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Economic Transition: What Can Be Learned from China's Experience University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Business - Economics Working Papers Faculty of Business and Law January 1998 Economic Transition: What Can Be Learned from China's Experience Charles Harvie University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/commwkpapers Recommended Citation Harvie, Charles, Economic Transition: What Can Be Learned from China's Experience, Department of Economics, University of Wollongong, 1998. https://ro.uow.edu.au/commwkpapers/4 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] University of Wollongong Department of Economics Working Paper Series 1998 Economic Transition: What Can Be Learned From China’s Experience Charles Harvie WP 98-4 ECONOMIC TRANSITION: WHAT CAN BE LEARNED FROM CHINA'S EXPERIENCE by Charles Harvie Department of Economics University of Wollongong WOLLONGONG NSW 2522 AUSTRALIA Phone: +61 2 42 213702 Fax: +61 2 42 213725 Email: [email protected] 2 ABSTRACT The last decade of this century has witnessed the transition of the formerly centrally planned economies of Europe and Asia to market economies, a process affecting some 1.7 billion people in 28 countries. While much agreement exists on the sorts of reform measures required, disagreement exists over their sequencing. The economic and social performance of these transition economies has varied considerably and for a variety of reasons, however China's performance, in particular, has been outstanding. The paper reviews the reform measures required for economic transition, and alternative sequencing approaches to these reforms. It conducts an overview of the performance of the transition economies, with focus placed upon the experience of the Chinese economy. An analysis of China's approach to economic reform, its key components, major outcomes and outstanding issues are discussed. Key lessons to be derived for other transition economies from China's experience are also presented. 3 ECONOMIC TRANSITION: WHAT CAN BE LEARNED FROM CHINA'S EXPERIENCE 1. INTRODUCTION The period from 1917 to the early 1950s witnessed a number of countries, containing one- third of the world's population, reject the market as a mechanism for the allocation of resources and the determination of production, and instead embrace the so called Soviet model of central planning. This model contained a number of key features: material balance planning for allocating resources; collectivised agriculture; price, wage, interest rate and exchange rate control; emphasis on heavy industry dominated by large state owned enterprises (SOEs) with little priority given to the production of consumer goods; foreign trade control through state trading monopolies; emphasis on economic autarky;1 and discrimination against the private sector. The model's dramatic collapse and rejection in Eastern Europe in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and the Soviet Union itself in 1991, created an unprecedented scale of transition2 from planned to market economies and reintegration into the global economy, affecting some 400 million people in 26 countries. For economists the major challenge during the last decade of this century has been to advise how best this immense task could be accomplished, particularly given that there were few real world examples to draw upon and certainly none on the scale required. While the achievements of the Soviet model were considerable, including: increased output, the attainment of industrialisation, the provision of basic education, health care, housing, jobs for the entire working population, an ability to avoid severe cyclical downturns, a relatively equal income distribution, and a welfare system which ensured access to basic goods and services, it was subject to intrinsic inefficiency. Planners were unable to acquire sufficient information to substitute for that supplied by prices in a market economy, particularly in the more advanced planned economies of 1 In practice most of the planned socialist economies were linked by trade to each other through the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). In Europe, however, Hungary and Poland in particular conducted considerable trade with the west, and China had been doing so for some time following the ideological split with the Soviet Union in the early 1960s. In the latter case though this still remained relatively modest. 2 Transition means the movement from one economic system to an entirely different economic system. This involves replacing the framework and institutions of the old economic system with entirely new ones. It is therefore important to distinguish between economic transition and economic reform of an existing system. 4 Europe. The planning system became largely a personalised bargaining process, with connections being a key component. Firms had little incentive to use inputs efficiently and instead had a strong incentive to hoard both labour and raw materials. Lack of incentives stifled individual initiative, and a large bureaucracy allocating resources created serious sectoral distortions with some sectors, particularly heavy industry, massively overbuilt and others, light industry and services, severely repressed. Prices did not accurately reflect relative values, with energy, housing, public transport and staple foods being relatively cheap while consumer goods, if available, were often expensive and of very poor quality. Continual shortages enabled firms to operate in a seller's market reducing the incentive to improve quality, and state owned enterprises lacked the defined property rights that would stimulate work effort and profit making as in market economies. Such deficiencies became increasingly intense in the centrally planned economies of Central and Eastern Europe as well as the Soviet Union itself by the late 1980s. During the 1950s and 1960s, however, impressive real growth rates of GNP had been achieved, with the exception of Czechoslovakia and East Germany. A more variable performance for these countries in the second half of the 1960s and first half of the 1970s is apparent, but by the latter half of the 1970s and throughout the 1980s these economies experienced continual economic stagnation.3 In response, by the late 1980s and early 1990s, these economies rejected central planning and with the exception of East Germany, which was absorbed by West Germany in 1990, each independently embarked on a transition process towards decentralised market driven economies based upon predominant private ownership. A catalyst for the post 1989 economic reforms in these economies, was their political reform toward multi-party democracy during this period. In the context of the planned developing economies of East Asia, China and Vietnam, the relevance of the system as a model for economic development had already been questioned. This occurred in China during the period of the Great Leap Forward in the 1950s and again during the ten year Proletarian Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. The first of these had contributed to the ideological split with the Soviet Union in the early 1960s. The implementation of central planning went into decline in China from the mid 1980s. Similarly in Vietnam the Soviet model began to be questioned in the mid 1980s during which its already heavily dependent and moribund 3 See Harvie (1998a). 5 economy experienced further macroeconomic crisis and a deteriorating performance.4 With its emphasis on capital intensive heavy industry the Soviet model was not appropriate in the context of very poor primarily rural economies, rich in labour resources but poor in capital resources. The adoption of a development strategy based on the tiger economies of East Asia, focusing, at least initially, upon labour intensive light manufactured goods for export, would have been more appropriate given their factor endowments. In addition, the early implementation of economic reform in agriculture produced impressive gains in output and productivity, in both China and Vietnam.5 With the demise of the planning system two approaches for attaining a market oriented economy, reintegration into the global economy, and improved long term growth and living standards for the transition economies came to the fore. These being the "big bang" or shock therapy approach and the gradual or pragmatic approach. Many countries, primarily in Central and Eastern Europe, adopted the big bang approach which advocated the need to destroy all remnants of the old planning system as rapidly as possible, and to replace it with a system based on a market allocation of resources with predominant private ownership. The social and economic costs of such an approach in terms of lost output, rising unemployment, rising poverty, increasing income disparities both between the rich and poor as well as across regions, deteriorating social cohesion and crime, at least in the short run, has been high for many of these countries. Occurring in conjunction with political reforms, in many instances, this has contributed to both greater economic and political instability. On the other hand in China and Vietnam6 major reform of the planning system had already been taking place during the period of the 1980s, and by the early 1990s each were committed to the attainment of market determined resource allocation while maintaining the "socialist" character of their respective economies. Unlike Europe the move towards a market oriented
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