NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY 147 - - - put the image of image the put like to thank Aynur Sadet and Özgür Sadet for their comments and contributions. like to thank Aynur - dif starkly display of wave revolt this by shaken countries the Since of precipitator) be the to potential has (and the 2011 is a symptom Even mainstream journalism recognized the significance of Gezi’s of Gezi’s significance the recognized journalism mainstream Even , no. 49 (2013): 147-162. New Perspectives on Turkey Cihan Tuğal, Department, Sociology, University of California, Berkeley, USA, [email protected]. I would USA, [email protected]. Berkeley, University of California, Department, Sociology, Cihan Tuğal, marked that, unlike the more regionally restricted “global” revolts of the revolts “global” restricted regionally more the unlike that, marked “everywhere.” spread had 2009-2013 revolt the last centuries, style) broadly more (and is it technology that appears it dynamics, ferent However, other. each to uprisings link the that social factors than rather of occupation as the such commonalities, stylistic apparent the even denominator. sociological and political expose a common squares, town form the if in all cases, not wave, revolutionary case of current the the In content. is the driv has major two order This order. world of current crumbling the the neoliberal other: each to articulated contingently are which forces ing capitalism leadershipAmerican (in and coordination with regional lead sections. two following in the respectively I will each up take erships). - resist Taksim, is “Everywhere of revolt, of One slogans Gezi the the of significance. global its expression is a condensed everywhere,” ance link- the emphasized further uprising Brazilian in the slogan Another is Turkey “The is over, love of Gezi: centrality the underlined and ages other and Iceland, Greece, with started had of wave revolt A here.” right Egypt, and Tunisia to spread then Revolt in 2009. countries Western and Greece, States, United the with in 2011, West the to back then and Brazil and Turkey subside, to seemed wave the As center. the at Spain in 2013. erupted The Economist wave. global this with connectedness also re It cover. its on phone a smart carrying woman Turkish a young perspective Cihan Tuğal The Gezi revolt in global revolt in The Gezi “Resistance everywhere”: everywhere”: “Resistance COMMENTARY 148 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY ism. money, and labor helped bring about classical the liberal of downfall - Polanyi that argued mobilization the against commodification nature, of Egypt, Spain, Turkey, Brazil, Israel, and Greece. common protests ground of diverse as in places the as United States, overall privatization-alienation common of urban constitute goods the these protests.of Real estate bubbles, soaring housing prices, and the occupation public of squares acommon been has characteristic all of ern European countries, Egypt, and Tunisia. modification labor occasionally of occupied center stage Brazil, in south- thewas commodification nature of and other shared space. The com- the revolt.er of In Turkey, the maincapitalist threat that addressed was what exactly replace will neoliberalism. and politicized issue our in era, which certain poses problems regarding Polanyi’s analysis, the commodification labor much is apublic of less of what been, has perhaps misleadingly, called neoliberalism. Yet, unlike in the business class and the working class, and the wage labor system. guises, rather than capitalism such; as that is, into thesociety division of The revolts the current of wave attack commodification its in multiple Revolts againstcommodificationandauthoritarianism 4 3 2 1 liberal leaders and their followers. Just like the in Paris Commune the revolt, underlining the authoritarian tendencies the world’s of deployment police new state of techniques intensified throughout sary link between liberalism link sary and democracy. thees) was shattering akey the myth 35years: last of of the neces- dents. the occupiers of had ajob,half while only around one third were stu- ing to the Konda no means (by survey aperfect instrument), more than example, students’ heavy participation noted. been has However, accord- Unlike that in revolt, however, they were not the leaders. In Turkey, for Despite these differences, an emphasis on urban space through the In the United States, the commodification money at was the of cent- Just crucial to as these revolts (with the exception the of Arab- cas As 1968, in students have played an important role today’s in revolts. Nuray Mert,“Paradigmaların Çöküşü,”BirGün,June28,2013. (2013): 109-14. Sara Fregonese, “MediterraneanGeographiesofProtest,”EuropeanUrbanandRegionalStudies 20 Karl Polanyi,TheGreatTransformation (Boston,MA:BeaconPress,2001). Paradise,” LondonReviewofBooks35,no.14:11-12. www2.binghamton.edu/fbc/commentaries/archive-2013/356en.htm andSlavojŽižek,“Trouble in ings Here,There,andEverywhere,” Fernand BraudelCentre: Commentaries356, For thelinksbetween crisisofcapitalismandtheGezirevolt,seeImmanuelWallerstein, “Upris- 2 We are possibly heading towards asimilardownfall, this time of Cihan Tuğal 4 3 The and development July 1,2013,http:// 1

NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY 149 - - - This technique This 9 The emphasis on emphasis The 6 cases closer to the Arab Arab the to cases closer 7 Revolt persisted at intervals, reaching another another reaching intervals, at persisted Revolt 8 (Chicago: Commune and Protest in Paris from 1848 to the Class, Community, 5 Only positivistic formalism chooses to ignore how police violence is tightly connected to broader issuesOnly positivistic formalism chooses to ignore how police an example, see Roger to class and capitalism. For in such revolts, especially those that are connected Gould, Insurgent Identities: V. Margadant, The Journal of Modern History by Ted University of Chicago Press, 1995) and critical responses History 52 (1997): 186-88. International Labor and Working-Class 70, no. 3 (1998): 710-12 and Kim Voss, Nature, Socialism 20, no. 2 (Jun on the Greek Uprising,” Capitalism, Panayotakis, “Reflections Costas 2009): 97-101. Sud- a of all and Streets the to Took People “‘Young Hughes, Neil see revolt, Spanish the on more For den all of the Political Parties Got Old’: The 15M Movement in Spain,” Social Movement Studies 10, no. 4 (2011): 407-13. International Christos Memos, “Neoliberalism, Identification Process and the Dialectics of Crisis,” Journal of Urban and Regional Research 34, no. 1 (2010): 210-16. Rising,” European Urban and Regional Studies 20, no. 1 (2013): 134-38. Douzinas, “Athens Costas In Greece, protest unfolded in the context of a crony capitalism un- capitalism of a crony context in the unfolded protest Greece, In Although Spain’s national issues bear some resemblance to those ofthose to resemblance bear some issues national Spain’s Although corruption also brought the Greek and Spanish Greek the alsocorruption brought evenly integrated into European political and economic structures. Much Much structures. economic and political European into integrated evenly the to was central violence police Egyptian cases, and Turkish in the like 2008 was the in December of shooting a 15-year-old fatal the explosion: targeted protests ensuing the however, Turkey, in Unlike trigger. initial occupa the States, United the to comparison In openly. more capitalism “Western” cases “Western” aspects of several to reactions were revolts 2009-2013 the though Even especially variations, were there authoritarianism, and commodification in Iceland, revolts The be emphasized. aspects to came which regarding to as responses direct developed States United the and Spain, Greece, - specifi many also mobilized they but of meltdown 2008, financial the grievances. national cally of 1871, issues of capitalism and police control became inextricably inextricably became control of police issues and of capitalism 1871, linked. schools, high to expanding widespread, and violent more much were tions unions. trade and buildings, administrative municipal 6 7 8 9 5 peak in May 2011, when it returned to focus on multiple issues, almost all almost issues, multiple focus on to returned it when 2011, peak in May protests The violence. police or reform neoliberal to of either linked them - speak rotating featured which assemblies, popular by accompanied were spokespersons. than rather minutes) 2 to (all limited ers spread from one country to the other in the coming months. coming in the other the to country one from spread and economic the to parallels stronger displays country former the Greece, bursting ofThe the countries. core political structures of capitalism’s world cases than the American case. Above all, some have argued, the youth re youth the argued, have some all, Above case. American the cases than neo by emptiness and insignificance to reduction lives’ against their volted values. and reforms liberal 150 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY added Wall Street to the list. out fear.” out pension,” work, house, a without without “without therefore and “with the oneyouth of of groups summarizes the structure feeling Spain: in of and environmentalists the as movement developed. ed toward anti-capitalist goals under the influenceleft-wing feminists of estate speculation. turningbeen away from industrial development towards financial and real and Occupy protests Spain in and the United States. Both economies had real estate bubble at was the forefront the Outraged”) Indignado of (“The 14 http://roarmag.org/2013/06/from-tahrir-and-rio-to-taksim-the-smell-of-teargas/. 13 12 11 10 tial cultural differences, the structural but of position each country holds The Arab protests should evaluated be the not terms in of Arabs’ essen - Tunisia andEgypt Taksim and Rio to Tahrir, teargas.” the smell of revolutionariesEgyptian titled their openletters one of 2013 in “From from “the war on terror” to awar chunks against Western of citizenries. theyas exposed expanding police states whose techniques spilled over the of West put was into question by the revolts and their aftermath, openly, the distinctiveness and alleged political maturity and superiority protests, racy, decentralization, and an end to corruption were at the core the of the Spanish protests. Even though demands for participatory democ- employment, low wages, and bad housing conditions, were central to sustaining hierarchies unintended in ways). spoke regarding the overall the movements meanings of (thus creating or ments would create hierarchies among the protestors), it analysts was who bare their meanings (for, itfrequently was held, such representative state proclamations that would sum up the practices the uprisings of and lay the protestors these in (especially cases the in US) held back from making this what is the pro-Occupy and pro-Indignado analysts claimed. Since matic demands, but aprefigurative performance. Or, to more be precise, inegalitarianall systemsthe downfall of were not formalized or program- Even though these Western uprisings attacked capitalism much more Young people’s precarious lives, including job insecurity, high- un Charnock etal.,“Indignate!,” 4. Regional Studies20:155-58. Carlos Taibo, 2013,“TheSpanishIndignados:AMovementwithTwo Souls,”EuropeanUrbanand Ibid., 3-11 and theLimitstoDemocracyinSpain,” Capital &36,no.1(2012):7-9. Class Greig Charnock,ThomasPurcell,and RamonRibera-Fumaz, “Indignate!:The2011PopularProtests 11 13 scholars point out that erstwhile apolitical participants shift- 10 In both cases, however, revolutionary equality and Cihan Tuğal 14 They could well have 12 Theself-portrayal - - NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY 151 - - 16 Century,” Social Century,” st of international and transnational transnational and of international chain the commodification the and of urbanspace, 17 In two Arab countries, Western-supported dictatorships dictatorships Western-supported countries, Arab two In 15 (London: Verso, (London: Verso, of Fascism and Dictatorship: The Third International and the Problem Fascism 1974). Protest in Egypt: Neo-liberalism and Class Struggle in 21 Joel Beinin, “Workers’ - On the need to analyze specific countries with a structural logic as “links” in a “chain,” see Nicos Pou lantzas, In Tunisia, middle-class youth as well as organized labor occupied occupied as as well labor organized middle-class youth Tunisia, In im- The middle-class. was heavily occupation Tahrir the contrast, By Movement Studies 8, no. 4 (2009): 449-54. Cities in Revolution: Some Observations,” Metropolitiques.eu, “Arab see Éric Verdeil, an overview, For 25, 2011, http://www.metropolitiques.eu/Arab-Cities-in-Revolution-Some.html. February This uneven centrality of labor’s commodification to Arab protests is protests Arab to commodification of labor’s centrality uneven This tion of labor, health, education, and housing could not be formulated. be formulated. not could housing and education, health, oftion labor, analysts, some to According the town squares until the downfall of the dictator. Labor mobilization Labor mobilization downfall of dictator. the the until squares town the replaced that forces conservative the that clear became it after persisted policies. economic same the pursue to intended dictator the industrial in the especially Tahrir, from away ofpact was greater labor Mahalla and youth revolutionary Tahrir’s Tanta. oftowns and Mahalla and actions their but in dialogue, were labor independent Tanta’s and social justice a result, As coordinated. well always not were platforms on items top the among were commodification from resulting issues commodifica the adressing demands but of agenda uprising, the the 16 15 in a (contingently articulated) articulated) in(contingently a relations. and their neoliberal development programs collapsed, and their restora their and collapsed, programs development neoliberal their and tion has so far been bumpy. Unlike in the case of the US and Turkey, Turkey, case and of inthe US the Unlike has been so bumpy. far tion a was not it though even of part story, was a crucial labor the industrial of a coalition. leader such the alone let of coalition, part articulated an 17 especially of the informal, poor settlements, was one of of was one causes the poor settlements, of informal, especially the the to linked or politicized properly was not issue this so, Even revolt. have of could social goods—a and linkage that labor commodification of revolt. course the the changed in of countries towns industrial importance continued the to related partly capitalism’s in world near-extinction their to in contrast as Egypt, such Turkish why explore could research comparative Future countries. core - geographi labor’s break to able of 2000s were 1980s to modernizers the Another not. were modernizers neoliberal Egypt’s while concentration cal (but less related and demands labor’s is why research further for question margins the to pushed gradually were of issues popular) commodification hypothesis obvious and quick One agenda. of Egyptian revolutionary the of questions old immediate and fatal more of much the centrality is the of level low the and authoritarianisms Brotherhood Muslim and regime of decades dictatorship. to due organization political alternative 152 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY in protests the , rather than holding back from the revolt. In contrast to their habitualof quiescence. Yet participation their they did during so tion and police violence, the working classes sarcastically reminded them the one in Turkey). police violence, and even sexual rights (aquite similargrievance to list multiple corruption, on issues: party,focused the ruling frustrationwith violence, events escalated. Millions were on soon the streets and protests kicked the off protests. Once the fare bus protesters met with police camel’s back. transportation.itics of A fares bus in rise the was straw that broke the centered on water, electricity, and sewage gave way to the cross-class pol - majorin cities. to registered 7million vehicles 2011. in Congestion became unbearable liberalism.social São Paulo, with 11million, its population of home was urbanin infrastructure. Public transportation suffered under Brazilian subsidized the acquisition automobiles of without proper developments specifically urban.specifically by liberalism is. The dynamics that triggered the revolt Brazil in were happily liberalizing country? story. How could abig eruption social what occur in appeared to a be social-liberal,this case rather than straightforwardly neoliberal) success in (but political and economic an as world in capitalism position tural with thecases Turkish one, since the country occupies a similarstruc- The revolt Brazil in certainly is the one most of interesting comparison Brazil 18 came the astandard global of repertoire aspect protest. of cles, taking over the idea what of should anyway common be space be square. Once restricted to mostly continental European anarchist cir thealso temporary communal life experienced on the “liberated” town a chord not was only the political effectiveness action but this of type of apparent) success popularized “occupation” at aglobal level. What struck volts mark aworld-historical turning point: their quick (though only When the middle classes rose up to protest privatiza of the evils The pattern very was similar to that in Turkey. Urban rights issues In this context, the classic squatter movements with their demands Brazil, like Turkey, demonstrates how stifling the heaven promised In thesespite and other of problems, the Tunisian and re Egyptian kafila.org/2013/07/05/sao-paulo-the-city-and-its-protests-teresa-caldeira/. Teresa Caldeira, “SãoPaulo:TheCityanditsProtests:Teresa Caldeira,” kafila.org,July5,2013,http:// 18 The social-liberal Brazilian government heavily Cihan Tuğal - - - - NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY 153 - - Ever 22 Although Although is 20 - sociol as as well cultural 21 19 It should also be noted that cuts to education spending did not become an issue in Turkey, though the did not become an issue in Turkey, It should also be noted that cuts to education spending issue, education is a highly politicized In Turkey, cuts became a major point of contention in Brazil. is difficult and it and conservatives on the other, with secular nationalists on one end of the spectrum to re-politicize this issue in terms of redistribution. CA: (Redwood City, Passive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism See Cihan Tuğal, Emerging Markets, Emerging “Brazil, Turkey: Stanford University Press, 2009); and Erdem Yörük, Riots,” jadiliyya.com, July 21, 2013, http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/contributors/147368. and the Origins of Our Times (London: Power, Money, Century: Giovanni Arrighi, The Long Twentieth 1994). Verso, the national scale, The game of articulation might have different leading actors on different scales. For Constitution the and Parties Articulation: “Political Tuğal, Cihan and Desai Manali Leon, De Cedric see Sociological Theory 27, no. 3 (2009): 193-219. of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey,” Much like in other revolutionary waves, 2009-2013 expressed dis- 2009-2013 expressed waves, revolutionary in other like Much the as expressed it 1989, distinct was from 2009-2013 also quite Yet, This comparative question can lead to fruitful research, especially as especially research, fruitful to lead can question comparative This sues of redistribution (and even rights to the city, commodification, and and commodification, city, the to rights even (and ofsues redistribution in alliances ideological and political reshuffle to failed authoritarianism) suffered it although 2013, of days June the survived Hegemony Turkey. heavy blows. focus on its despite structures, and affairs global broad with content how waves, revolutionary all former almost Unlike conditions. national it that, In a unifying ideology program. or have not 2009-2013 did ever, of rebellions 1989. European Eastern the to was closest it. reinforcing than rather order, world ofcrisis hegemonic the events unfold in both countries. Here, I will only suggest that popular popular that I willsuggest only Here, countries. in both unfold events be indicative might revolt Gezi the during regime the to allegiance Sunni Brazil. to in contrast Turkey in ofof depth hegemony the 20 21 22 19 Here, I use the term hegemony in the broadest sense possible. I take my my I take sense possible. broadest in the hegemony term I use the Here, analysis systems world Arrighian cues from The crisis of the hegemons: At the threshold of an ungovernable world The crisis of the hegemons: At the Istanbul, the participation of the squatters and their children was more was more children their and of squatters the participation the Istanbul, in temporarily, except case in Istanbul, the not was this Why sustained. Alevi neighborhoods? since World War II, the United States has been at the center of this center the has beenat States United the II, War World since game. ogy. A global capitalist order is hegemonic when there is cross-national is cross-national there when is hegemonic order capitalist global A ogy. there which (on model economic a core for force) by (backed consent political (contested) its and variations) regional and be national might to articulated is contingently consent This implications. cultural and signifi- increasing the Despite balances. territorial regional and global main (but been the have states institutions, ofcance nongovernmental of articulation. actors this significant) only the means no by 154 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY marriage of religionmarriage and of liberal-authoritarian democracy, and participa notcialization has yet led the toin serious acrisis as as American one), Muslim world. With its (perceived) economic miracle (in which- finan lomatic, economic, and cultural venues throughout its region and the spread the the in practice and belief American of way military, in dip Global hegemonic powers hoped that the regime new in Turkey would hegemon articulated is to its economic crisis. leaders economic of growth. In short, the the political-military crisis of and other Western powers are no longer the world’s unquestionable waves throughout the world’s economies. As a result, the United States bestows dynamism on the economy for awhile, it then leads to shock 23 two. count on either financial or real estate bubbles, or acombination the of world order). The American economy started has to disproportionately financialization (whichof is, again, unevenly distributed throughout the particularly non-Western in regions, etc.) unfold this against background Western countries, privatization and accumulation by dispossession, above (real estate bubbles, especially thein United States and other world an in uneven fashion. The processes alluded to the in sections technological innovation are shifting to non-Western the regions of from productive growth to financially driven growth. Production and other in as hegemonic crises, the leading power turning been has away breed more than distrust. The world becoming is ungovernable. Consent weaker is outside the Western world, where wars and torture ticipate these willy-nillyin efforts, the in well as as “war on terrorism.” behind its projects for war and repression, though them most par of conservatives and Tea Party figures). becoming routine measures (not only Occupy against activists, but even personal data collection on the Internet, extralegal IRS audits, etc., are repressionof travel from one sphere to the other. Telephone tapping, its own citizens,of even over non-war related issues. The techniques the rise. Internally too, the government been increasing has repression war, of victims the war-related intensity of torture, etc., have on been cion its in external internal well as as affairs. The wars number and of The so-called “Turkish model” alifesaver was these in troubled times. These political-military problems have their economic counterparts: The UShaving also adifficult is time liningup its Western allies Yet, the United States turning been has away from consent to coer (2004): 57-100. Robert Brenner, “NewBoomorNewBubble?TheTrajectory oftheUSEconomy,” NewLeftReview25 23 As the seenin 2008crisis, while this speculative growth model of Cihan Tuğal - - - - NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY 155 - - - - in engaging multi 24 - and Egypt’s Neoliber “Fight or Acquiesce? Religion and Political Process in Turkey’s See Cihan Tuğal, alizations,” Development and Change 43, no. 1 (2012): 23-51. However, the realities on the ground turned out to be much more more be much to out turned ground the on realities the However, Just like in the case of the United States, Turkey’s imperial overreach overreach imperial Turkey’s States, case of in the United like the Just anti-authoritarian coercion, to consent from turn hegemons the As - coun unpack will it to help question, this to answer an for searching In 24 Social composition of the revolters in Turkey and against commodification of revolt global this carriers the are Who in light answers suggestive some will essay offer This authoritarianism? tion in the Greater Middle East Project, Turkey served all of pur these Turkey East Project, Middle Greater in the tion new democra the that hope the fueled further spring Arab The poses. path. Atlanticist Turkey’s imitate to East rush would Middle in the cies regional since especially is reshuffling, still hegemony Regional complex. - a straight following sheepishly Rather than gap. a power perceive actors organizations and movements Islamic the Turkey, Atlanticist forwardly success, Turkey’s from selectively learn region in the ple and shifting coalitions with regional powers—not all of in line them powers—not regional with coalitions shifting and ple sum, In interests. specific Turkey’s with alone let hegemony, global with of- itself projection lead its (and insistent as a hegemon Turkey’s despite in mission belief historical in their sincere and deep intellectuals’ and ers’ - lead military-political Turkish to allegiance Muslim/Arab regard), this is shaky. model Turkish the for consent and is weak ership in obvious more all the became This home. at coercion is intensifying it limits, its reached project imperial new regime’s the As 2013: early - of one main catalyz the violence, Police repression. police up ratcheted Prime Turkish the after peakright its reached protests, of Gezi ers the last time, one attempted he where States, United the to trip Minister’s in Syria. role bellicose a more take to powers Western push to in vain, Depending further. spread to likely are and spread, protests antiwar and protests anti-commodification timing, the and context national the on protests. anti-authoritarian to articulated been(again contingently) have hegemon of crisis global the the be seen is whether to remains still What analysts systems world (as most is terminal hegemons regional the and argue) conjunctural. or I will for this do Here, of in some cases. dynamics class the ter-systemic of the analysis based the on Partially Turkey. hegemon, regional one only es- the section, next in the bourgeoisie petty Turkish of the contradictions a de toward heading are we though even that will last section suggest say’s in sight. yet is not order of a new world constitution the hegemony, caying 156 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY the white-collar working class the Gezi revolt the as movement the proletarianized or of middle-class tainly, we need much more information for analysis, afuller but labeling casionally multi-class, but predominantly movement. middle-class Cer spite analyses to the contrary, the Gezi Resistance appears to- an oc be led the movement, but constituted also the core the participants. of De point the in movement, these tendencies hint that professionals not only elitein and informal proletarian neighborhoods. participated the in assemblies, while only dozens regularly attended them people two in keyof middle class district centers and Kadıköy) (Beşiktaş blies (forum Gezi movement changed track and on focused organizing- popular assem protests stopped also informalin proletarian regions. At this point, the organized by DİSK and KESK, but it attracted very small numbers, and proletarian demonstration withinthe June revolt took place on June 17, had emptied Gezi Park and Taksim Square mid-June,in the only formal zones (Etiler, Nişantaşı, Bağdad Caddesi, etc.). After the securityforces Mahallesi, Gazi, Okmeydanı, Alibeyköy) establishedwell as as elite complex with massive protests informal in proletarian districts (1Mayıs ing two weeks, the class heterogeneity persisted, and became even more Gaziosmanpaşa and Ümraniye arriving bigin numbers. For the follow much more heterogeneous, with especially informal proletarians from consisted professionals. of Then, the that masses flooded Taksim became protestersof climbed from hundreds to thousands, a crushing majority evidence. of body It that seems from May 28to May 31, the as numbers witness accounts. Still, picture avague emerges from this fragmented thecredibility; most other of evidence anecdotal is and on eye- based volters. The few surveys that have circulating been have little scientific country considered was an economic and political success story. regional hegemon and because its revolt quite was unexpected the as the of Turkish example, which significant is both because Turkey a is 25 nate. Further research and developments new after mid-August 2013 waitresses, salesclerks, subordinate office clerks, etc.) seemto predomi- may not have ownership), rather than white-collar proletarians (such as who have some control over production and (even services though they thatses emphasize the middle class core. Generously paid professionals Although we shouldn’t rush to conclusions at what may an early be At this point, we know little about the exact composition the re of dolaysiz-demokrasi-cagrisidir-korkut-boratav/. sendika.org/2013/06/her-yer-taksim-her-yer-direnis-bu-isci-sinifinin-tarihsel-ozlemi-olan-sinirsiz- See Korkut Boratav, “Olgunlaşmış birsınıfsalbaşkaldırı…,”sendika.org,June22,2013,http://www. s in s in Turkish). Despite the expectation, low level of thousands Cihan Tuğal 25 stands on shakier ground than analy - - - - - NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY 157 ------What accounts for the professionals’ heavy participation in such a insuch participation heavy professionals’ the for accounts What impoverishment and exploitation is class not this hurts really What bar (the space a non-commodified provided movement Gezi The ideo heavy a received that universe the that here will I also suggest may complicate the class map of the revolt. In any case, however, the the however, case, any In of map revolt. class the the complicate may dressed fashionably and well-paid by of participation intense novelty exploring. worth well a puzzle constitutes professionals impover marginalization, (socioeconomic) Exploitation, revolt? risky of- produc process the emphasize that categories other and ishment, good A usmuch. tell cannot of resources redistribution the and/or tion - mobil upward experienced have professionals Turkish ofchunk today’s be) to promise (or are standards life Their lives. their throughout ity is it dubious importantly, As parents. their than higher incomparably - redistribu egalitarian an by be harmed or benefit would they whether re not do they sense, that In country. the throughout oftion resources “without as themselves portray who youth Spanish “fearless” the semble of fearlessness occasional The pension.” without work, without a house, regard. in this challenge is a scholarly Turkey in protesters the of so impoverishment the but I suggest, terms, economic in absolute promises: its them delivered has actually capitalism market Free life. cial of prospect the least (at fancy cars, ) vacations, luxurious jobs, lucrative and many other forms of homes, comfortable conspicuous consump in fulfillingof lives. none has this resulted Yet, tion. momentarily class this where meals) shared the park, public the ricades, in the existed social ties Whatever life. of fruits the tasted a solidaristic social these capital”: “social was transparently of professionals life these mobility upward and capital economic to convertible only not were ties of semi-explicit goal the with established were they professions; in their provided revolt the What point. some at “cash” such to converted being revolt the is, of that sake of social ties; the for social pleasure ties was the in which world, a different that sectors these to demonstrated starkly was pos- ties, interpersonal but based commodities was on not pleasure park their to of of stuck thousands hundreds people is why This sible. another for assemblies the attended thousands then and days, twenty for month. of world the was not revolt Gezi the during blow practical logical and of world dominant the but in general, inequalities and strata, classes, in - and (formal and socialist groups certainly were There commodities. was this But war. a class pursue to revolt the joined who workers formal) - was it con (though of of agenda revolt top the the the at being from far a though Even allies). its and of mind government the on the tinuously 158 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY racy of the petty new racy bourgeoisie of (hence differentiating the Turkish case pants). It possible is that those the in park were largely from the aristoc- Park vs. those in Taksim Square vs. the less organized, fleeting partici - tingent the specificin movement nodes of (for instance, those Geziin order to gauge whether these sectors some of constituted alarger con- totry job assess prospects and control over the productive process in the Gezi revolt? the petty bourgeoisie and the proletariat. But who the in is majority in precarious fractions within fractions precarious called the “precariat” the same class, of this concept if redefined is the as called the the aristocracy middle new class; of the underdogs could be ticipate the in movement. The better and off the more secure could be possibly, there are fractions (at that least) two middle-class new par Dissatisfied, some switch to jobs with lower pay but more control. So, their profession. And the government wants to take away more control. sector are facing proletarianization. They have less and less control over and the workers, who the nonsocialistparticipants as talked of “they”. the working class and hence there no was real distinction between them instead insisted that they white (as collar workers) were also apart of more sociological ortraining socialist avoided such reductionism, but the assemblies and the in working groups and committees). Those with votes with coal and food, afolk analysis oft-repeated on the stage of the governingabout of the evils regime (that had allegedly “bought” their talked about the need to “go to” the lower classes and enlighten them or socialist/Marxist training looked down on the lower classes and/or experts, or finance professionals. Those without any science social and/ engineers, lawyers, doctors, media and media social experts, real estate ticipants the assemblies, of the overwhelming whom majority were of the governing party). their contempt for the “ignorant” lower classes who kept on voting for equality (on the contrary, the nonsocialistparticipants frequently voiced parallels the in acommon shape about of talk nation-wide the virtues of among the Gezi activists did not (and at this point, could not) findany The the common virtues and pleasures of sharing talk and of solidarity sarily revolt’s result the an in egalitarian world boundaries spatial beyond long theas as popular assemblies were well attended), it not does neces - participants (witness the many street kids who led amore honorable life non-commodified space momentarily redistributes resources among its Future surveys on Gezi could ask people not only their jobs but also Yet, at the same time, the engineers some of who work the in public I encountered what could called be aclass-blindness among the par each class, rather than aclass from distinct Cihan Tuğal - - . NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY 159 - - - - century) has strongly participatory and anti-authoritarian anti-authoritarian and participatory has strongly century) th - consti certainly of new middle-class movement the character This - con can dispositions social group’s Turkish of this analysis careful A cultural the with do has to faces movement the difficulty Another - aristoc the of age liberalism, the classical during argued that, Polanyi from the Spanish and the American revolts, where the precariat seemed seemed precariat the where revolts, American the and Spanish the from cases as in these is lacking research conclusive though predominate, to well). - si to reduced are classes lower the where in country a a strength tutes move the also this renders However, consent. and force through lence have to is bound nature, very its by that, one restricted a quite ment solid are There of country. the structures macro the on effects limited in- spreading from movement this prevent that elements structural-class and strata proletarian to neighborhoods class middle from stitutionally regions. of new petty theory the of a deepening general a basis for the stitute first We too. predominates) it in which movements the (and bourgeoisie nature) and life, everyday (of labor, commodification that realize to need which class—a monotony this for life monotonous a quite has produced - frac many time, same the at Yet, revolt. Gezi the to thanks hasit broken - com the from benefited indirectly or directly oftions have class this - coali their renew easily can they decades; of last three the modification of commodification the sphere in even the order, current the with tions begin to with). revolt the incited (which of space urban bour newpetty The of dispositions class. this economic) than (rather - Poulant by as class analyzed same the unlike of (perhaps geoisie day our zas 20 in the tendencies (though its anti-authoritarianism can go in individualist as in individualist go can anti-authoritarianism its (though tendencies where culture a movement fosters This directions). aswell collectivist discussion pleasure the of for discussion can of trump formation the differ cultural and linguistic other to added This, goals. programmatic ences between this class and the proletarian and sub-proletarian sections sub-proletarian and proletarian the and class this between ences - popu broader among sympathetic less movement the renders of society, Alevi class in working echo some found movement the While sectors. lar novelty, its sustain can it bewhether seen to remains it neighborhoods, commodifica space, urban on emphasis and new middle-class backing, way. structured in a more regions these to if spreads it nature and tion, against nature) of implication by (and defender land be the to rose racy of privileges own defender its was it also a staunch Yet, commodification. fascistic) responses ultimately (and authoritarian to prone therefore and of remnants the than rather class, new middle The commodification. to in position a similar contradictory occupies of aristocracy yesteryear, the 160 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY in atheoreticalin cage, Poulantzas as already has pointed out. that the professionals are the one working segment of class locks up us classized alliance the the in movement. of body Therefore, the position class movement, we cannot theorize the reason why there no is organ- an participation. Hence, we stick if to the illusion that Gezi a working is about a discussion off the massive lack proletarian of and sub-proletari- future. the in certainbe about political what solutionskinds of support this class will labor.sue of Still, given its (unevenly distributed) privileges, we cannot directly challenged authoritarianism, while frequently bringing the in - is it fought the against commodification the in money; of Arab cases, it urban space (and the urbanized nature within); the in “Western” cases, our age. In the of Turkey, case stepped it has up to theshared defense of 26 For commongoods. ing recently example, was privat public television Revolt comparison in to its sisters. allowalso to us note the specific strengths the and weaknesses Gezi of romanticizations the current of wave. This inconclusive evaluation will to note the problems with the straightforward and dismissals the blind wave. Nevertheless, some initial observations are possible. Also, we need It too is early to draw a conclusive balance this revolutionary sheet of Results andprospects historical, will. collective show whether the coordination among the amount assemblies will to a represent the assemblies throughout the city. The coming months will Istanbul had just started to work towards a new platform that would late aroadmap towards a more democratic world. and de-commodified groupssocialist with at times conflicting agendas, unable was to formu- ganization, which acoalition movement was social of organizations and throughout (at least on paper, not actual in practice). if Yet, even this or from those Spain in and the United States, which remained “leaderless” sim Dayanışması (Taksim Solidarity), distinguished the Gezi revolt ization that attempted to give some direction to the movement, Tak- point) to offer alternatives to the current order. The umbrella organ- movement brings to us a problem:deeper its inability (at least, at this Ignoring the class nature the Gezi of movement automatically shuts Despite sustained mobilization, the Greek government keeps attack- As this essayI finalized mid-Augustin 2013, the park assemblies in More significantly, the restricted and restrictive class character the of Nicos Poulantzas, “The NewPettyBourgeoisie,”Critical Sociology9(1979):56-60. Cihan Tuğal 26 - - NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY 161 - - - - - an 28 27 Others, a bigger crowd in the academy, celebrate the the celebrate academy, in the crowd bigger a Others, 29 On a related note, Syriza’s defeat in the elections is a good warning to those who expect too much On a related note, Syriza’s defeat in the elections is a good warning to those who expect too much where the socialists and communists are not as strong. from elections in Turkey, to the Streets,” 411. Took People Hughes, “Young ufukturu.net, June 10, 2013, http:// “İspanya Öfkeliler hareketinden çıkarılacak dersler,” Abdullah Ayan, www.ufukturu.net/haberler/28767/ispanya-ofkeliler-hareketinden-cikarilacak-dersler. The results in Spain are not more encouraging. The revolt initially initially revolt The encouraging. more not are in Spain results The - Ameri as as was not rigid the abstentionism Spanish Nevertheless, dis- outright were results the Egyptian cases, and Tunisian the In not and wave, of current the defeats the emphasize Someobservers victories: the spread of egalitarian practices, they hold, is more impor is more hold, they of practices, egalitarian spread the victories: ticipants emphasized that they did not care who won the elections; the won who care not did they that emphasized ticipants led to high-level resignations, but the following elections brought to to brought elections following the but resignations, high-level to led clear isit not Still, of movement. enemies the determined more power par its since itself, of movement a failure the be judged can this that 28 29 27 ized, a move met by huge protests. In mid-July 2013, the government’s government’s the 2013, mid-July In protests. huge by met a move ized, were these though new protests, with met were measures new austerity even that case shows Greek The in 2011. as those aswell-attended not slowing the guarantee does not years several for mobilization massive is aggressively latter the when especially ofdown neo-liberalization, EU). the case, this (in powers foreign by backed abstentionism that clearly marks off the Indignados not only from Gezi Gezi from only not Indignados off the marks clearly that abstentionism as well. protestors Greek the from but demands, any formulate to refused Occupiers American The variety. can as issues on measures reform several proposed Indignados the whereas and rights, housing military spending, reform, market as labor diverse re for demands such that be noted should it (though regulation banking distrust and elections boycott calls to their with squarely fit not did form with experimented they importantly, more Perhaps parties). all existing as- park through demands these of formulating ways democratic direct semblies. (and new authoritarian power to brought first revolts The heartening. - commodifi further to committed actors conservative) more culturally and egalitarian its on insisted Egyptian mobilization the When cation. military car The forces. regime old by washijacked it goals, democratic allegiance Egypt’s renewed of name revolution, in the the a coup out ried of- thousands con massacred then and order, regional and world the to repre they that a fashion, in as suspicious also claimed, (who servatives revolution). the sented instance, for results: electoral change not did movements the that simply after increased actually inequality and poverty, unemployment, in Spain, mobilization. the 162 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON TURKEY of its demands. of tant than the consolidation an egalitarian program and of the realization 30 ses of movement of ses organization our in anarchistic era. the Gezi experience provide will rich information for comparative analy- the incorporate assemblies)of will their feedback. Whatever the results, darity (or any other leadership citywide emerging from the coordination rectly democratic popular develop, assemblies will or how Taksim- Soli macro-structural gains. It unclear also is at this point how the more- di the movement able and be its organizations will to claim more solid and farso prevented further construction on Taksim Square. Time tell if will tially due to the approach focused the leadership, of the movement has anger among the the youth). ranks non-organized of Furthermore, par venturism (though its cautious attitude gave also to rise criticism and formulation specific prevented also demands has of various ad forms- of regime forces (an ever-present Egypt in as danger in Turkey too). Its prevented the movement from being hijacked by nationalists and old authoritarian 2011wave. pluralistic organizations that do not contradict the the spirit anti- of sim Solidarity), which might inspire other revolts to craft and“leaderful” being organizational forms (most specific all important to itself of Tak - to push for them. In this process, the movement brought also has into demands and the (unlike Spanish one) deploying established channels volt, the Gezi movement far so not has shied away from formulating itsand sister weaknesses revolts. of However, unlike the American re gard. theA same part global of wave, Gezi shares the many strengths of We need also to clear be about its shortcomings. years, we cannot simply restrict ourselves this to global eulogizing revolt. shared resources, and authoritarianism persist or increase the in coming inequality,If unemployment, commodification urban space of and other glect the persistence overall of global and national hegemonic structures. the measuring anew need success), tostick devise of the romantics ne Taksim Solidarity not has worked any miracles, but far so it has Following how the Gezi revolt unfolds important be will thisin re While the critics the miss novelty the 2011revolt of (and therefore 143-62. Aracılığı ileOrtakOlanı Kurmak:‘Öfkeliler’ve‘İşgalEt’Hareketleri,” MülkiyeDergisi37,no.1(2013): http://citiesmcr.wordpress.com/2011/03/18/every-revolution-has-its-square/; Yavuz Yıldırım,“Kent Erik Swyngedouw, “Every RevolutionHasItsSquare,”cities@manchester 30 Cihan Tuğal (blog), March18,2011, - - - -