8.27.20 Thesis Final Draft

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

8.27.20 Thesis Final Draft UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Gap: The Discrepancy Between the de Jure Rights and the de Facto Reality Experienced by LGBTQ+ Students in Uruguay Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8jg37150 Author Etlin, Stuart Publication Date 2019 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO The Gap: The Discrepancy Between the de Jure Rights and the de Facto Reality Experienced by LGBTQ+ Students in Uruguay A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Latin American Studies by Stuart Etlin Committee in charge: Professor Scott Desposato, Chair Professor Stephanie Jed Professor Matthew Vitz 2020 Copyright Stuart Etlin, 2020 All rights reserved. The Thesis of Stuart Etlin is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: _____________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________ Chair University of California San Diego 2020 iii DEDICATION I would like to dedicate this thesis to the LGBTQ+ children of Uruguay. From my humble perch in academia I hope that this work supports your God-given rights, enshrined in Uruguay law, to full citizenship, free of discrimination for the rest of your lives. It is my hope that other scholars, international organizations, and individuals build upon this research and advocate for your right to self-esteem, and inclusion in the classroom. iv EPIGRAPH Reivindico el poder sanador de las palabras. Poder decir las cosas en voz alta sana el alma. Diana Mines El reloj, Canal 10 27 junio, 1997 I assert the healing power of words. To speak out loud heals the soul. -Diana Mines El Reloj, Channel 10, Uruguay The moment the movement came out of the closet v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ....................................................................................................... iii Dedication .............................................................................................................. iv Epigraph .................................................................................................................. v Table of Contents .................................................................................................. vi List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................... vii List of Figures………………………………………………………………….... ix List of Tables .......................................................................................................... x Acknowledgements ............................................................................................... xi Abstract of the Thesis ........................................................................................... xii I. Introduction: LGBTQ+ Rights in Uruguay and the Adolescent Experience………………………………….....……..1 II. The Persecution of LGBTQ+ in Uruguay; Activism and Legislative Gains……………………………………...….17 III. Visualizing the LGBTQ+ Student Experience…………………...……..68 IV. Harm Reduction: Current Programs to Mitigate the Gap………..…….140 V. The Roadmap Forward………………………………………….……..157 Epilogue ……………………………………………………………………….161 Appendices…………………………………………………………………….172 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………..174 vi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ANEP Administración Nacional de Educación Publica ASSE Administración de Servicios de Salud del Estado ATRU Asociación Trans del Uruguay BPS Banco de Previsión Social CEP Consejo de Educación Primaria CETP Consejo de Educación Técnica Profesional CES Consejo de Educación Secundaria CFE Consejo de Formación en Educación CNDD Consejo Nacional de Diversidad Sexual CPD Centros Educativos Promotores de Derechos CODICEN El Consejo Directivo de la Administración Nacional de Educación Publica CRAM Centro de Referencia Amigable DNPSC Dirección Nacional de Promoción Sociocultural ENAJ Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud FA Frente Amplio FUDIS Constitución de la Federación Uruguaya de la Diversidad Sexual GSA Gay-Straight Alliance GLSEN Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network HU Homosexuales Unidos ILGA The International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersex Association IMM Intendencia Municipal de Montevideo INAU Instituto del Niño y Adolescente del Uruguay INJU Instituto Nacional de la Juventud (división of MIDES) INMUJERES Instituto Nacional de Mujeres (división of MIDES) INEED Instituto Nacional de Evaluación Educativa LGBTQ+ Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Questioning, Intersex, Asexual MCT Mesa Coordinadora de Trasvestis MEC Ministerio de Educación y Cultura MIDES Ministerio de Desarrollo Social MIH Movimiento de Integración Homosexual MSP Ministerio de Salud Público OAS Organization of American States OECD The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development ONUSIDA The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS PES Programa de Educación Sexual PC Partido Colorado PI Partido Independiente PISA Program for International Student Assessment PIT-CNT Plenario, Intersindical de Trabajadores-Convención Nacional de Trabajadores PLEMU Plenario de Mujeres del Uruguay PN Partido Nacional (Partido Blancos) PNS Programa Nacional de SIDA ROUS La Red de ONGs con trabajo en SIDA UDELAR Universidad de la Republica UNFPA United Nations Population Fund UTU Universidad del Trabajo del Uruguay vii WHO World Health Organization viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Untitled…………………………………………………...……………………....25 Figure 2: The governance of education in Uruguay……………………………………….114 Figure 3: Diagram from ANEP’s website visualizing the structure of CODICEN…...…...116 Figure 4: Photo of public-school uniform………………………………………………….119 ix LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Timeline of Uruguay LGBTQ+ Benchmark Legislation………………………… 24 Table 2: Key Findings of the Ovejas Negras Report……………………………………….72 x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want to thank Scott Desposato for offering me admission into the UCSD program, nominating me for the San Diego Fellowship, and chairing my thesis committee. I want to thank Matt Vitz for opening my eyes to the back story that always seems to be lurking somewhere beyond appearances when it comes to Latin American policy initiatives. I want to thank Stephanie Jed for finding generous slots of time to read segment drafts, challenging me to find the answers to difficult questions (frequently involving further research) first orally, and then incorporated into the body of the thesis. I want to thank the CAPS department of UCSD. I want to thank Dr. Dan Caldwell who encouraged my return to graduate studies in my fifties and took the time to read my thesis and make valuable comments. I want to thank my dear friend Dr. Ed Franks for this wealth of knowledge and words of wisdom and encouragement for all things academic. This would not have been possible, and I would not have survived the isolation of graduate studies without the unwavering love and support of my partner Joshua Siebuhr. Every chance he had he would make the two-three-hour drive from our home in Pacific Palisades to my UCSD housing in La Jolla to take me out for a meal and a movie; leaving the apartment with a fully stocked refrigerator, clean clothes; Thank you for being my bookend, your love, and your patience. I am delighted to have graduated the UCSD program the same year my son Cody Etlin, a Rangel Fellow, graduated his program at SAIS, and has begun his career in the foreign service. Cody is a Latinamericanist par excellence; I derived much encouragement from his hard work and his gentle words. Finally, I would like to thank all of the amazing Uruguayans who made themselves available to me for interviews, introductions, and invitations. You are extraordinary people and my life is richer having known your beautiful corner of the world. xi ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Gap: The Discrepancy Between the de Jure Rights and the de Facto Reality Experienced by LGBTQ+ Students in Uruguay by Stuart Etlin Master of Arts in Latin American Studies University of California San Diego, 2020 Professor Scott Desposato, Chair Uruguay elected its first left-of-center government in 2004 on a human rights platform that has maintained power for fifteen years. Numerous organizations recognize Uruguay as having the most progressive LGBTQ+ legislation in Latin America as measured by benchmark laws. xii All available studies indicate that there is a deep discrepancy between the de jure rights and protections and the de facto experience of LGBTQ+ students who report high rates of absenteeism, feeling unsafe at school, and experiencing verbal and physical homophobic bullying by both students and teachers. Interviews that I conducted with experts in various professions confirm this reality. The purpose of this investigation is to identify institutional and societal factors that have created this gap and have reinforced replication of entrenched societal homophobia in the school place; actions and initiatives designed to bridge the gap that are being taken or are under consideration, and look at the possible roadmaps for the path forward. Uruguay has a history of passing progressive legislation that remains inoperable for years or even decades. Educational institutions self-govern with constitutionally granted autonomy; having their own mechanisms for handling grievances, answering to neither judicial nor legislative branches. Many of
Recommended publications
  • Democracy and Educational Expansion: Evidence from 200 Years
    Democracy and Educational Expansion: Evidence from 200 Years Agustina S. Paglayan - UC San Diego LSE-Stanford-Universidad de los Andes Conference on Long-Run Development in Latin America, London School of Economics and Political Science, 16-17 May 2018 DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATIONAL EXPANSION: EVIDENCE FROM 200 YEARS Agustina S. Paglayan* June 1, 2018 Because primary education is often conceptualized as a pro-poor redistributive policy, a common political economy argument is that democratization leads to increases in its provision. But primary education can also serve the goals of autocratic regimes, including industrialization, inculcation of loyalty, and nation- building. To examine the relationship between regime type and education provision empirically, this paper leverages new country-level datasets spanning 200 years. Difference-in-differences and interrupted time series estimates indicate that democratization had no or little impact on primary school enrollment rates. The analysis reveals two historical patterns that can explain this null finding: first, state-controlled primary education systems emerged about a century before democratization; and second, in most countries, a large majority of the population already had access to primary education before democratization. These findings challenge the centrality given to democracy and the enfranchisement of the poor in existing theories of what drives governments to provide basic education. * Assistant professor of political science and public policy, UCSD (starting July 2018); and postdoctoral
    [Show full text]
  • Hugo Cores Former Guerrillas in Power:Advances, Setbacks And
    Hugo Cores Former Guerrillas in Power: Advances, Setbacks and Contradictions in the Uruguayan Frente Amplio For over 135 years, Uruguayan politics was essen- tially a two party system. There had been other “small parties” including socialist parties, commu- nist parties or those inspired by Christian groups but all of them garnered little electoral support. Within the two principal political parties that competed for power, however, there were factions within each that could be considered to a greater or lesser extent progressive, anti-imperialist, and/or committed to some kind of vision of social justice. For the most part, the working class vote tended to gravitate towards these progressive wings within the domi- nant parties. The Twentieth Century history of the Uruguayan left would have been very distinct had pragmatism prevailed, an attitude that was later called the logic of incidencia by leaders of the Independent Batllist Faction (CBI – Corriente Batllista Independiente). Indeed, what sense did it make during the 1920s, 30s, 40s and 50s to be a socialist, communist, or Christian Democrat when if all taken together, they failed to reach even 10% of the vote? When the “theorists” of the CBI spoke of the “logic of incidencia, they referred to the idea that voting and cultivating an accumulation of left forces within the traditional political parties was a viable strategy to 222 • Hugo Cores have an organised impact upon the state apparatus, establishing positions of influence from within. The intent of the CBI itself to pursue such a strategy ultimately failed and disintegrated or became absorbed within the ranks of political support given to the Colorado Party of Sanguinetti.1 To remain outside of the traditional political parties, in contrast, meant that the opposition would be deprived of incidencia.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. Especially B. Currie, “ the Verdict of Quiescent Years: Mr
    339 NOTES 1. Especially B. Currie, “ The Verdict of Quiescent Years: Mr. Hill and the Conflict of Laws”, University of Chicago Law Review, Vol. 28,1961,pp. 258- 295. Currie has repeatedly stated: “we would be better off without choice- of-law rules ”. 2. There are few real “ specialists” dedicated to the general part of private international law. One such specialist is Paul Heinrich Neuhaus, author of Die Grundbegriffe des Internationalen Privatrechts, 2nd ed., J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tübingen 1976. This book is an excellent model of “specialization” with respect to the general part. Other specialists are Gerhard Kegel, author of Internationales Privatrecht, 4th ed., Verlag C. H. Beck, Munich, 1977 and Werner Niederer, whose work Einfürhung in die allgemeinen Lehren des inter­ nationalen Privatrechts, Polygraphischer Verlag A.G., Zürich, 1956, unfortu­ nately has not been updated. Kegel refers to Melchior, Maury and Neuhaus as true specialists in the general part of private international law; G. Kegel, ibid., p. 93. In the Americas, specialists include Werner Goldschmidt and Haroldo Valladäo. 3. The Inter-American Convention on General Rules of Private International Law was signed at Montevideo, Uruguay, on 8 May 1979, during the Second Inter-American Specialized Conference on Private International Law (CIDIP- II), by Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela. El Salvador and Mexico signed it at a later date. As of 1 January 1983 it had been ratified by Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Uruguay. 4. See the commentaries on the drafts of Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Vene­ zuela, in Chap.
    [Show full text]
  • Uruguay's President Josã© Mujica's Simplicity Draws Attention Around the Globe Andrã©S Gaudãn
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 2-1-2013 Uruguay's President José Mujica's Simplicity Draws Attention Around the Globe Andrés GaudÃn Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation GaudÃn, Andrés. "Uruguay's President José Mujica's Simplicity Draws Attention Around the Globe." (2013). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/14118 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 78882 ISSN: 1060-4189 Uruguay's President José Mujica's Simplicity Draws Attention Around the Globe by Andrés Gaudín Category/Department: Uruguay Published: 2013-02-01 In mid-December 2012, the small newspaper Jornada in the northern Uruguayan city of Rivera published a surprising story pointing out that, throughout 2012, President José "Pepe" Mujica had been interviewed by major international print media and television channels more than any of his counterparts on six continents. It is true. Mujica was not consulted to find out his opinions on major world events. Uruguay is not a player on that stage. For such consultation, the media go to major political actors, such as US President Barack Obama, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. The media are attracted to Mujica for a very particular reason. They all use the exact same words to describe him as "the poorest president in the world." But that is not the only reason that media from The New York Times to The Hindu—the Chennai, India, newspaper with an average daily circulation of 1.8 million copies—come to Montevideo to write stories.
    [Show full text]
  • Primary Education.Pdf
    1 CDD 300 ISSN: 1510-5628 Serie Documentos de Trabajo del IPES / Colección Monitor Social Nº8 Uruguay asiste a una radical transformación de su matriz social y de sus mecanismos de integración social. El Monitor Social del Uruguay recoge los aportes de los investigadores del IPES a la comprensión de dichas transformaciones y de la realidad actual del Uruguay social. Este Monitor pretende aportar información y análisis que permita el seguimiento de la situación social de los uruguayos. Mediante tales aportes se busca contribuir a modelar agendas sociales así como lograr una mejor comprensión de las dinámicas económicas y sociales que operan en la producción de desigualdad, pobreza y exclusión social del Uruguay. Programa IPES Facultad de Ciencias Humanas Universidad Católica del Uruguay Dep. Legal 326.861 2 © 2006, Universidad Católica del Uruguay Para obtener la autorización para la reproducción o traducción total o parcial de este documento debe formularse la correspondiente solicitud a la Universidad Católica del Uruguay (IPES), solicitud que será bien acogida. No obstante, ciertos extractos breves de esta publicación pueden reproducirse sin autorización, con la condición de que se mencione la fuente. 3 Primary Education: Changing Mainstay of Uruguay Juan A. Bogliaccini La versión original de este trabajo fue publicada en Noblit, G. and Pink, W. (2006) International Handbook of Education. University of North Carolina & Marquette University. USA. 4 ABSTRACT The Uruguayan public educational system is undergoing profound changes in response
    [Show full text]
  • Las Dictaduras En América Latina Y Su Influencia En Los Movimientos De
    Revista Ratio Juris Vol. 16 N.º 32, 2021, pp. 17-50 © UNAULA EDITORIAL DICTATORSHIPS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THEIR INFLUENCE OF RIGHT AND LEFT MOVEMENTS SINCE THE 20TH CENTURY* LAS DICTADURAS EN AMÉRICA LATINA Y SU INFLUENCIA EN LOS MOVIMIENTOS DE DERECHA E IZQUIERDA DESDE EL SIGLO xx Juan Carlos Beltrán López José Fernando Valencia Grajales** Mayda Soraya Marín Galeano*** Recibido: 30 de noviembre de 2020 - Aceptado: 30 de mayo de 2021 - Publicado: 30 de junio de 2021 DOI: 10.24142/raju.v16n32a1 * El presente artículo es derivado de la línea Constitucionalismo Crítico y Género que hace parte del programa de investigación con código 2019 29-000029 de la línea denominada Dinámicas Urbano-Regionales, Economía Solidaria y Construcción de Paz Territorial en Antioquia, que a su vez tiene como sublíneas de trabajo las siguientes: Construcción del Sujeto Político, Ciudadanía y Transformación Social; Constitucionalismo Crítico y Género; Globalización, Derechos Humanos y Políticas Públicas, y Conflicto Territorio y Paz e Investigación Formativa. ** Docente investigador Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana (UNAULA); Abogado, Universidad de Antioquia; Politólogo, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín; Especialista en Cultu- ra Política: Pedagogía de los Derechos Humanos, Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana (UNAU- LA); Magíster en Estudios Urbano Regionales, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín; estudiante del Doctorado en Conocimiento y Cultura en América Latina, Instituto Pensamiento y Cultura en América Latina, A. C.; editor de la revista Kavilando y Revista Ratio Juris (UNAULA), Medellín, Colombia. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8128-4903; Google Scholar: https://scho- lar.google.es/citations?user=mlzFu8sAAAAJ&hl=es. Correo electrónico: [email protected] *** Directora de la Maestría en Derecho y docente investigadora de la Universidad Católica Luis Amigó, investigadora de la revista Kavilando.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Presidents of Uruguay
    SNo Name Took office Left office Political party 1 Fructuoso Rivera November 6, 1830 October 24, 1834 Colorado 2 Carlos Anaya October 24, 1834 March 1, 1835 Colorado 3 Manuel Oribe March 1, 1835 October 24, 1838 National 4 Gabriel Antonio Pereira October 24, 1838 March 1, 1839 Colorado 5 Fructuoso Rivera March 1, 1839 March 1, 1843 Colorado 6 Manuel Oribe February 16, 1843 October 8, 1851 National 7 Joaquín Suárez March 1, 1843 February 15, 1852 Colorado 8 Bernardo Berro February 15, 1852 March 1, 1852 National 9 Juan Francisco Giró March 1, 1852 September 25, 1853 National 10 Venancio Flores September 25, 1853 March 12, 1854 Colorado 11 Juan Antonio Lavalleja September 25, 1853 October 22, 1853 Independent 12 Fructuoso Rivera September 25, 1853 January 13, 1854 Colorado 13 Venancio Flores March 12, 1854 August 29, 1855 Colorado 14 Luis Lamas August 29, 1855 September 10, 1855 National 15 Manuel Basilio Bustamante September 10, 1855 February 15, 1856 Colorado 16 José María Plá February 15, 1856 March 1, 1856 Colorado 17 Gabriel Antonio Pereira March 1, 1856 March 1, 1860 Colorado 18 Bernardo Berro March 1, 1860 March 1, 1864 National 19 Atanasio Aguirre March 1, 1864 February 15, 1865 National 20 Tomás Villalba February 15, 1865 February 20, 1865 National 21 Venancio Flores February 20, 1865 February 15, 1868 Colorado 22 Pedro Varela February 15, 1868 March 1, 1868 Colorado 23 Lorenzo Batlle y Grau March 1, 1868 March 1, 1872 Colorado 24 Tomás Gomensoro Albín March 1, 1872 March 1, 1873 Colorado 25 José Eugenio Ellauri March 1, 1873 January
    [Show full text]
  • URUGUAY by Pablo Landoni
    URUGUAY by Pablo Landoni Landoni, P. (2012). Uruguay. In C. L. Glenn & J. De Groof (Eds.), Balancing freedom, autonomy and accountability in education: Volume 3 (397-415). Tilburg, NL: Wolf Legal Publishers. Overview In 2008, Uruguay approved a new education law (Ley General de Educación, subsequently LGE),1 as a result of a reform process begun by the new left-of- center government that took office in 2005. The law adopted was a substitute for a law of deep significance, because it was the second law approved after the restoration of democracy in 1985, following a decade of military rule. This previous law2 enjoyed the unanimous support of the political parties and social organization that made up the Comisión Nacional Programática (CONAPRO), a coordinating group for policies as the country returned to democracy. The reform strategy adopted by the government that took office in 2005 has been defined as “bottom-up,”3 in the sense that it was intended that the law be the result of an extensive process of participation by educators and by society. The process began with the so-called “Debate Educativo” organized by a Commission of twenty- two individuals coming from the Ministry of Education, educational institutions, teacher and student organizations, and some civil-society organizations. Political participation was indirect, through the Ministry. The discussion was organized through regional assemblies in the entire country. This process culminated with the National Education Congress in 2006, with more than six hundred delegates from the most diverse civil-society organizations and public and private educational institutions. The opposition political parties stayed aloof from this process.4 In addition to emphasizing the participatory nature of the design of the new education law, there was an effort to distinguish it from earlier reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • Uruguay. La Gran Derrota De Lacalle
    NUEVA SOCIEDAD NRO.124 MARZO- ABRIL 1993 , PP. 17-21 Uruguay. La gran derrota de Lacalle Waksman, Guillermo Guillermo Waksman: Periodista uruguayo, actual sub-director del semanario Bre- cha, Montevideo. El 13 de diciembre los uruguayos sorprendieron a todo el mundo: mediante un re- feréndum anularon los artículos fundamentales de una ley de privatizaciones apro- bada un año atrás por el Parlamento. Dentro de fronteras, lo que más llamó la aten- ción fue el «score»: 72 por ciento de los votos fue contra la ley (y contra el gobier- no) y apenas el 27 por ciento a favor. Más allá de las consecuencias estrictamente jurídicas, el resultado abre perspectivas de cambios en las reglas de juego de un sistema político que casi todos consideran agotado. En marzo de 1990, cuando Luis Alberto Lacalle asumió la Presidencia de la Repú- blica, era el líder indiscutido de un sector partidario, el herrerismo, pero no el de su partido, el Nacional (o blanco). Los votos que había recibido su candidatura presi- dencial en las elecciones celebradas tres meses antes, representaban escasamente al 23 por ciento de la ciudadanía y, por lo tanto, de ese orden sería el respaldo incon- dicional con que contaría en el Parlamento. Para llevar adelante su programa de gobierno no tenía, entonces, otro camino que el de negociar cada una de sus inicia- tivas con los otros sectores de su propio partido, primero, y con algunas de las otras fuerzas partidarias, después. Se trata, en definitiva, de la misma situación a la que condenan a cualquier presidente el actual mapa político - con cuatro partidos - y el sistema de gobierno vigente, presidencialista, poco propicio para el funciona- miento de coaliciones.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Uruguayan Case to the Happiness Economy
    Dipartimento di Impresa e Management Cattedra: International Macroeconomics and Industrial Dynamics From the Uruguayan case to the Happiness economy RELATORE Prof. LUIGI MARENGO CANDIDATO ANDREA CASTELLANI Matr. 690601 CORRELATORE Prof. PAOLO GARONNA ANNO ACCADEMICO 2017/2018 2 INDEX INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER 1: HAPPINESS AS A LIFE GOAL POLITICAL ECONOMICS MUST CONSIDER IN ITS DECISION-MAKING ............................................................................. 8 1.1 Happiness as a life goal ..................................................................................................... 8 1.2 The effect of institutional conditions on individual well-beings .................................... 9 1.2.1 The importance of the “Constitution” .................................................................... 10 1.2.2 Weighing the effect of a certain kind of Constitution ........................................... 12 1.2.3 How good governance affects well-being “above and beyond” income ............... 13 1.2.4 The real connection between Governance and Subjective Well-Being ............... 20 1.3 Measuring utilities and criteria to assess happiness and life satisfaction ................... 21 1.4 The Way Income Affects Happiness .............................................................................. 24 1.4.1 The effect of time on the income-happiness relation ............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Del Matrimonio Igualitario a La “Agenda De Derechos” En Uruguay Luis Rivera-Vélez Center for International Studies (CERI), Sciences Po, Paris, France
    CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2018.1495718 Del matrimonio igualitario a la “agenda de derechos” en Uruguay Luis Rivera-Vélez Center for International Studies (CERI), Sciences Po, Paris, France RESUMEN HISTORIA DE ARTÍCULO En 2013, Uruguay reconoce el matrimonio entre personas del Recibido 25 agosto 2016 mismo sexo volviéndose así el país latinoamericano donde los Aceptado 24 abril 2018 derechos de las personas LGBTI son mejor protegidos. Más allá PALABRAS CLAVES del contenido de la ley, este caso es único porque, gracias a la Uruguay; matrimonio acción del movimiento LGBTI, Uruguay es el único país del mundo igualitario; aborto; donde la reivindicación por el matrimonio igualitario se ha inscrito marihuana; agenda de en una agenda más amplia de reconocimiento de derechos. Así, derechos las demandas por la despenalización del aborto y la legalización KEYWORDS de la marihuana son incluidas a las demandas LGBTI gracias a las Uruguay; same-sex marriage; alianzas entre los movimientos sociales que, de manera abortion; cannabis; rights pragmática, logran impulsarlas hasta su aprobación. Las leyes de agenda ampliación de derechos no derivan de una política del gobierno del presidente José Mujica sino que son el resultado de una acción conjunta de la sociedad civil y de los parlamentarios de izquierda. From same-sex marriage to the “rights agenda” in Uruguay ABSTRACT In 2013, Uruguay recognized same-sex marriage, thus becoming the Latin American country where the rights of LGBTI people are better protected. Beyond the content of the law, this case is unique because, thanks to the action of the LGBTI movement, Uruguay is the only country in the world where the demand for same-sex marriage has been inscribed in a broader agenda of recognition of rights.
    [Show full text]
  • LGBT Rights and Representation in Latin America and the Caribbean: the Influence of Structure, Movements, Institutions, and Culture
    LGBT Rights and Representation in Latin America and the Caribbean: The Influence of Structure, Movements, Institutions, and Culture Javier Corrales OUT TO WIN Javier Corrales Javier Corrales is the Dwight W. Morrow 1895 Corrales obtained his Ph.D. in political science Professor of Political Science at Amherst College from Harvard University. In 2005, he was chosen in Amherst, Massachusetts. to be a Fulbright Scholar in Caracas, Venezuela. Corrales’s research focuses on democratization In 2000, he became one of the youngest scholars and the political economy of development. His ever to be selected as a fellow at the Woodrow work on Latin America has concentrated on Wilson International Center for Scholars in presidential powers, political parties, economic Washington, D.C. reforms, international relations, and sexuality. Prepared in 2015 for the LGBT Representation Corrales serves on the editorial boards of Latin and Rights Initiative at the University of American Politics and Society and America’s North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Quarterly. He is co-author of The Promise of The author would like to thank Mary Byrne, Participation: Experiments in Participatory Dane Engelhart, Clara Yoon, and Abigail Xu for Governance in Honduras and Guatemala (Palgrave their research assistance. Macmillan 2013), U.S.-Venezuela Relations since The UNC LGBT Representation and Rights the 1990s: Coping with Midlevel Security Threats Research Initiative thanks Leah Elliott, Mary (Routledge 2013), and Dragon in the Tropics: Hugo Koenig, Sarah Pederson, Alison Evarts, and Chávez and the Political Economy of Revolution Alissandra Stoyan for their exceptional efforts in Venezuela (Brookings Institution Press 2011). in the preparation of this report.
    [Show full text]