A Study of Article 23 of the Basic Law of Hong Kong
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Hansard (English)
LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 13 October 2005 45 OFFICIAL RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS Thursday, 13 October 2005 The Council met at Three o'clock MEMBERS PRESENT: THE PRESIDENT THE HONOURABLE MRS RITA FAN HSU LAI-TAI, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE JAMES TIEN PEI-CHUN, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ALBERT HO CHUN-YAN IR DR THE HONOURABLE RAYMOND HO CHUNG-TAI, S.B.ST.J., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEE CHEUK-YAN THE HONOURABLE MARTIN LEE CHU-MING, S.C., J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE DAVID LI KWOK-PO, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE FRED LI WAH-MING, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE LUI MING-WAH, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MARGARET NG THE HONOURABLE MRS SELINA CHOW LIANG SHUK-YEE, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE JAMES TO KUN-SUN THE HONOURABLE CHEUNG MAN-KWONG THE HONOURABLE CHAN YUEN-HAN, J.P. 46 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 13 October 2005 THE HONOURABLE BERNARD CHAN, J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHAN KAM-LAM, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MRS SOPHIE LEUNG LAU YAU-FUN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEUNG YIU-CHUNG THE HONOURABLE SIN CHUNG-KAI, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE PHILIP WONG YU-HONG, G.B.S. THE HONOURABLE WONG YUNG-KAN, J.P. THE HONOURABLE JASPER TSANG YOK-SING, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE HOWARD YOUNG, S.B.S., J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE YEUNG SUM THE HONOURABLE LAU CHIN-SHEK, J.P. THE HONOURABLE LAU KONG-WAH, J.P. THE HONOURABLE LAU WONG-FAT, G.B.M., G.B.S., J.P. -
Hong Kong SAR
China Data Supplement November 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 47 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 50 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 54 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 61 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 65 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 November 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com. -
The 2012 Election Reforms
Prospects for Democracy in Hong Kong: The 2012 Election Reforms (name redacted) Specialist in Asian Affairs February 1, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R40992 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Prospects for Democracy in Hong Kong: The 2012 Election Reforms Summary Support for the democratization of Hong Kong has been an element of U.S. foreign policy for over 17 years. The Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992 (P.L. 102-383) states, “Support for democratization is a fundamental principle of United States foreign policy. As such, it naturally applies to United States policy toward Hong Kong. This will remain equally true after June 30, 1997” (the date of Hong Kong’s reversion to China). The Omnibus Appropriations Act of 2009 (P.L. 111-8) provides at least $17 million for “the promotion of democracy in the People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan …” The democratization of Hong Kong is also enshrined in the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s quasi- constitution that was passed by China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) prior to China’s resumption of sovereignty over the ex-British colony on July 1, 1997. The Basic Law stipulates that the “ultimate aim” is the selection of Hong Kong’s Chief Executive and the members of its Legislative Council (Legco) by “universal suffrage.” However, it does not designate a specific date by which this goal is to be achieved. On November 18, 2009, Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen released the long- awaited “consultation document” on possible reforms for the city’s elections to be held in 2012. -
The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster
Mainstream or Alternative? The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster so Ming Hang A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Government and Public Administration © The Chinese University of Hong Kong June 2005 The Chinese University of Hong Kong holds the copyright of this thesis. Any person(s) intending to use a part or whole of the materials in the thesis in a proposed publication must seek copyright release from the Dean of the Graduate School. 卜二,A館書圆^^ m 18 1 KK j|| Abstract Theoretically, public broadcaster and commercial broadcaster are set up and run by two different mechanisms. Commercial broadcaster, as a proprietary organization, is believed to emphasize on maximizing the profit while the public broadcaster, without commercial considerations, is usually expected to achieve some objectives or goals instead of making profits. Therefore, the contribution by public broadcaster to the society is usually expected to be different from those by commercial broadcaster. However, the public broadcasters are in crisis around the world because of their unclear role in actual practice. Many politicians claim that they cannot find any difference between the public broadcasters and the commercial broadcasters and thus they asserted to cut the budget of public broadcasters or even privatize all public broadcasters. Having this unstable situation of the public broadcasting, the role or performance of the public broadcasters in actual practice has drawn much attention from both policy-makers and scholars. Empirical studies are divergent on whether there is difference between public and commercial broadcaster in actual practice. -
I Am Sorry. Would Members Please Deal with One Piece of Business. It Is Now Eight O’Clock and Under Standing Order 8(2) This Council Should Now Adjourn
4920 HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ― 29 June 1994 8.00 pm PRESIDENT: I am sorry. Would Members please deal with one piece of business. It is now eight o’clock and under Standing Order 8(2) this Council should now adjourn. ATTORNEY GENERAL: Mr President, with your consent, I move that Standing Order 8(2) should be suspended so as to allow the Council’s business this evening to be concluded. Question proposed, put and agreed to. Council went into Committee. CHAIRMAN: Council is now in Committee and is suspended until 15 minutes to nine o’clock. 8.56 pm CHAIRMAN: Committee will now resume. MR MARTIN LEE (in Cantonese): Mr Chairman, thank you for adjourning the debate on my motion so that Members could have a supper break. I hope I can secure a greater chance of success if they listen to my speech after dining. Mr Chairman, on behalf of the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK), I move the amendments to clause 22 except item 12 of schedule 2. The amendments have already been set out under my name in the paper circulated to Members. Mr Chairman, before I make my speech, I would like to raise a point concerning Mr Jimmy McGREGOR because he was quite upset when he heard my previous speech. He hoped that I could clarify one point. In fact, I did not mean that all the people in the commercial sector had not supported democracy. If all the voters in the commercial sector had not supported democracy, Mr Jimmy McGREGOR would not have been returned in the 1988 and 1991 elections. -
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong
THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davis† I. Introduction Hong Kong’s status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong’s founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong’s constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law (“Basic Law”), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong’s Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. This interest is en- couraged by appreciation of the fundamental role democratization plays in con- stitutionalism in any society. The dynamic interactions of local politics and Beijing and foreign interests produce the politics of constitutionalism in Hong Kong. Understanding the Hong Kong political reform debate is therefore impor- tant to understanding the emerging status of both Hong Kong and China. This paper considers the politics of constitutional interpretation in Hong Kong and its relationship to developing democracy and sustaining Hong Kong’s highly re- garded rule of law. The high level of popular support for democratic reform in Hong Kong is a central feature of the challenge Hong Kong poses for China. Popular Hong Kong values on democracy and human rights have challenged the often undemocratic stance of the Beijing government and its supporters. -
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
Hong Kong Watch * * * * * * * International Parliamentarians
Hong Kong Watch * * * * * * * International parliamentarians condemn today’s imprisonment of the ‘most moderate and distinguished’ pro-democracy activists Today, authorities in Hong Kong have sentenced nine prominent pro-democracy activists for taking part in a peaceful protest in August 2019, including the the ‘father of Hong Kong’s democracy’ Martin Lee, ‘the owner of Apple Daily Jimmy Lai, and international barrister Margaret Ng. The nine pro-democracy activists which span the generations have received jail sentences and suspended sentences, with Jimmy Lai receiving 12 months, Lee Cheuk-yan receiving 12 months, Leung Kwok-hung receiving 18 months, Au Nok-hin receiving 10 months, and Cyd Ho receiving 8 months in prison and Margaret Ng receiving 12 month suspended sentence, Martin Lee receiving 11 months suspended sentence, Albert Ho receiving 12 months suspended sentence, and Leung Yiu-chung receiving an 8 month suspended sentence for the charge of ‘unlawful assembly’. U.N. Special Rapporteurs for human rights have previously called for the Hong Kong Government to withdraw the Public Order Ordinance which allows authorities to criminalise peaceful protest describing it as an assault on freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. A group of international parliamentarians led by Hong Kong Watch’s patron and the last British governor of Hong Kong, Lord Patten, have responded to the sentencing of the prominent pro-democracy activists. Their comments follow calls from over 100 UK MPs for the sanctioning of Hong Kong officials. U.K. Lord Patten of Barnes said: “The CCP's comprehensive assault on the freedoms of Hong Kong and its rule of law continues relentlessly. -
China-Taiwan: Strains Over Cross-Strait Relations
China-Taiwan Relations: Election Drama and Implications David G. Brown The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies The presidential campaign and referendum issue dominated cross-Strait relations this quarter. Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian’s narrow reelection victory gives him a weak mandate to lead a society deeply divided over the issue of Taiwan’s national identity and future relationship with China. The election outcome reflects the extent to which opinion on Taiwan has moved away from the “one China” concept in the eight years since Taiwan’s first direct presidential election in 1996. With the campaign over, President Chen now faces concrete choices about how to pursue cross-Strait relations, and Beijing is confronted with difficult choices and the need to review its policies toward Taiwan. Washington can expect to be caught in the middle and to be challenged to find effective ways to deter President Chen from changing the cross-Strait status quo. Campaign and referendum Chen Shui-bian, a skillful campaigner, shaped the campaign agenda with his slogan “Believe in Taiwan; Insist on Reform.” His proposal for Taiwan’s first island-wide referendum, which he portrayed as a step for reform and deepening democracy, was the principal issue debated in the campaign. The opposition KMT- Peoples First Party (PFP) alliance charged that the referendum was illegal and that linking it to the election was mainly a campaign ploy to boost Chen’s support. The pan-blue (KMT-PFP) camp tried to make the economy, cross-Strait peace, and Chen’s poor record campaign issues, but Chen deftly sidestepped their charges. -
Kwok Wing Hang and Others V Chief Executive in Council and Another
Department of Justice The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Summary of Judgment Kwok Wing Hang and Others v Chief Executive in Council and Another Leung Kwok Hung v Secretary for Justice and Another CACV 541, 542 & 583/2019 (on appeal from HCAL 2945/2019 and 2949/2019); [2020] HKCA 192 Decision : Respondents’ Appeal on (1) the ERO allowed, and (2) the PFCR partially allowed Applicants’ Cross Appeals dismissed Date of Hearing : 9-10 January 2020 Date of Judgment/Decision : 9 April 2020 Background 1. These are the appeals of the Chief Executive in Council (“CEIC”) and the Secretary for Justice (“SJ”), and the cross appeals of Mr Leung Kwok Hung (“Mr Leung”) and 24 Members of the Legislative Council (“LegCo”), against the Judgment of the Court of First Instance (“CFI”) dated 18 November 2019 (“CFI Judgment”) and the Decision of the CFI (on the questions of relief and costs) dated 22 November 2019 (“Decision”) allowing the application for judicial review and holding (i) the Emergency Regulations Ordinance (Cap. 241) (“ERO”) and the Prohibition on Face Covering Regulation (Cap. 241K) (“PFCR”) made thereunder unconstitutional and invalid (“Tier 1 Challenge”); and (ii) PFCR ss.3(1)(b) – (d) and s.5 unconstitutional and void (“Tier 2 Challenge”). 2. The background facts can be found in paras. 1-20 of the Judgment of the Court of Appeal (“CA”).1 3. The grounds for judicial review are repeated in para. 29 of the CA’s Judgment.2 1 In summary, since June 2019, Hong Kong had experienced serious social unrests and public disorders marked by protests, escalating violence, vandalisms and arsons arising from the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019. -
544 Final REPORT from the COMMISSION to the COUNCIL
COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES Brussels, 15.9.2003 COM(2003) 544 final REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE COUNCIL AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Annual Report by the European Commission on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region CONTENTS 1. Introduction 3 2. Reaffirmation and implementation of the "one country, two systèmes" 3 3. Institutional developments 5 4. Legislative Developments 7 5. Rights of assembly and demonstration. 10 6. The Economy 11 7. European union - Hong Kong relations. 12 8. Conclusion 14 2 HONG KONG: Annual Report 2002 1. INTRODUCTION As in the Commission’s previous annual reports, this 2002 report aims to assess the state of development of the Hong Kong SAR and its relations with the European Union. In accordance with the Commission’s mandate, the report analyses progress in the implementation of the “One Country, Two Systems” principle, and reviews developments in the legislative, institutional and individual rights fields. The document also provides an assessment of economic developments, and reports on the main aspects of EU-Hong Kong relations. 2. REAFFIRMATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE “ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS” PRINCIPLE - Reaffirmation of the principle The Central Government of Beijing again reiterated its adherence to the “one country, two systems” principle in its official statements. In a speech to the National People’s Congress (NPC) on 5 March 2002, Prime Minister Zhu Rongji stated: “We should fully implement the principle of “one country, two systems” and the Basic Law of Hong Kong and Macao Special Administrative Regions. It is our firm and unswerving objective to maintain the long-term stability, prosperity and development there.