the inhabitant of a bourg, an urban area, but an inhabitant who was ‘free’.1 Free, however, from what? Free from the obligations that were the social cement and the economic nexus of a feudal system. The bourgeois was not a peasant or serf, but he was also not a noble. 91 Thus, from the start there was both an anomaly and an ambiguity. The anomaly was that there was no logical place for the bourgeois in the hierarchical structure and value-system of feudalism with its classical three orders, themselves only becoming crystallized at the very moment that the concept of ‘bourgeois’ was being born.2 And the ambiguity was that bourgeois was then (as it remains today) both a term of honour and a term of scorn, a compliment and a reproach. -
An Arendtian Reading of Prison Resistance by Lana Allen Thesis
An Arendtian Reading of Prison Resistance By Lana Allen Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in Philosophy December, 2014 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Kelly Oliver, Ph.D. Lisa Guenther, Ph.D. Introduction In recent years, the federal prison population has soared—according to the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO), the Bureau of Prison’s (BOP) rates of incarceration increased by 400 percent from 1980 to 2012, and by about 50 percent alone since the year 2000 (GAO, 2012; 1). These numbers are even more disturbing when one considers that men and women of color systematically receive harsher and longer sentences for crimes than do their white counterparts and are three times more likely to be profiled by police; although blacks and Hispanics constitute only 30 percent of the American population, they account for 60% of the American prison population (Kerby, 2013). For Angela Y. Davis (2003), these gross disparities should be understood as a form of racialized exile—a place to lock away “ ‘criminals’ and ‘evildoers’…fantasized as people of color” (Davis 16). By way of the prison, an “ideologicial” mechanism of control, the privileged are rid of social “undesirables”—“relieving us of the responsibility of thinking about the real issues afflicting those communities from which prisoners are drawn in such disproportionate numbers” (Davis Ibid.) Ideological public attitudes, in addition to other factors such as harsh and unrealistic sentencing (especially drug sentencing) and private entities that profit from prisons, contribute to recidivism rates and keep prison populations high. -
Social-Class-Hidden-Rules-Quiz.Pdf
Action 2 Hidden Rules Could You Survive in Poverty? Put a check by each item you know how to do. ___ 1. I know which churches and sections of town have the best rummage sales. ___ 2. I know when Walmart, drug stores, and convenience stores throw away over-the-counter medicine with expired dates. ___ 3. I know which pawn shops sell DVDs for $1. ___ 4. In my town in criminal courts, I know which judges are lenient, which ones are crooked, and which ones are fair. ___ 5. I know how to physically fi ght and defend myself physically. ___ 6. I know how to get a gun, even if I have a police record. ___ 7. I know how to keep my clothes from being stolen at the Laundromat. ___ 8. I know what problems to look for in a used car. ___ 9. I/my family use a payday lender. ___ 10. I know how to live without electricity and a phone. ___ 11. I know how to use a knife as scissors. ___ 12. I can entertain a group of friends with my personality and my stories. ___ 13. I know which churches will provide assistance with food or shelter. Students Educate 10 Actions to ___ 14. I know how to move in half a day. ___ 15. I know how to get and use food stamps or an electronic card for benefi ts. ___ 16. I know where the free medical clinics are. ___ 17. I am very good at trading and bartering. -
The Northern Clergy and the Pilgrimage of Grace Keith Altazin Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected]
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2011 The northern clergy and the Pilgrimage of Grace Keith Altazin Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Altazin, Keith, "The northern clergy and the Pilgrimage of Grace" (2011). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 543. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/543 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. THE NORTHERN CLERGY AND THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Keith Altazin B.S., Louisiana State University, 1978 M.A., Southeastern Louisiana University, 2003 August 2011 Acknowledgments The completion of this dissertation would have not been possible without the support, assistance, and encouragement of a number of people. First, I would like to thank the members of my doctoral committee who offered me great encouragement and support throughout the six years I spent in the graduate program. I would especially like thank Dr. Victor Stater for his support throughout my journey in the PhD program at LSU. From the moment I approached him with my ideas on the Pilgrimage of Grace, he has offered extremely helpful advice and constructive criticism. -
The Education and Training of Gentry Sons in Early Modern England
Working Papers No. 128/09 The Education and Training of Gentry Sons in Early-Modern England . Patrick Wallis & Cliff Webb © Patrick Wallis, LSE Cliff Webb, Independent Scholar November 2009 Department of Economic History London School of Economics Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE Tel: +44 (0) 20 7955 7860 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7955 7730 The Education and Training of Gentry Sons in Early-Modern England* Patrick Wallis and Cliff Webb Abstract: This paper explores the education and training received by the sons of the English gentry in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Using information from the herald’s visitations of four counties, it offers quantitative evidence of the proportion of gentry children who entered university, spent time at one of the inns of court or became apprentices in London. We show that over the period there was little change in the educational destinations of gentry sons: university and apprenticeship absorbed roughly equal proportions; the inns of court slightly less. We also show that a son’s position in the birth order had a very strong influence on the kind of education he received. Eldest sons were much more likely to go to university or one of the inns of court. Younger sons were much more likely to become apprentices in London – as we show, trade clearly was an acceptable career for the gentry. There is little sign of a change in the status of different educational choices in this period. Our findings confirm some traditional assumptions about the importance of birth order and normative expectations in determining the life-courses of gentry children in the seventeenth century: historians should not over-state the autonomy of elite children in deciding their futures. -
Lillie Enclave” Fulham
Draft London Plan Consultation: ref. Chapter 7 Heritage - Neglect & Destruction February 2018 The “Lillie Enclave” Fulham Within a quarter mile radius of Lillie Bridge, by West Brompton station is A microcosm of the Industrial Revolution - A part of London’s forgotten heritage The enclave runs from Lillie Bridge along Lillie Road to North End Road and includes Empress (formerly Richmond) Place to the north and Seagrave Road, SW6 to the south. The roads were named by the Fulham Board of Works in 1867 Between the Grade 1 Listed Brompton Cemetery in RBKC and its Conservation area in Earl’s Court and the Grade 2 Listed Hermitage Cottages in H&F lies an astonishing industrial and vernacular area of heritage that English Heritage deems ripe for obliteration. See for example, COIL: https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list/list-entry/1439963. (Former HQ of Piccadilly Line) The area has significantly contributed to: o Rail and motor Transport o Building crafts o Engineering o Rail, automotive and aero industries o Brewing and distilling o Art o Sport, Trade exhibitions and mass entertainment o Health services o Green corridor © Lillie Road Residents Association, February1 2018 Draft London Plan Consultation: ref. Chapter 7 Heritage - Neglect & Destruction February 2018 Stanford’s 1864 Library map: The Lillie Enclave is south and west of point “47” © Lillie Road Residents Association, February2 2018 Draft London Plan Consultation: ref. Chapter 7 Heritage - Neglect & Destruction February 2018 Movers and Shakers Here are some of the people and companies who left their mark on just three streets laid out by Sir John Lillie in the old County of Middlesex on the border of Fulham and Kensington parishes Samuel Foote (1722-1777), Cornishman dramatist, actor, theatre manager lived in ‘The Hermitage’. -
Who Rules Cincinnati?
Who Rules Cincinnati? A Study of Cincinnati’s Economic Power Structure And its Impact on Communities and People By Dan La Botz Cincinnati Studies www.CincinnatiStudies.org Published by Cincinnati Studies www.CincinnatiStudies.org Copyright ©2008 by Dan La Botz Table of Contents Summary......................................................................................................... 1 Preface.............................................................................................................4 Introduction.................................................................................................... 7 Part I - Corporate Power in Cincinnati.........................................................15 Part II - Corporate Power in the Media and Politics.....................................44 Part III - Corporate Power, Social Classes, and Communities......................55 Part IV - Cincinnati: One Hundred Years of Corporate Power.....................69 Discussion..................................................................................................... 85 Bibliography.................................................................................................. 91 Acknowledgments.........................................................................................96 About the Author...........................................................................................97 Summary This investigation into Cincinnati’s power structure finds that a handful of national and multinational corporations dominate -
Consumerism and High Society Values in Edith Wharton's The
Consumerism and High Society Values in Edith Wharton’s The Custom of the Country Vilma Lauhakangas Master’s Thesis Master’s Programme in English Studies Faculty of Arts University of Helsinki April 2020 Tiedekunta — Fakultet — Faculty Koulutusohjelma — Utbildningsprogram — Degree Programme Humanistinen tiedekunta Englannin kielen ja kirjallisuuden maisteriohjelma Opintosuunta — Studieinriktning — Study Track englantilainen filologia Tekijä — Författare — Author Vilma Lauhakangas Työn nimi — Arbetets titel — Title Consumerism and High Society Values in Edith Wharton’s The Custom of the Country Työn laji — Arbetets art — Aika — Datum — Month and Sivumäärä— Sidoantal — Number of pages Level year pro gradu -tutkielma huhtikuu 2020 63 Tiivistelmä — Referat — Abstract Käsittelen tutkielmassani Edith Whartonin teosta The Custom of the Country vuodelta 1913. Wayne C. Boothin (1961) teoriaa mukaillen pohdin oletetun kirjailijan eli ’implied authorin’ henkilöllisyyttä ja mahdollisen omaelämänkerrallisuuden vaikutusta tekstin tulkintaan. Lähden näkemyksestä, että oletettu kirjailija on Wharton, ja arvioin tätä näkökulmaa analyysin eri vaiheissa. Varsinainen tutkimuskysymykseni koskee sitä, millainen viesti teoksesta välittyy 1900-luvun alun muuttuvasta maailmasta. Esitän Whartonin käyttäneen retorisia keinoja ja erilaisia kerronnan muotoja tuodakseen teoksessaan esiin kiihtyvän kulutusmyönteisyyden, jopa ahneuden, kasvun. Tutkin sitä, miten kasvavan keskiluokan uusrikkaat ja heidän kantamansa arvot kirjan mukaan horjuttavat sekä newyorkilaisen että -
Melissa S. Fisher WALL STREET WOMEN
Wall Street Women Melissa S. Fisher WALL STREET WOMEN Melissa S. Fisher Duke University Press Durham and London 2012 ∫ 2012 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper $ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Arno Pro by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. For my Bubbe, Rebecca Saidikoff Oshiver, and in the memory of my grandmother Esther Oshiver Fisher and my grandfather Mitchell Salem Fisher CONTENTS acknowledgments ix introduction Wall Street Women 1 1. Beginnings 27 2. Careers, Networks, and Mentors 66 3. Gendered Discourses of Finance 95 4. Women’s Politics and State-Market Feminism 120 5. Life after Wall Street 136 6. Market Feminism, Feminizing Markets, and the Financial Crisis 155 notes 175 bibliography 201 index 217 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A commitment to gender equality first brought about this book’s journey. My interest in understanding the transformations in women’s experiences in male-dominated professions began when I was a child in the seventies, listening to my grandmother tell me stories about her own experiences as one of the only women at the University of Penn- sylvania Law School in the twenties. I also remember hearing my mother, as I grew up, speaking about women’s rights, as well as visiting my father and grandfather at their law office in midtown Manhattan: there, while still in elementary school, I spoke to the sole female lawyer in the firm about her career. My interests in women and gender studies only grew during my time as an undergraduate at Barnard College.