CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

ADMINISTRATIVE IMPLICATIONS OF TRIBALISM IN KENYA

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in

Special Major

by

Opanyi Kivai Nasiali

July 21, 1975 I I

I

I I I l .J The thesis of Opanyi Kivai Nasiali is approved:

California State University, Northridge

November, 1975 I __j To the Youth of Africa for lvhom the future is CCitling.

1 I. I I I I i

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

;pag__e No. DEDICATION. iii

ABSTRACT .. vii CHAPTER I...... 1 INTRODUCTION .1 CHAPTER II. . . . 19 TRIBALISM ARISES FROM OTHER FACTORS. 19 CHAPTER III ...... 50 DECISION-:HAK IN G DILEMHA. 50 CHAPTER IV. . . . . 57

!t REMEDIES. .57 CHAPTER V. . . .72 ! CONCLUSION. .72 APPENDIX I. 80 APPENDIX IIA. 81 APPENDIX IIB. 83 APPENDIX III. 84 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY...... • ...... 85 Books...... 85

Articles and Periodicals ...... 91

Dissertations. 96 Miscellaneous. 96

iv LIST OF TABLES

TABLE I Kenya's P.opula tion Breakdmvn. . . 19

TABLE 2 ; Tribrtlism in Nairobi. . . . . 20-21

TABLE 3a: Occupants by Tribal Origin of the .... 22-23 Kenya Cabinet Posts in 1967-1968

TABLE 3b: Occupants by Tribal Origin of. . . .24-25 Kenya Cabinet Posts in October, 1974

TABLE 4: Kenya Elite by Tribal Group. . 28

TABLE 5 ; Profession and Tribe in Kenya. 30

TABLE 6: Responses to the Question: ...... 34 "In the past, have these smaller tribes been neglected in any ways?

TABLE 7: African Education in Kenya, 1946 ...... 36

TABLE 8: Enrollment in African Schools, 1958 .. 36

TABLE 9: Educational Enrollment in Kenya, 1965. 37

TABLE 10: Breakdown of African Educational. .39 Achievement ·.. LIST OF MAPS

Map 1: Luyia Sub-Tribes. . . 9 Map 2: Secondary Schools, 1964. 42 Map 3: African Primary Education. 43 Map 4: African Adult Literacy. .44 Map 5: African Post-Secondary Ed.. .45 Map 6: Education Quality. . . . . 46

~ I vi ABSTRACT

ADMINISTRATIVE IMPLICATIONS OF TRIBALISM IN KENYA

by

Opanyi Kivai Nasiali

Master of Arts in Special Major

July 21, 1975

I Tribalism is a phenomenon which causes not only I friction between the various tribal groups in Kenya, but lwhich also causes problems in the Nation's administration.

! Being embedded in the African social tradition, tribalism I I is aggravated by three factors: (i) the use of a ~oreign

J administrative system, (ii) the co-existence of numerous I tribal groups that were aggregated into one nation during I~olonization, and. (iii) the dominance by one tribal group -~ I the Kikuyu - in the new system. I Administratively, frustration comes from having to i distribute limited national resources to tribal groups

Ii un d er con d.ltlons · o f liD· b a 1 ances . ln· opportunlty· to partlcl-· · 1 !pate equitably in the new system. Because of these ! imbalances in tribal opportunity, the Kikuyu (and to some I i 'extent the other major tribes such as Luo, Luyia and Kamba)l :have excelled tremendously and dominate the others. This ~ i l ___ -- ...... ······ ...... J

vii !condition and fear of domination prompts the less advan- 1 1 taged tribes to make accusations of tribalism. But I I 'tribalism is not just a condition of tribal opportunity ;i ·.imbalances, it is also a practice of favouritism between l ' 'and among members of the same tribe over others. This is

lwhy tribalism is a problem which has to be dealt with in I 1 order to have both a tranquil nation and an efficiently !smooth running administration. I Administrative implications of trjbalism are numerous and far reaching. They require more study and 1 !collection of empirical data than works referred to in this~ I 1 thesis have delt with. Even with limited data, discussion I 1 ihere takes into consideration factors which contribute to

!the problem of tribalism: tribal opportunity imbalances in I !civil service, education, and loans allocation, and the ! decision-making dilemma arising from these imbalances. [Remedy for the problem requires short-term actions such as

~compromising between merit and need, and long-term actions ! such as amendment of the constitution to provide for more !participation in power and resource distribution, as well I las change of attitudes between the various tribes so that

I· socla· 1 b arrlers· are remove d to . a 11 ow f or more contacts b y ! i such means as intertribal marriages.

Kenya has so far managed to maintain a mutual bond I between the various tribal groups. ~.n1ile this is a healthy:

sign, the real and potential friction that may arise from

viii [tribalism cannot be underestimated. That is why it is l I 'necessary to do something about tribalism for the good of I I ·the country, and all of Africa as \vell.

ix CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Third World countries face problems which are i 1 basically economic, but which are also problems related to I :the administration of limited resources. In a modern world I l,v-hich is plagued by wide gaps between the haves and have- lnots, the latter problems are particularly acute. In I 'addition to these common problems among the Third World

/countries, the African nations face a further problem I !resulting from the presence of different tribal groups in leach nation. This aspect that is unique to African nations i 'is the essence of discussion in this paper. i I The African people belong to various tribal groups ! ;which are distinct entities with definite cultural and it~aditional development in their individual setting. ! I . !During colonization by European nations, the African

1continent was subdivided into nations whose boundaries did ' 1.not coincide with original tri?al boundaries. The result was creation of the present "artificial" national states, I

vJhich - in most cases - comprise various tribal groups that 1 previously had nothing in common. After a long period of I ,colonial domination, most of these artificial nations are

:now under African administration. . ... _____ j

1 2

I'

J The form of this administration is, in essence, a I :transplant of Western bureaucratic systems brought in by

the colonizing po-v1ers. While this system can be a signif-

1icant factor in some of Africa's problems, the focus of

this paper is on the role of tribal groupings in the sys- I tern. Utilization of this imported administrative system i coupled with old tribal social structures, will be examine~ I 1 I 1 as a common phenomenon in Sub-Sahara Africa. Although thei

!paper examines sub-Sahara nations in general, focus is on I I Kenya.

\vhy Focus on Kenya?

Any African nation in this study can be used as the! ! prototype for discussion of the problem. However, focus on:

1Kenya is mainly due to speculation, at the time of indepen-1 I dence, which suggested that the nation \vould disintegrate 1

I following a struggle for power by various tribal groups.

:~ontrary to this view, it should be noted that, perhaps, II :Kenya is the only African nation today that apparently :demonstrates a mutual bond. between the various tribes. I This mutual bond between the tribes can be witnessed in the! !ten years during which Kenya has had a stable government I I I l free of tribal uprising such as that experienced by other l

, African nations (for example, Nigeria) . 1

In spite of the stability in Kenya, there is the

;constant threat both in actual and potential terms of what

i is now knmvn as "tribalism" the subject of this '· 3

~--·- l discussion. Kenya, therefore, lends itself to the study of

tribalism.

The Problem: ---·-·-··---·----~- The task here is to identify real or potential

friction among the various tribes in Kenya, and the role

of the bureaucratic government in resolving this friction. I Another aspect of the discussion is to examine the !operation of the modern Kenya African governmental and i !bureaucratic systems which are engaged infue development I 1 and distribution of the ·nation's resources under conditions! I of dominance by one tribe - the Kikuyu, and the foreign- ! i :ness of the governmental system ~o the African tribal

I masses in the "artificial" nation.

Roots of the Problem:

Friction among the tribal groups may arise from

various causes: i l 1. Because of lack of interest groups in the 1 political system at the moment, demands on the government

I and distribution of resources may be done through the

tribal groups. However, as James C. Scott points out,

'\..;;hen demands are made on behalf of a wider grouping they

are likely to refer to ethnic, linguistic, or regional 2 blocs, and can seldom be given legislative form." This

situation may present problems if some groups are ignored,

- .. ". ,. '··.. -.--.,~-~~ ...,..,. ·- i --- 4

r . 1 or if some groups think they are ignored. 1 I I 2. Because the governmental system is unfamiliar I ·to many Africans, most of them do not know what is ex- l I :pexted of themselves and others in terms of exerting ;' . demands and expecting rewards. During this transitional .period, most Africans will be caught between traditional I I tribal ways and the ways of the new bureaucratic system. 3 i ; Since the traditional ways will most readily be applied, I l 1 ethnic discrimination can occur. It is not surprising, I :then, that competition for jobs would be seen in ethnic or i tribal terms, with the resulting tensions merely increas­

: ing the tendency to categorize individuals primarily in I 1 ethnic terms. In this process, tribal tensions may be I I 1 created where they may not have existed previously.

3. Related to (2) above, is the point that fear

of dominance by one or the other tribe may also create

friction among the various tribal factions. 4 i t 4. Besides these major causes of friction among

the various tribal groups, there are other causes that

arise from lack of understanding of the cultural and

behavioural establishments amqng the various groups. I P. van den Berghe refers to such factor~ as "ethnic stereo-j I types." In Kenya there are such stereotypes among the 1 I v~rious tribes as: 5 I

a. That the Kamba practice witchcraft;

b. That the Luo males, because they are not 5

circumcized, are afraid of the "knife";

c. That the Kikuyu are enterprisin~, aggressive,

adaptive, innovative, willing to start in a

lmvly job if they see in it a 1vay of improving

their status, but they are also clever in a

deceitful way, clannish, and greedy for power

and we lath; and

d. The Coast tribes, like the Karnba, are thought

to be filled with witch doctors.

Even with these ethnic stereotypes among the vari-

ous tribal groups, normally there is no open hostility, as I ! I.p . van den Berghe points out that ethnic groups are not, ,by any means, mutually hostile armed camps ready to jump atl 6 I'each other's throats.

5. Friction may also arise from what van den I I ; Berghe refers to as the "vicious circle of ethnic conflict."! I 1 . He explains this by contending that a vast majority of 1 I Africans as well as expatriates, believe that ethnicity is l 1 I jin fact a major determinant and predictor of social ·be-

_haviour, and these expectations become, at least in part, t 7 :self-fulfilling, thereby validating the theory. The 1 vicious circle of ethnic conflict also emerges when

accusations of tribalism beget not only more accusations,

but also actual tribal discrimination. Another aspect of

such accusations and actual tribal discrimination is the

possibility that individuals will try to use such a \ I .. j 6

. -··· '" . . .. !practice as a means to achieve their own ends. Because I !tribalism is a phenomenon of political and economic l :activity, "the main stakes of ethnic rivalry are spoils of I 'political power," if not mere economic gains. Under these

:conditions, the logic of tribalism in jobs and every other I !economic and political competition works as van den Berghe l 'describes it below:

I expect my colleagues from the X group to violate the universalistic canons which are supposed to govern his behaviour, and to show instead ethnic favouritism. To counteract my rival's attempts I! to establish his ethnic power bloc, I can resort simultaneously to two equally effective strategies. l First, I can accuse my rival of tribalism in the full I expectation that the charge will be found convincing enough to non'X's to mobilize in opposition constit­ I uency. In some cases, the charge may be justified; ! in others, it is pure moral blackmail, but the success of the strategy is quite independent of the veracity of the charge. Secondly, I may pursue I a strategy of 'pre-emptive tribalism'; i.e., I may myself favour ethnics to redress the balance and l! offset the anticipated effect of my rival's bias. If my behaviour is questioned, I can either deny t the charge or plead self-defense. l Given this kind of situation of nearly univer­ l i sal expectations and accusations of 'tribalism', the phenomenon itself is endemic in the system. It is at best extremely difficult for any person I . in authority not to respond to pressures for ethnic favouritism and nearly impossible to prove one's impartiality.8 ' Such behaviour and activity, so vividly described

by van den ~erghe, will no doubt establish an environment

of friction between the tribes as each struggles to do better than the others. 7

-1 Definitions: I

, througho::n::i:h:i::::s~::~b::i::·n::c::::: ::r:~::~:;ythe I I 'context in which it is used. A definition of the term

I·'tribe' must be given first in order to acquaint the reader;, with the origins of the term 'tribalism.' I I :The Tribe: Archie Mafeje recounts the classical anthro-

1 pological depiction of the tribe as "self-contained, auton-.

I;omous commun~t~es· · pract~c~ng· · sub s~stence· economy w~t· h no I . ' 1 9 or limited external trade." P.R. Gulliver defines the

tribe as "any group of people which is distinguished by

its members and by others, on the basis of cultural- . l • . nlO reg~ona cr~ter~a. Along with Gulliver's definition, !

J is the temptation to refer to tribes as "little nations,"

. as this· excerpt from the East African Standard editorial

I'depicts·: "that all, with perhaps very few exceptions,

' still ardently regard their own tribes as little nations I ' \vi thin the nation, and their national loyalty only comes I I second to their tribal loyalty. "ll I I All these definitions make reference to groups of I I people who have a cultural history extending back hundreds,! I if not thousands, of generations. i ! I In order to understand the structure of the tribe, 1

one must first understand the family structure. The ! i African family has been paternalistic and very close. Kin-' I i ship does not end with close relatives, but extends to 8

I form what is known as the "clan," I.Yhich is the next level I i 1 0 f social structure after the family. Take for example, i 1 the Luyia tribe of Western Kenya. There are fourteen

sub-tribes in this tribe. These sub·-tribes (see Map 1)

·are - in alphabetical order - Bugusu, Fafoyo, Hayo, Holo,

Idakho, Isukha, Kisa, Logoli, Marama, Nyala, Nyore, Tiriku,

Tsotso, and Wanga. Each sub-tribe speaks a distinct dia- l. lect of the Luluyia language, and is also sub-divided into i 1 sections and sub-sections. For example, the Logoli sub- ! 1 tribe is divided into four major sub-groups, namely, l :Avasali, Avakizungu, Avakilima, and Avamavi~ 2 Since ) ; the family is the basic sub-division of the tribe, these j . four sub-groups of the Logoli sub-tribe are, in essence, j I ' descendants of the four sons of Mulogoli, the! ancestoral i ; father of Avalogoli (which means "the children of

11 ! Hulogoli ) ~3 The names of the sub-groups simply mean "the i' I children of. 11 The sub-groups are further subdivided into 1 I I : s~aller groups along the lines of major sons of the four I i I basic sons of Mulogoli. The sub-division goes on in that :order to the smallest clan and the single family. In fact, :l these supra and sub-clans are large families as they all

originated from one single family. It can be assumed now

that the present clans are decendants of the most powerful

sons in the family, or the only surviving ones in the di.stant past. i The s ignif ieancc of the s c sub-divisions re~arding j 9

UJYIA SUB-TRIBES

TERRITOI~IAL BOUf'>JDARY

-~---~~----·---···-- MAIN TRIBE BOUNDARY LUYIA SUB-TRIBE ------BOUNDARY HIGHLANDS

0 10 BUGUSU miles

'I I r------,, NY ALA HAYO .,...-- ... .,. 'I ' ..... • I I I L 1U FAFOYO!

NAND I

.! I

.c;··.. ·.. ·_· o· •• ··::.:/•••• 4 .• Goldthorpe, J.E. and F.B. Wilson, Tribal Maps of East Africa anr1 Zanzibar, East AfriCail-fnstifU~ of Social Research, Kampala, Uganda, 1960.

~------·-·------MAPl 10

tribalism, is that discrimination is carried on along

these lines. Consequently, at the national level it is

tribe against tribe, and at the lower and local levels,

is sub-tribe against sub--tribe, or clan against clan.

Tribalism: Before independence, the word "tribalism"

was probably used only by anthropologists and sociologists

to refer to the African tribal and social organization as

described above. In this regard, Mafeje contends that 14 anthropologists equate "tribalism" with "traditionalism. " 1

The anthropologists implied and maintained that the differ•

ent tribal groups strove to maintain their traditional

customs. Today, tribalism does not mean that a tribal

group strives to maintain its basic structure and local

autonomy. It means that under the new political and

economic as well as administrative systems, the various

tribal groups in the nation want and should share, equi-

~ably, the nation's resources. Today, use of the word

I "tribalism" has political as·well as economic connotations.!

Various definitions can be given the word

"tribalism" depending on the context in which it is used,

and also depending on who is using it. The most general 1 definition is: "adherence to tribal values and behaviour I , patterns. nlS

Another definition is the one P.C. Lloyd uses: I " ... a term of abuse, as might 'bourgeois' 'capitalist' or j I 16 L. 'communist' be used __ii?, _()_!::her parts. of the world."- ...... - .. -·· --- ·-· ...... J I 11

~-~~is d~finition comes close to the modern usage of the lword. But as Lloyd himself points out, the term is vague

11 I an d emb oc1" les a numb er o f separate concepts. II HJ_s• d e f - I I 'inition carries this vagueness. Lloyd further explains I '\vhat he thinks is meant by the use of the word:

One may describe a man as a tribalist if he adheres I to the norms of his traditional society where -- as in the modern tow~ -- these tend to be inappropriate. Thus a man who uses his influence to secure a job for a close kinsman is accused of nepotism by thosi who assert the supremacy of a bureaucratic values. 7 I The explanation comes very close to the modern context of the word tribalism. He also describes a "tribalist" as

I! "one who does adapt his behaviour to modern situations yet I retains an allegiance to chiefs and elders in his rural I home." In this description of a tribalist, Mafej e sees a sinister endeavour:

There is a real difference between the man who, on· behalf of his tribe, strives to maintain its trad­ itional integrity and autonomy, and the man who invokes tribal ideology in order to maintain a power < . position, not in the tribal area, but in the city, and whose ultimate aim is to undermine and exploit

rh..._ 1 p._.. uun"P'"''"' r'v so'-\...1- rl r--,.-;t..-.L-'-...... ,'-L..JL 1-.o "men ..... 18

But not all who subscribe to the practice of tribalism

concur with Mafeje. Tribalism, as P.C. Lloyd argues,

connotes loyalty to an ethnic group (or tribe) which 19 parallels or transcends loyalty to the new state.

In a more general way, but defining tribalism in

similar terms as P.C. Lloyd, A.L. Epstein uses the word to I 1 mean the persistence of loyalties and values, which stem . 1 f f . 1 . . 20 I f rom a pa~tlCU ar orm o socla organlzatlon. J 12

I I1m11anuel Wallerstein introduces a new contextual I , concept where he distinguishes between "tribalism'' and i "ethnicity.n He categorizes "tribalism" as a rural 1 1 phenomc:non, and nethnicityn as an urban phenomenon. 21

:Even with this vague distinction, what Wallerstein refers i J to as "ethnicity" amounts to basically the same use of the I 1 word "tribalism" as this paper endeavours to define it. 22 i ~Wallerstein hi1nself admits that ethnic groups are still

!particularistic in their orientation and diffuse in their

obligations, even if they are less so than the extended I family. P. van den Berghe describes "tribalism" as the

label frequently used both as an analytical tool to explain1

events, and as a political weapon to influence their I I 23 course. In other words, if an official is appointed to I take a particular post in government, analysts would dis- I cuss - among other things such as his qualifications - the 1 1 tribal origin of the official. In this way they can I1 speculate as to why the particular individual was picked

for the post, and await with great expectations, to see

the tribal origins of the pers?n chosen to fill a similar

post elsewhere in the government. It is in this context

that tribalism can be defined in the modern Kenya.

The word ntribalism" is now used with similar

negative connotations as the words "racism" or "discrim-

ination" are used in the United States. Both terms imply 13 ' .

that there is some form of favouritism for and among one 1 social group (usually in an advantageous position) or j 24 ethnic group over the other (s). vJhereas racism implies i ! favouritism (in jobs, loans, business, etc.) among and I betlveen meinbers of the same race over the other (s) tri-

balism implies favouritism among and between members of

one tribe over the other (s). "Tribalism" - to para-

phrase van den Berghe - is therefore one's biased action

in favour of one's own tribal members and against others

to the almost complete exclusion of universalistic con-

siderations that a modern bureaucratic system requires.

Other terms: While one talks about tribalism, one may

also come across such terms ~s "brotherisation" and

"clanism." "Brotherisation" in essence means nepotism.

This is the starting point of tribalism. "Clanism" is the

next step from "brotherisation." It includes members of

one's family and the immediate clan, as described above

in the sub-divisions of a tribe. It is difficult, how-

ever, to determine clearly where one ends and the other

begins.

1-Jhy Study Tribalism?

We have seen that word "tribalism" derives

its origin from an African tribal social order, and now

it is used to refer to conditions of friction in a new

/ or emerging social order that is the result of imported L_ ·- ... ·--· --·-····--·-·-·-··--·--. 14

. l "olit1ca· 1 , administrative and especially economic systems. 1 l' In this ne'" system, tribalism is the practice of biased I

, , tion in favour of one tribal group over the other (s). j v'- ;'\ i"' causes not only imbalc=mces in society, but also • 'l- ._, inequalities among the various members of the plural societies. This is one reason why we should study tribal­ ism. As Robert A. Manners states: it would be an ironic conclusion to sixty years of struggle for freedom and independence if victory now should see the long battle for equality of black and white ended, only to be replaced by a new anq more bloody conflict between black and black. 5 ·

The study of tribalism has another aspect to it, as R.J.

Apthorpe notes: If tribalism does not matter, the ideology of tribalism, peddled by both expatriate theorists and emergent African Middle-class ideologists, matters very much. First it over-simplifies mystifies, and obscures the real nature of eco­ nomic and power relations between Africans themselves and between Africa and the ... world, almost in the same way as the term 'feudalism', applied to Latin America, camouflages the crucial role played by international finance-capital and imperialism in accentuating and perpetuating the existing social formation ... 26

Tribalism does not, as van den Berghe contends, entail fears based on a threat· to continued tribal cultur- f al and linguistic identify, but rather on the capture of political power and its spoils, especially in the form of 27 bureaucratic patronage. Both the passages just quoted indicate that tribalism is a phenomenon of economic activity under a developing political and administrative 15

I' system. This warrants the study of tribalism, and this

study should be done in these economic and especially

administrative terms.

Conclusion ~-·--·------···--- It is imperative to realize that tribalism is not

the root of all evil in Kenya today. It may be as Richard

Sklar observes, "a dependent variable" and should be 28 treated as such and not as a primordial political force.

Intertribal friction could be caused by various factors

such as economic and political ones, and these would

bring about tribalism. This forms a vicious circle, in I the sense that political and economic factors cause

tribalism, which then brings about friction. In other

words, tribalism is really dependent on other factors in

society. This is the topic for discussion in the next

chapter. 16

FOOTNOTES

Here reference is to the now independent nations of Africa, the majority of which many authors refer to as those "south of the Sahara." (See Appendix I)

Jc_~dlf.?S C. Scott, "Corruption, Machine Politics, and ) . Political Change," In American Political Science Review, Dec., 1969. Scott also points out that lack ot-lnterest groups results in influence on government and legislature being done at the "enforcement level rather than at the 'input' level." This he categor­ izes as "corruption."

3. By "transitional' period," reference is made to Fred ~~- Riggs', Administration in Developing Countries, (Boston, published 1964), p. 5, theory of "The Prismatic Model."

P.C. Lloyd, Africa in Social Change, (New York, Fred­ erick A. PraegeGO.-,-r9t>7)-p. 294-;- observes that a cabinet in which one ethnic group is dominant is thought to expedite the social and economic develop­ ment of that group at the expense of others. Members of minority groups feel that they ~an never be better than second-class citizens; they cannot alter their ethnic status, but they may seek a greater share of power by joining the political party associated with the dominant ethnic group and so facilitate a general tendency towards one-party goven1ment.

5. Based on P. van den Berghe' s Race and Ethnicity: Essays in Comparative Sociology, (New York, Basic Books, 19 70T, pp. 230-231. Some of these stereotypes are basically true, others are mere specualtion based on rumors.

6. Ibib., p. 230.

7. Ibid., pp. 224-225.

8. Ibid., pp. 224-225.

9. Archie Mafeje, "The Ideology of Tribalism," in the Journal of Modern African Studies, (Sept. 2, 1971): p. 257.

10. P.H. Gulliver, (Ed.), Tradition and Transition in East Africa: Studies of the tribal element in the Modern era, (London, published 1969), p. 24. 17

l East African Standard, (Nairobi,) July 28, 1969, p. 5 ·I From personal knowledge. I am from the Logoli sub- tribe. I I For a more detailed coverage of these terminologies~ ! see J. E. Goldthorpe ~!=_. ?l·, 3':£ibal ~E __9_f East Africa and Zanzibar, ( Karnpala, East African Studies No. 13, EastAfrican Institute of Social Research, 1960).

14. Archie Mafeje, QE· cit., p. 256.

1 15. This is the definition quoted in the African Institute I Bulletin, Vol. 10, No. 4: (May, 1972) p. 151.

I!16. P.C. Lloyd, QE· cit., pp. 288-289. !17. Ibib. I jl8. Mafeje, QE· cit., p. 258. I il9. P.C; Lloyd, QE· cit. !20. A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Communit (Manchester, ~-ranchester University Press, 1958 , p. 231. j j 21. I. Wallerstein, "Ethnicity and Integration in West Africa," in Jason 1. Finkle and R.W. Gable (eds.), Political Development and Social Change, 2nd. Ed., ~ew York, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1971) pp. 669-676. I 122 •' By, "Ethnicity" Wallerstein refers to the urban social ' ' groups comprising various members of sub-tribes or even tribes who establish a new loyalty to these larger groups categorized by J. Rouch, "Migrations au Ghana," in the Journal de la Societe des African­ istes, Vol. 36, No. 1/2, as 11 super-tribalism, 11 which means groups larger than traditional local groups. Wallerstein's thesis here tends to be that the urban life transforms traditional tribal loyalties into larger groups' loyalties which he contends are good and inevitable for national integration.

· 23. · P. van ·den Berghe, Power and Privilege at an African University, (Cambria:ge, Hass. , Schenkman Publishing Co., Inc., 1973), p. 221.

24. John Roberts, A Land Full of People: Kenya Today, I 1 /_____ -· :-~-~~~~:_· ____1_=~6?_· ___ ~_· -~~~-- ~ays virtual~~--- the s~~-~--t~~~~--___j 18

\·.Jhen he states that "like racial prejudice in England, tribalism is something practiced by the other man ... everybody is convinced that the country is teeming \,,ith trJ_• b a ] _J_sm.• II Fobert A. Manners, rrThe New Tribalism in Kenya, rr in ' ') ". Africa'J;'_C!_~i~_y, Vol. 11, No. 8,(0ct. 1962). ------R. J. Apthorpe, rrDoes Tribalism Really Matter? rr in .'_6. Transition, Kampala, Vol. 37, (Oct. 1968). ___------van den Berghe, ~- cit., p. 223. Richard Sklar, "Political Science and.National Integration," in the Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1, (May, 1967): pp. 1-11. ----- CHAPTER II

TRIBALISH ARISES FROH OTHER FACTORS

A. Introduction

There are about thirty-five tribal groups of 10,000. 1 , ptus members each in Kenya. Of these thirty-five groups, I there are four major tribes of population at least one­

nillion -- Kikuyu, Luo, Luyia, and Kamba; and four others

of at least 400,000 members. (see Appendix liB) The

·breakdown of these eight tribes is as follows: TABLE 1 --Tribe Population 1969* Percent of To tall Kikuyu 2,201,632 20.1

Luo 1,521,595 13.9

Luyia 1,453,302 13.3

Kamba 1,197,712 10.9

Kisii 701,679 6.4

Heru 554,256 5.1

Hijikenda 520,520 4.8

Kipsigis 471,459 4.3

*Kenya Population Census 1969. Data supplied by the Statistics Division, Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, Nov. 1970.

The rest of the population consists of smaller I ..J

19 20

I :tribal groups plus 139,000 Asians, 40,593 Europeans, and I 2 : 27' 886 Arabs.

\\That should be noted in this population breakdown

is that the Kikuyu are the largest single group. Hm,;;-ever,

. no single tribe measured against all others is numerically i 'dominant. I . 1 Resource sharlng: All the various tribal and other groups in the

·nation want to share the national resources, and normally

'these resources are limited. This condition is aggravated I I by the fact that some tribal groups, especially the Kikuyu

!have had more opportunity, and hence, more advancement than,

I:others. Whether the advancement has been due to individ- 1 ! uals' hard work or not, there is a consensus in the country1 1 I that tribalism is taking place, and in spite of govern- I ment's endeavour to discourage or even deny its existence, I 'most people - as Table II indicates - feel that the prob­ lle~ exists.

TABLE 2

Degree of seriousness of Government officials and politicians doing special I favours for relatives and close friends, I and Tribalism in Nairobi toda : I

How serious is the How serious a I I ! problem do you I problem of politi­ ! I cians doing special think Tribalism favours for rela­ is in Nairobi I tives and close today? I friends: I l _j 21

Very Serious

Serious

Not Important

Don't Know

Sample size

Source: Henry Bienen, Kenya: The Politics of Participation and Control, 1974, p. 150.

It is evident from the table that people see

tribalism as a very serious phenomenon, and as Target put

it, "tribalism is Kenya's number one enemy at this time."3

The problem of tribalism is thus obvious. The

!task in this chapter is to identify some of the causes for laccusati~ns of tribalism. Section (B) will discuss tribal opportun1ty imbalances, and Section (C) will examine three

!categories - Civil Service, Industrial and Commercial loans

I i ' jallocation, a~d Education -which are perhaps the basic !parameters of development in terms of economic, political­ ladministrative, and social change, and as such, they lend l.jthemselves for discussion on tribalism.

B. Tribal Opportunity Imbalances I I''l l I While Kenya is relatively free from tribal ani- ! I ,mos1ty,i . it does have a great deal of tribal consciousness I I i :in terms of opportunity for resource-sharing. At the L___ ------timej 22

i :of independence, e~1cational, economic and political devel-/ : opment in the new system had been uneven so that the Kl"k uyu I ! I \vere more advanced than most other tribes. 4 One should

· also mention that the Kikuyu as a single group - were

• also the ones who lost most of their L:md to L:he '.Jhite I I 'settlers during the colonial time.

Nevertheless, the present cries of tribalism may

arise from the fa~t that the Kikuyu tend to dominate other I ! tribes in various aspects. For example, other tribes may I :become concerned about the Kikuyu domination of the crit- 1 I i ical Cabinet posts and the top of government itself.

As the list below shows, the Kikuyu occupied seven I ; of the most important Ministries in the Government. In l the 1974 Cabinet, out of tweniy-onc Ministries, the Kikuyu I ; again occupied seven of the top Ministries. This is l similar to the situation in Ethiopia, as Christopher Clap­ ! I ham explainso

TABLE 3a ! I : OCCUPANTS BY TRIBAL ORIGIN OF THE KENYA CABINET POSTS IN I 1967-1968 I I i Office Tribe of Occ~ant!

1 i President Jomo Kenyatta Kikuyu ! i Vice President D. T. a rap 1'·1oi Kalengin

Minister of State, President's Office Mbiyu Koinange Kikuyu

Minister of Finance James Gichuru Kikuyu 23

I OC~UPANTS BY TRIBAL ORIGIN OF THE KENYA CABINET POSTS IN -~ ·-- 1967-1968 I

Name of Occunant Tribe of Occunantl . Q___fg_ce -~------~~ -~------~ I I · Hinister of Economic T. J. 1'1l)oya Luo : ·Planning & Development il1inister of Defense Dr. N. Mungai Kikuyu I ;Hinistry of Agriculture :& Animal Husbandry B.R. HcKenzie European I Hinistry of Health J.D. Otiende Luhya I!Mlnlstry . . o f L oca 1 I Government L.G. Sagini Kisii

1 I Minis try of Horks D. Hwanyumba Taita ;Ministry of Labour E.N. Mwendwa Kamba

I; M"lnlstry . o f p ower an d : Communication J. Nyamweya Kisii

Ii M"lnlstry . o f T ourlsm . I & Wildlife S.O. Ayodo Luo

I· M"_lnls . try o f H ous lng . P.J. Ngei Kamba I i Ministry of Lands & 1 Settlement J.H. Angaine Heru I : Ministry of Information 1 & Broadcasting J.C.N. Osogo Luhya

Ministry of Natural Resources J.J. Nyagah Embu

1 ! Ministry of Cooperative I and Social Services R.G. Ngala Giriama I !I Mlnistry• o f Commerce & I Industry l1wai Kibaki Kikuyu i i Ninistry of Education Dr. J.G. Kianp Kikuyu I : Attorney General C. Njonjo Kikuyu I l Source: l·Jho's l\lho in East Africa, 1967-68, Published by Marco Publishers, (Africa) I Ltd., Nairobi. Tribal origin by author...... J 24

I~. ~ . TABLE 3b I I I OCCUPANTS BY TRIBAL ORIGIN OF KENYA CABINET POSTS IN I l OCTOBER, 1974 Tribe of Office ~ame _of_ Oc<::.U~_?.E!_ Q<::.<::.~nt --~·- President Jomo Kenyatta Kikuyu

J Vice-President and ; Minister for Home Affairs D.T. arap Moi Kalengin i i I :t-1inis try of Defense J.S. Gichuru Kikuyu

11·I ~1· lnlstry · o f s tate 11biyu Koinange Kikuyu

1 Ministry of Finance and Planning Mwai Kibaki Kikuyu

1 1 Ministry of Agriculture J.J. Nyagah Embu I Ministry of Health J. Osogo Luhya

1 Ministry of Lands and j Settflement J. Angaine Meru i Ministry of Local ' Government Paul Ngei Kamba I Ministry of Labour J. Nyamweya Kisii

1 Attorney General C. Njonjo Kikuyu

I Ministry of Commerce 1 J.G. Kiano Kikuyu ~~ and Industry Ministry of Power and Communications 0. Okero Luo I Ministry of Cooperative j Development Robert Matano Taita I '.; . Ministry of Works M. Mul'iro Luhya I Ministry of Education Z. Onyonka Kisii I Ministry of Housing and 1 1 Social Services T. Towett Kalengin I I I Ministry of Foreign Affairs M. Waiyaki Kikuyu I \..·--·------.~J 25

-~ OCCUPANTS BY TRIBAL ORIGIN OF KENYA CABINET POSTS IN ------·-~-~-~-- 0 CT 0 B_!:_:-13:__!___~-~J 4 Tribe of Office Occuuant ---~-----_.!. ____ _ Ministry of Information and Broadcasting D. Hntinda Kamba Ministry of Tourism and Hildlife M. Oguto Luo Ministry of Natural Resources S. Oloitiptip Masai

Source: K~a Ne\vsletter, Oct.-Nov. 1974, Vol. 3, No. 5, Issued by the Information Section of The Embassy of the Republic of Kenya, Washington, D.C .

. .. Historical developments and the position of the throne have led to a very uneven representation of the different areas in the government, and this disproportion has been very greatly to the advantage of the central province of Shoa. The present administration has developed in Shoa from the household of a Shoan Emperor and as part of a policy of centralisation on a Shoan base. The highest posts have therefore tended to go to Shoans, and on the outbreak of war in 1935, for in­ I stance, they occupied forty-three of the fifty-two most important positions in the central government. This preponderence has been perpetuated by the sources of patronage, by the concentration of schools and other facilities in Addis Ababa, and perhaps also by some tendency to favour Shoans on grounds of loyalty, since they naturally tend to be more committed to a basically Shoan regime.5

Although the time and place are unrelated from Kenya's point of view, the concept as Clapham observes, tends to be related (i.e. , the same could be said about Kenya where the Kikuyu have excelled). ) 26

I Nevertheless, it is obvious that there was a I vigorous and positive attempt to spread the offices around I· to as many members of the various tribal groups as poss- 6 ible.

Summary Imbalances of opportunity between tribal groups

remain a stubborn fact of life in Kenya today. Although

they may be attributed to a variety of inherited circum-

• stances from the colonial period, these inequalities cause I; po 1 ltlca· · 1 tenslons· an d h ence a d mlnlstratlve· ~ · pro bl ems. I Under these conditions, Donald Rothchild recommends that:

Until the less favoured groups are en­ couraged by substantial expenditures in their areas and by determined efforts to recruit a high proportion of the public or private sector elite from among their educated and experienced members, the inherited imbalances of the past may be­ come a source of grave tension in the future.7

Tribal opportunity imbalances have a direct bear-

Ij ing on tribalism in the sense that those groups lagging

/ behind will definitely accuse the other tribe (s) of I I favouritism even if appointments are made on purely merit

basis.

. .. retribalization of politics (is) the resurgence of ethnic loyalites in situations of rivalry in the arena of re­ source allocati§n and domestic power politics. Ali Mazrui 27

C. Tribal Opportuni~mbalances and Administration

The Civil Service:

We have seen ln the foregoing section that even

with one tribal dominance in top positions in the country,

there was/is an effort to carry out what D. Rothchild re­

fers to as "ethnic arithmetic."9 Ethnic arithmetic is a

necessary practice in order to ensure political stability which can be achieved in part by carrying out a policy of

re-allocative equity regarding elite recruitment and re- . 10 source a 11 ocatlon.

In the Kenya Civil Service, it is the Government's

policy to encourage tribal representation, although re-

cruitment ~s usually uneven, but nevertheless open to a 11 certain extent to the various groups in the country.

As a result of this uneven recruitment, a study of the

elite (Table 4) shows a disproportionate number of Kikuyu, 12 e/pecially in the Civil Service. One Member of Parlia- ment put it this way:

Today, when we look at the top jobs in the Government, we find that most of the Minis­ tries, including certain cooperatives, practically all these have been taken over by people from Central Province. If one tribe (the Kikuyu) alone can take over about 72% of the Kenya jobs, and they are less than two million people, how can you expect 25% of the jobs to go to more than eight million people \vho belong to other I tribes?l3 i

Although this statement tends to dramatize the 11...... -- ...... J 28

situation, the point is that vJhen a majority of the most visible (top) positions are filled disproportionately by members of the same tribe, the other tribes inevitably feel that there 'exists favouritism for that tribe. If indeed there is some form of favouritism, it will be ex- tended further into other areas of decision-making, for example loans allocation as we shall see later.

TABLE 4

Kenya Elite By Tribal Group

Tribe Percent of Pop. Percent of Elite

Kikuyu 20.1 23

Luo 13.9 19

Luhya 13.3 6

Kamba 10.9 3

Kisii 6.4 2

Meru 5.1 2

Kipsigis 4.3 1

Embu 3.9 1

Nandi 2.2 22

Others 16.1

2 Mixed ------Total 100 100

Base 5,251,120

Source: Henry Bienen, Ken_y_c:1:_: The Politics of Participation and Contro~-1-974, -~135. 29

Table 5 shm.;rs the breakdm\m by tribe and the professions held by the various members of tlwse tribes.

Kikuyu are sbovm to be in leading command in the various

1),-ofessi ons, C'Specially in the Civil Service. A dis·-

1~iJ;pOJ.ti.l_,!;

TABLE 5

Profe.ssion and Tribe in K~IJ:E I 1 , ____Tribe _ Civil Servants Non-governrnentRl ~---~------Elected or Ap­ (percent) pointed Repre­ Profes r;ions sentatives TP-;:;:ec:i;1i-tT T1iei_c_oi1t:)-

Kikuyu 29 17 27 I I I : Luo 23 12 26 I I ! Luhya 20 13 25 I: Kamba 9 6 5

I: Coast 4 12 7 I Kipsigis 2 3 1

Kalenjin 1 9

Kisii 1 5

Masai 1 4 1

Nandi 2 1

Taita 2 2

Meru 1 4 2 _, I Embu' 3 1

Iteso 1

Mixed 2 3 5 2 Not Stated ---2 --- TOTAL 100 100 100

Source: Henry Bienen, Kenya: The Politics of P~rtic:h_pation and Cor1tro1~1914~--p~l36. 31

Spokesmen for the les~advantaged tribes have

alleged that tribalism is a significant factor in deter­ ! ' mining appointments and prototions in the Civil Service. (' ' Hmvever, as Rothchild points out, government recruitment

policic'S have set a higher priority on personal achieve- . . 14 ment t h an on lntergroup equ1ty. Moreover, Rothchild

notes that:

Government spokesmen stress individual education and experience as essential qualities for appointment to the public service, ruling out any frontal assault upon tribal imbalances by such artificial remedies as the creation of tribal prefer­ ences or quotas. A neat tribal balance in each Ministry would, they argue, 'create chaos in the Civil Service, causing not only inefficiency but new dissatisfactions with the classification of the people according to tribe, clan, and, ultimately, family. 'IS !

This emphasis. upon individual merit, as we shall

see later, means the Kikuyu would continue momentarily to

qualify disproportionately for jobs in the Civil Service,

I at 'least until such time as the rest of the population 16 secures the same educational standards and opportunities. : . I

Industrial and Co~~ercial Loans Allocation:

Another tribal imbalance is evident in the allo-

cation of industrial and commercial loans. The Kikuyu

received loans at t1vo or three times what their number . . f 17 \\IOU ld JUS tl 7. Rothchild recounts that statistics on , the Industrial and Commercial Development Corporation (I.C.D.C.) loans up to April 1966 show that Kikuyus who 32

formed 20% of the male population received 64% of the

industrial and 44$ of the conrnercial loans. 18 In compar-

ison during the same period, Henry Bienen states that the

Luo with 14% of the male population had 12% and 11% in- 19 dustl·la. 1 an. d commerce 1 oans.

Before independence, conrnerce and industry were in the hands of Asians and Europeans. During independence, conrnerce \vas still controlled by Asians, although this strong-hold was being broken by Government policy of

Africanization of conrnercial activity. Industry continued to be controlled by Europeans, especially through foreign . 20 corporatlons.

The Africanization process attempted to introduce

Africans into both commerce and industry by effecting the elimination of the risk of foreign domination, and by planning development so as to prevent the emergence of antagonlstlc. . c 1 asses. 21 According to the Government

Sessional Paper No. ·10, Kenya had the special problem of eliminating classes that had arisen largely on the basis of race. It appears, then, that the Government endeavour to eliminate classes has~~d in a shift from racial imbalances to tribal imbalances.

Bienen points out that Government has insisted that the granting of licenses and loans will not be based on tribal or sectional interests. Yet, he further notes,

"there is general feeling in Kenya that trade loans and j 33

licenses are going disproportionately to Kikuyu."2 2

However, Peter Marris' and Anthony Somerset's study in­

dicates that the proportions could not be attributed to

favouritism, although at the time of their study, the fact

that the s~nior staff of !CDC was Kikuyu, begs the ques- . . 23 tion o f f avourltlsm.

\mile there is no doubt about "ethnic arithmetic,"

in allocation of loans for industrial and commercial

activities, it is clear, as Bienen points out: "Africans

who have achieved wealth through private enterprise ... are 24 largely but not exclusively Kikuyu." This could, of

course, mean that the Kikuyu are more enterprising than

other tribes, or that they have received favourable treat-

ment.

With the emergence of the African entrepreneur

and the formation of an elite class, it looks as though

this class is not only of 'haves', but the 'haves' are

tribally imbalanced 1n favour of the Kikuyu. If this

condition continues, it will definitely be counter to the

policy_ as established by the Sessional Paper No. 10.

Education:

Of the three categories discussed in this section,

education is perhaps the most important. Education is

significant in both producing a knowledgeable citizenry,

as well as bridging the gaps that cause friction that we

[___ have referred to as tribalism. The endeavour should 34

therefore be to ultimately provide formal education to all

the tribal groups in a balanced way. Yet Rothchild's survey (Table 6) indicates that of those surveyed, and

asked the question: "In the past, have th~se smaller

tribes been neglected in any uays?", 61% of the Kikuyu andl i 55% of the Luo mentioned neglect in the field of education;: ! and percentages rose to 68% among the Luyia, 72% among the! Embu/Meru peoples, and 84% among the Kisii. 25 I I TABLE 6

Responses to the question: "In the past, have these smaller tribes been neglected in any ways?"

Neglected in the follmving ways: Res:eonses No. %

Poor medical services/facilities 174 15 , No communications or transport 159 14 · Poor educational facilities . 383 33 No agricultural/land management training 67 6 No development of the area/not given good land by government 74 6 Treated like wild game/part of the tourist ;' attraction . 18 2 No instruction in personal hygiene/dress/ left like savages. 23 2 No instruction in food nutritional values 7 1 Unrepresented in government jobs and in political respresentation 62 5 Neglected but gave no example 17 2 Don't know 81 7 Not neglected -----107 9 Total 1,172 102

Source: Donald Rothchild, 11 Ethnic Inequalities in Kenya," in V.A. Olorunsola, Ed. The Politics of Cultural Sub--National­ ismiilA£r-rc-a---:--r~ew York: Anchor ·Books, 19"72, p. 300. 35

One may be quick to criticize the present adminis-

tration for imbalances in educational opportunity, however

' 1 many of these were inherited from the colonial government.

l In any case, imbalances do exist, and in discussing them

we will first take a brief look at the history of educa-

tional development in Kenya, i I J.E. Goldthorpe recounts that in Kenya, African I 1 education hardly started before 1914, and at first was i I I 'characterized by industrial emphasis; Government grants j I I 11 • d d . 1126 'took the form o f so muc h f or eac h ln enture apprentlce. 1 l I ;Education for Africans was started in the 1920's; for j

/example, the Alliance High School near Nairobi was started)

!by Protestant missions in 1926, and in the same year, the ,

Roman Catholics started Mangu Secondary School ncar Thika. I

, Both these schools are very prominent high schools in Kenya! I I 1 1 today. Most of the prominent people, including many of the

government officials today, went to these schools, espec-

iallY, Alliance High School.

Goldthorpe further notes that after the second

world war, and especially after 1950, there was rapid ex­ i 27 ! pansion at all levels in the Afri~an educational system. i . :The following tables show enrollments in Kenya schools in i : 1946, 1958, and 1965. 36

TABLE 7

African Education in Kenya, 1946

Grade Level No. Enrolled

Prill1ary 1 92,837 2 42,704 3 26,579 4 21,097 5 17,743 6 3,598 Total 204,557 Secondary 1 2,057 2 1,571 3 179 4 145 5 34 6 37 Total 4,023

Source: S. H. Orin de, ''The Structure of Education in Kenya," p. 291, in J.R. Sheffield (Ed.) Education, Employment and Rural Development.

TABLE 8

Enrollment in African Schools, 1958

Grade Level No. Enrolled

Primary 1 169,140 2 137,384 3 112,997 4 108,185 5 26,000 6 19,831 7 14,972 8 12,901 Total 601,410 Secondary 1 1,291 2 1,133 3 842 4 656 Total 3,922 37

Note: By 1958, the grade level divisions, though basic­ ally the same as in 1946, Primary grade levels ranged from 1-8 instead of 1-6; but notice Secon­ dary grade levels were reduced by two.

Source: J.E. Goldthorpe, An~f~i~an ~lite, p. 6. TABLE 9

Educational Enrollment in Kenya, 1965 Grade Level No. Enrolled Primary 1 190,670 2 160,750 3 135,707 4 131,497 5 123,037 6 119,180 7 117,563 8 32,485 Total 1,010,889 Secondary 1 19,015 2 12,566 3 7,760 ( 4 6,784 5 1,130 6 721 Total 47,976 Source: Kyale Mwendwa, "Constraint and Strategy in Planning Education" in J.R. Sheffield (Ed.) Education, Employment and Rural Development, p. 269.

impressive, largely as a result of the introduction of

universal primary education in 1974, that basic question.

of tribal opportunity imbalances in education still remains

a phenomenon to be reckoned with. It has been noted by

Kwale M;;vendwa that the distribution of school places be-

tween areas of the country is a political problem. 28 ! -· 38

According to 11wendwa, in 1965 over 91% of the children

in Central Province were in primary school, but only 45%

in Rift Valley and Coast Provinces, and 1% in North

Eastern Province. This imbalance, he states, \·;ras due in

part to s·cattered population in the latter areas and un- 1 willingness of parents in some districts to send their I I children to school. But it was also due to lack of re- sources to finance an expansion of primary schooling in I the less developed areas. Because a substantial part of I primart costs were to be met by local authorities, the

sys tern - as M\.vendwa points out - could be criticized as

perpetuating in a very real sense a situation of "unto him

that hath more shall be given." 11wendwa further states:

The unequal distribution of primary places carries through to secondary education, controlled and administered from Nairobi. At present secondary places are allocated on the basis that the index of opportunity for KPE (Kenya Preliminary Examina­ tion) leavers in each province should be approxi- mately the same. . This means, roughly speaking, that provinces receive secondary places in propor­ tion to the size of their primary system, and it thus handicaps the poorer provinces at the second­ ary stage.

What is evident here is that some tribal groups

especially the Kikuyu - have excelled in educational

achievement. (see Table 10). Table 10 shows that the

Kikuyu are leading in achievement in all three areas:

primary education, minimal li teTacy, and post-- secondaTy. 39

TABLE 10

Breakdown of African Educational Achievement

Prtmary Education Minimal Litera~ ~o _!Y -----·-· s_t _:J)_e con da Kikuyu 56.0 Kikuyu 51.2 Kikuyu 645 Nandi 50.8 Kisii 40.5 Kisii 332 Taita 44.8 Luhya 38.5 Luhya 329 Embu 41.1 Kipsigis 36.2 Luo 225 Luo 37.7 Embu 34.7 Kamba 214 Kisii 34.6 Luo 33.0 Nandi 144 Luhya 34.0 Nandi 31.8 Kipsigis 111 Meru 32.0 Meru 28.5 Mijikenda 110 Elgeyo-Har. 24.1 Kamba 21.3 Tugen-Njemps 109 Kamba 20.5 Tugen-Njemps 21.8 Embu 61 Pokot (Suk) 15.2 Hijikenda 15.5 Taita 26 Hijikenda 14.9 Pokot (Suk) 9.1 Hasai 24 Hasai 13.0 Hasai 7. 7 Pokot (Suk) 11

Source: E.W. Soja, The Geography of Hodernization in Kenya, p. 141.

E.W. Soja points out that the Kikuyu areas have been able to build upon early starts and stand out today as the most highly literate and educated sections of Kenya. 29

Hap 2 shows the distribution of secondary schools in the country by 1964. More schools have been built since th~t time (see Appendix III), however, the figure confirms the imbalance of educational opportunities available to the citizens. It should be pointed out that the "national schools" take in students from all over the country and not necessarily from immediate surrounding areas. 30 Outside of the Kikuyu districts, Soja points out:

... other areas with high levels of education achievement are in the cities such as Nairobi, Mombasa, and Nakuru (owing largely to immigra­ tion of educated Africans into tow~s), and several districts fringing Lake Victoria. 40

The pastoral tribes such as the Hasai and Suk have the

lowest levels, although most of the coastal tribes also

score low.

Haps 3, 4, 5, and 6 show the distribution of

African primary education, African adult literacy, African

post-secondary education, and educational quality. All

these maps indicate educational achievement along the same

lines as the distribution of schools.

This imbalance in educational achievement and

opportunity poses an administrative dileMna which calls

for bold actions. One, suggested by Kyale Mwend1v-a, is that

selection to secondary schools would involve preferring

less qualified candidates from poorer provinces to those ! with better Kenya Preliminary Examination (KPE) results 31 from more developed areas. More precisely, he sugges-

ted:

This might in fact be a justifiable procedure not ,only on political grounds but also from an educa- , tional standpoint. For if one assumes a roughly equal distribution of basic ability among children in Kenya, it \vould be reasonable on academic grounds to accept lower performance standards for children from provinces lesj well endowed with primary edu­ cation facilities. 2

Indeed this and a combination of other ambitious steps

should be employed, at least for the time being, until

such time that adequate educational achievement has been attained by all the citizens. ' i 41 [, f ~

f,, Discussion in this chapter has been an attempt to i f r indicate that there are underlying factors that contribute !: 1: to the problem of tribalism. We have seen that there are r

ir11balances in opportunity in such areas as positions in ; ! the Civil Service, allocation of industrial and commercial i loans, and the availability of formal education to the r· various tribal groups. This imbalances, in part inherited I from the colonial government and evident even during inde- pendence, have allowed the Kikuyu tribe and some of the major tribes to excel.

Under these conditions, there is need for bold actions to be taken in order to minimize the imbalances, and hopefully, to reduce if not eliminate the friction that culminates in tribalism. Chapter Four focuses on what should be done, but first, Chapter Three discusses some of the factors that cause decision-making dilenma. 42

Sr:cot,JDARY SCHOOLS, 1964 * NATIOiJAL SCHOOLS o SG!IOOLS Bt:YOtiD FORM IV • OTHER SECOi~D!\RY SCHOOLS

l.t:l;e TANZ/\N!A \ ~

MAP 2 43

AFRICAN PRIMARY EDUCATION PEH CENT MALE & FEr/IALE BETWEEN THE YEARS OF 5 & 9 WITH SOME EDUCATION [@ill] 31 40 . [~] 20-30 EEJ under 20 u~--~l No Data

TANZANIA

0 50 miles Source:

MAP 3

-! I 44

AFfZICAN ADULT LITERACY PER CENT OF ADULTS OVER 20 WITH SOME EDUCATION

r:< ,)'131 ~.o 20-30 L::.·.. ~:o:U [_;J [T] under 20 [~3£] No Data

TANZANIA

0 50 miles l__.~ Source:

MAP 4

-l 45

AFRICAN POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION

NUMBER EDUCATED BEYOr~D 12 YEARS

OV2f 200 151-200 ffi[@] 101-150 [_ J 50-100 [J under 50 ~EJ No Data

TANZANIA

Source:

MAP 5

-! 46

cDUCATION QUALITY PER CENT P/.xSSING KENYA PRELIMARY EXAMINATION

L:;f. ?~}cd over GO !._:=.:•_•:_,_:_:_·.. .. •:. Jlf.: 51-60 f@Jj 41-50 [=-] 30-40 [-]under 30 [K~J No Data

TANZANIA

0 50 miles Source:

MAP 6

-! I '

FOOTNOTES

1. Based on W. T. W. Morgan's, East Africa, (London, Longman Group Ltd., 1973), p. 138, interpretation of the 1969 Kenya Census data.

2. For a c~mplete population breakdown, see Appendix IIA.

3. From the Feb. 6th, 1974 issue of !ARGET, Kenya's Christian fort-nightly paper.

4. Aristide R. Zolberg, "The Structure of Political Con­ flict in the New States of Tropical Africa," in J.L. Finkle and R.1tJ. Gable (eds.), Political Development and Social Change, 2nd Edition, (New York, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1971) p. 629, concurs that "often by the time of independence, one tribe or group of tribes had become more urban, more educated, more Christian, and richer than others in the country."

5. Christopher Clapham, Haile-Selassie's Government, (Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), pp. 75-76.

6. Kwame Nkrumah, Dark Days in Ghana, (New York, 1968), p. 66, obviously saw the need to spread offices around, hence his statement: "I could not have chosen my government without some regard to tribal origins, and even within the Party itself, there was at times a tendency to condemn or recommend some individual on the basis of his tribal or family origin."

7. Donald Rothchild, "Ethnicity and Conflict Resolution," in World Politics, Vol. 22 (July, 1970): p. 605. I . 8. From Ali Mazrui, nviolent Contiguity and the Politics of Retribalization in Africa, in the Journal of Inter­ national Affairs, Vol.· 23, No. 1, (1969): p. 89.

9. Rothchild, Ethnicity and Conflict Resolution," op. cit., uses this term to refer to appointments to public offices that bear in mind ethnic representation.

10. Ibid.

11. A. Zolberg, op. cit., p. 626.

12. H. Bienen, op. cit., p. 134.

13. Speech by G.F.O. Oduya, M.P., Keny~~Ji<:lt~on~_l-~-~_ser!1bl1_ Debates, XIV, 6th Session, Feb. 27, 1968, Col. 66, as quoted by Donald Rothchild, "Ethnic Inequalities in 48

K enya, II op. clt.,• p. 302. 14. Rothchild, op. cit., p. 308.

15. Ibid.

16. John Roberts, op. cit., p. 68, points out that "at present more Kikuyu are qualified for senior posts than are people of any other tribe - not only ab­ solutely, but p:coportionately." Also, Stanley Meiser, "Changing Kenya," in Mankind Magazine, Vol. 4, No. 2, (1973): p. 31, comments that rTif all promotions and appointments could be controlled strictly by an ob­ jective computerized test of merit, the Kikuyu prob­ ably would still hold all the positions they have today."

17. H. Bienen, op. cit., p. 148.

18. D. Rothchild, op. cit., 294.

19. H. Bienen, op. cit., in a footnote on p. 148.

20. For a full discussion of this, see \,fuo Controls Industry in Kenya, by the Working Party of the National Christian Council of Kenya, East African Publishing House, Nairobi!, 1968.

21. Part of the Stipulation of Government Sessional Paper No. 10, pp. 12-13.

22. H. Bienen, op. cit., p. 146. \ 23. Peter Harris and Anthony Somerset, African Business­ men, (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971).

24. Bienen, op. cit., p. 149.

25. Rothchild, "Ethnic Inequalities in Kenya, •• in V.A. Olorunsola (Ed.) The Politics of Cultural Sub­ Nationalism in Afi-ica, [iie,.lYork, Anchor Books, 1972), p. 300. . ---

26. J.E. Goldthorpe, An African Elite: Makerere Coll~~ Students 1922-60, (Nairobi, East African Institute ;£--s-ociaT-R-esearch, Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 3. For a description of the various educational charac­ teristics such as grade levels and examinations, see S. H. Ominde, ••The Structure of Education in Kenya and Some Planning Problems, •• in J. R. Sheffield (Ed.), Educ_?_!_ion_,_Employment and Rural Development, (Nairobi, 49

East African Publishing House, University of Nairobi, 1967), pp. 290-92.

27. Ibid., p. 5.

28. By Kyale l11·vendwa, Chief Ed11cation Officer in the Minist:cy of EdtH'.at ion, Kenya. This excecpt is f~_·om 11 tlH~ article, Const-clint and Strategy in Planning Education," inJ.R. Sheffield, op. cit., pp. 2/9-·80.

2 9 . Edward W. So j a , Tt~-e__ Q_~_Q_g__:L_ilj~I].__y oi__]'1 o d e__:r~1 j~:;;:§:t_i ~~l.__ in Kenya, (Syracuse, Doctoral dissertation, Syracuse uiilversity, 1967), p. 136.

30. Ibid., p. 142.

31. Kyale M':vendwa, op. cit.

32. Ibid., p. 280. They have been cast for a play in which the dramatis personae are enumerated but the lines are not writ~en. The new African govPirnnents are recruited from ncv.• men ... The :celationshiu of i-he leader :rnd his follo\·/~;rs, of

J:d1dst:L'CS with their cull0;lSJlJCS,- -- LJ with bureaucrats, with the gen- eral public, are new relation­ ships .1

CHAPTER III

DECISION-HAKING DELIMMA

Introduction:

vJe have seen that in Kenya imbalances exist in the distribution of the nation's resources available to the various tribal groups. As much as this condition could be attributed to imbalances inherited from the colonial government, the question to be asked now is whether or not the African government since independence has tried to correct the imbalance. The other very important ques- ' tion to ask now with regard to decision-making is: should the government encourage the policy of equal opportunity for all the tribes by insisting on qualification by merit only, or equal opportunity by an endeavour to balance off all the tribes in the allocation and distribution of the national resources?

The first question does not pose as much dilemma as the second one. There is no doubt that every effort has been made to deal with the problem, as it is evident

50 51

for example, in the general tremendous increase in the

number of students in school, especially with the intro-

duction of free primary education in 1974, combatting

disease by government's provision of free medical services,

and the increase (even i_f by a small percentage) uf the

African population in a higher economic class.

However, the question of balancing the distribu-

tion of resources requires further comment. This chapter

focuses on some of the factors that cause the decision-

making dilemma.

The Dilem11a:

Decision-making dilemma arises in two v.1ays: first

is the requirement of the new bureaucratic system, for

I _. example, that rewards be assigned according to' personal

achievement and not according to family or tri~al back­

ground; and second is the problem of tribal imbalances in

resource distribution.

According to bureaucratic standards as established

in the more developed nations, power to affect governmen-

tal decisions lies in "secular standards of rationality,"

which means that religious or trib?l elites have lost 2 tremendous real power. But in Kenya there still exists

real power in tribal leaders who can make demands and

expect rewards on behalf of the tribal groups they repre-

sent. The African decision-maker, therefore, faces a

conflict bet\·:'een the decision-making process as required 52

by the bureaucratic system, and the traditional relation- ships that are expected by some members of the indigenous 3 e 11te. an d b y many c1t1zens.. .

With regard to tribal imba]ances in resource distribution, the dilemma is whether to push ahead rela- tively underprivileged groups thereby eniliittering those - like the Kikuyu -- who are often better prepared and skilled, or to take the best qualified individual for the job, thereby arousing resentment in groups previously denied .opportunities for preparation. Either way dis­ trust is fueled by ethnic suspicions and rivalries. 4

Rothchild recounts that the Kenya Government set a high priority in recruitment policies upon individual merit and industriousness, and at the same time assuring the less advantaged peoples that resources would be allo- cated according to need. 5

The policy of "individual merit and industrious- ness" would be the best to adopt in view of the need to establish human resources based on training and hence foster efficiency in government~ The drawback to this - especially at the time when some tribes lag behind - is the fact that the tribe (s) such as Kikuyu with a head- start at the time of independence could better themselves at the expense of others. The same could be said in the allocation of loans and other resources. To pursue this 53

policy £~_!" se \vould only enhance the undiminishing friction and suspicion between the tribes.

The policy of "allocation according to need" im- plies that resources would be distributed on the basis of trying to <;liminish oppr.1rtunity imbAlances, especially for those tribes which have lagged behind. Basically, there would have to be a consciousness established within the government and passed on to the public to make them aware of the need to make decisions in favour of certain disad- vantaged tribes. Criteria would have to be established that would make it possible to identify, measure, and try to satisfy the need. In order to attempt to satisfy the need, the decision-makers would have to take steps as suggested in the following survey: 6

Reactions of 653 Africans to the following statements:-

a.) "The government should spend more on building secondary schools for the smaller tribes, even _, if this means less money spent on more advanced tribes."

b.) "The government should spend more money on indus­ tries, water, and electricity in areas where the smaller tribes live, even if this means less money spent on more advanced tribes." Refused State- "Strongly "Dis- "Strongly "Don't to ___"Acrree"(d __ agree" Disagree" Know'' ment------agree" Answer a. 41% 30% 15% 12% 1% 1%

b. 29% 31% 23% 16% 1% 1%

Under conditions of limited resources, the dilemma government faces in dealing with the problem can be 54 p ' appreciated. But even with the dilemma involved, it is more desirable to carry out a policy of compromise betHeen allocation of resources according to merit, and allocation according to various tribal needs or quotas until such time that all the 'tribes \vould be competing on an equal basis.

The Dilemma arising from Non-African Kenyans:

Another dilemma in decision-making lies in the non-African citizens -- the Europeans, Asians and Arabs.

These groups, especially Europeans and Asians, had monop- olized resources in the money economy and administrative system. At the time of independence there was the problem of breaking the monopoly and imbalance in order to pass responsibility to Africans. The Government, therefore, implimented an Africanization of personnelprogramme. The programme aimed mainly at removing expatriate colonial personnel and replacing them with Africans. This resulted, in many cases, in appointments of unqualified personnel. J • I One problem arising from the Africanisation programme in relation to tribalism, was the allegation of 11 Kikuyunisa- tion" in the process. 7 11Kikuyunisation" is the term used to imply that instead of appointing Africans from all the tribes, the majority came·from the Kikuyu tribe.

Later the government implemented the Kenyanisation progrannne. Kenyanisation aimed at removing non-Kenyans from various positions they held both in public as well as private sectors. Those mainly affected by this programme 55

\vere Asians 1vho had failed to apply for citizenship even after being allowed two years to do so. Ken·yanisation of personnel meant that all Kenya citizens, regardless of ra~e, would be given preference in jobs. This opened doors for eligib~e non-African Kenyans.

The non-African citizens, being in obvious advan- tageous situation, pose another dilen~a in decision-making: should they or should they not be considered on equal terms as the African citizens? Their situation is - in a 1vay - similar to that of the more advanced tribes such as the Ki­ kuyu.

Nevertheless, the non--African Kenyans play an im­ portant role in decision-making, especially as far as tribalism is concerned. For ~xample, if a certain contro­ versial office needs to be filled, and allegations of tribalism are attached to it,· it may be safer to fill it with a non-African citizen. The non-African Kenyan there pl~ys a neutral rol~.

Sun~ary:

This chap·ter has discussed some of the factors that cause dilemma in decision-making. The dilemma arises from

(i) a conflict between requirements of the bureaucratic system, and the traditional practices; and (ii) the fact that there are imbalances in opportunity between the various tribal groups, and also between the African citi-­ zens and the non--African Kenyans. 56

FOOTNOTES

1. Lucy Hair, ~h-~ N~~\Jat_~9ns, (London: Heindenfield & Nicolson, 1963), p. 123.

2. Ferrel Heady, Pub lie Admin is tra.tion: _A_ CQ!!P3.1_-_?t:~ v~ Perspective, (Engfe~:~-ood~Cl] :n:s--, N.:r.-: Prentice Hall, 1966), and Ira Sharkansky, Public Administration: Policy Hakin_g_in Government-Agen-cies--:--2ndE~­ (Chicago, Harkham Publishing Co., 1970 & 1972), discuss comparative administration in more detail.

3. Paraphrase from Ira Sharkansky, op. cit., p. 33.

4. Nelson Kasfir, "Cultural Sub-Nationalism in Uganda," in V.A. Olorunsola (Ed.), The Politics of Cultural Sub--Nationalism in Africa, (New York, Anchor-Books, Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1972), p. 117, analyses the Baganda of Uganda in the same way.

5. Donald Rothchild, "Ethnic Inequalities in Kenya," in V.A. Olorunsola (Ed.), op. cit., p. 307.

6. The survey as conducted by D. Rothchild, Ibid., p. 298.

7. H.H. Werlin, "The Nairobi City Council: The Problems of Cooperation in African Local Politics." (Ph.D. Dissertation, 1966, University of California, Berkely), pp. 159-60, states that "to many non-Kikuyu, the Africanisation carried out by the City was viewed as 1 Kikuyunisation 1 because, of the twelve Africans ;designated for highly important positions ... ten were 'Kikuyu. 11 CHAPTER IV

REHEDIES

Introduction:

The African tribes need each other. No one tribe can benefit from trying to suppress others because it is not numerically possible, although it is possible econom- ically and in other ways. In other words, if all the tribes band together, no one tribe can suppress them; however, the other tribes cannot completely benefit from mere numerical supremacy; they have to acquire political I as we'll as economic power. But this is not enough. There have .to be mechanisms built into the social and govern- mental systems that would provide for good administration devoid of tribal friction and animosities. These mech- -! i anisms would involve, basically, a "detribalisation11 process aimed at integration of all the tribes.

Detribalisation" is used here not to mean the wiping out of tribal groups as they now exist, but to mean elimination of tribal friction that culminates in the practice and accusations of tribalism. Detribalisation can be likened to "decolonisation," where decolonisation was the stoppage of colonialism, and detribalisation is the stopping of tribalism. Decolonisation was achieved

57 58

therefore take place gradually as the people become more knm.;rledgeable and accus tamed to the new system. This will be a long-term process.

One factor that will aid in this process, is the rapid urbanisation of the African population, the majority of whom heretofore have resided in the rural areas. Urban- ization will play a major role in detribalising the masses because of the social and traditional changes that urban life fosters and can bring about. In the urban areas people begin to identify with ethnic groups larger than 2 t h elr. tra d"ltlona . 1 ones. This association will not only result in interest groups formation, but also national integration. This assumption here is that increased intertribal contacts would increase better -0.nderstanding between the tribes and hence reduce animosities. But urbanization is a process that cannot be controlled, both to effect the desired results and to maintain those _, res-qlts.

The formation of interest groups is, therefore, a dependent variable arising only after the other factors have been fully effective.

The Government~stem unfamiliar to many Africans:

\rJe have established that the governmental system was imported through colonization. Hany Africans have yet to grasp and internalize the system. There is a need, therefore, to educate the people through the schools, and 59

by a united nationalism of the African founding fathers.

Just as this was achieved through a united effor, so can detribalisation be achieved by such an effort.

It has been suggested that:

... Kenya's survival as a nation is threatened far less by Kikuyu domination than by a tribal fragmentation designed to defeat that domination ... There is nothing either deepseated or fated in today's tribal difficulties that cannot be eliminated and eventually replaced by an already existing spirit of nat­ ionalism more appropriate to the econ­ omic and political needs of Kenya and all developing independencies south of the Sahara.

It is in this spirit that suggestions in this chapter are presented as some possible ways to deal with the problem of tribalism and the friction it causes among the various tribal groups.

Suggestions will be given as remedies to the 'roots of the problem' as proposed in the introductory chapter.

The __ proposed roots of the problem are: (i) lack of inter-

(;;'\ t-ho est' groups in the political system at the moment; '-'---'-/ l_...J..L\,.- governmental system is unfamiliar to many Africans; (iii) tribal groups' fear of dominance by one or the other tribe;

(iv) lack of understanding of ethnic stereotypes; and (v) vicious circle of ethnic conflicts.

Establishment of interest groups depends on other factors such as political avJareness and a concerned know- ledgeable citizenry. Development of these groups will 60

as l-Jilliam Ochieng has suggested, through the mass communi-

cation media \-vhich should be perfected throughout the 3 co1.m~ry.

One of the major problems of Kenya is ignorance

yesulting from illiteracy. It is mandatory that illiteracy be stamped out, and in the process, educate the citizens

as to the operation of the governmental system. A know-

ledgeable citizenry \>Vould be more understanding of what is required in the operation of the new bureaucratic system.

Fear of dominance by one or the other tribe:

In order to ensure that tribal groups do not har- bour fears that the other tribe (s) is dominating them, three steps should be taken: (i) resource distribution, ! (ii) political party (s) revitalization, and (iii) con- stitutional amendments. The first two remedies are recom­ 4 mended by William Ochieng. i. Resource distribution: This would require equitable

I distribution of favours, resources and industries, and by employing a just and visibly fair system of employment and prototion, because to achieve national unity, everybody must be made to feel a welcome part of the effort to de- velop and build a unified nation. ii. Po~_it_f:_c:al_Par_!y___(s) revitalization: The political party (s) should be entrusted with the formulation of an equalitarian and aggressive nationalist economic ideology as well as the formulation of national development plans 61

and goals.

iii. Constitutional Amendment:

Duncan Sandys notes that: 5

If the Constitution is so rigid that necessary changes are made virtually impossible, there is the danger that frustration may drive people to amend it by unconstitutional means. Once a breach is made in any part of the Con­ stitution, the whole of the remainder is liable to crumble. Thus the over­ entrenchment of rights \vhich are not fundamental could well result in the destruction of the basic liberties which it is our prime aim to protect.

Perhaps the most important mechanism in the process

of detribalization is the provision in the Constitution

·regarding public service. In Kenya, the present Constitu-

I .tion as amended in 1969, provides for a Public Service

Commission whose seven members are appointed by the Pr.esi-

dent. The Commission is charged with the responsibility and power to "appoint persons to hold or act in offices in

the: public servlce.. " . However, according to Section 107,

subsection (4), the Commission does not make appointments in the following offices; the power to appoint to these offices is reserved for the President:

a. the office of a judge of the High Court or any Court of Appeal exercising juris­ diction in Kenya;

b. the office of Attorney-General;

c. the office of Controller and Auditor-General;

d. office of Permanent Secretary, Secretary to the Cabinet, Director of Personnel, and 62

Commissioner of Police;

e. the office of Ambassador, High Commissioner or other principal representative of Kenya in any other country.

The President not only makes <=tppointn1ents ·- un-

checked to the above offices, but also appoints Provincial

Commissioners, besides appointing Ninisters and Assistant

Ministers. All these (except Ministerial and Assistant

Ministerial posts) are top civil service positions.

In order to check on that President who might use

this power to fill these strong positions with members of one tribe, the suggestion or recommendation is that this power of appointment should be shared with Parliament.

Parliament (besides the President) is the only national representative body, and as such, should have a say in what kind of people run the government ministries.

The suggestion calls for the amendment of the

Constitution so that Parliament gets the right to approve

Pre~idential appointments into the Civil Service. The process of appointments would be as follows: the President would nominate someone (including members to the Public

~ ~ervlce. c ommlslon . . ) , and submit the nominee to Parliament which ·vmuld approve or; disapprove the nomination. If

Parliament approves the nominee, then the appointment is completed; if Parliament does not approve, the President would have to make another nomination, and the process re- peated. However, the President would still have the power 63

to appoint Ministers and Assistant Ministers, as these are

all elected members of Parliament. The rest of the civil

service positions would continue to be filled by the Public

Service Con@ission.

The ~ethod as recommended here would not only help

in the detribalisation process, it would also help to en-

sure that those who are appointed to take positions in the

civil service are people of unquestionable integrity.

Every effort should also be made to ensure that the

civil servants are completely free from being used to exert

political pressure. Bienen observes that the provincial

administration 11became his (the President's) primary agent

for exerting political control throughout Kenya.n6 The

I civil servants should be accountable to the President and

the public, but they should ns>t be made to engage in poli­

tical activity. A mechanism to check this should also be

instituted in the system.

The Constitution should also provide for who would

be its watch-dog. During the Kenya Constitutional Confer-

ence in London, Hr. Reginald Haudling (then British Col-

onial Secretary), had proposed as_one requirement, an

l!Upper House" whose function would be to maintain and up­ 7 keep the Constitution. Since the Upper House that was

formed v;ras later dissolved and amalgamated with the Lower

House to form the present National Assembly, there is need

for the Constitution to specifically state \,;rho \vould be 64 watch-dog over it. Basically, Parliament and the President

as well as the Courts should perform this duiy. But this writer suggests that the responsibility should be placed with the Courts -- the Kenya High Court, specifically.

Lack of understandi~_2_f_~thnic _£~~~e~_!-::ypes:

Stereotypes are basically outcomes of rumour, although some may arise from factual basis. Rumours can bring about misunderstanding, and that is why it is im- portant to minimize dangerous stereotypes by increasing contact and awareness as well as a sense of belonging between the members of various tribes. This can be done through the educational system (which can be controlled), and through inter-tribal marriages (which cannot be con- trolled). i. Education: Detribalization can be achieved through the educational process, especially the school system. To paraphrase William Ochieng, citizenry should be prepared / to 'imbibe some genuine sense of belonging and some genuine commitment to the wider national society and its preser­ vation.8 Schools should play the role of achieving this in terms of Koff's and Muhll's contention that "citizens 119 are ma d e, not b orn. The Kenya Education Commission of

1964 saw the need for this 'ivhen it recommended that:

A sense of belonging to a nation is not merely, or perhaps mainly, some­ thing that comes from study or the reasoning faculties. Quite as im­ portant as the growth of knowledge is 65

the experience of an atmosphere, ... the need to diversify the student. body and the staff of schools have a connec.tion with this psychological factor _10

The suggestion in this regard is to integrate the schools, mainly the high schools. In a letter to the

Editor, East African Standard, this writer suggested that integration of schools could be done by encouraging a system \.vhere:by there is more mixing of students of differ- ent tribal origins in a given school.

If a school is situated in a place like Kilifi, for example, it should have at least half the number of students from places other than the area around it. This will make those students from Kilifi realise that they have ''brothers and sisters'' from ulaces other than Kilifi.11 L ! This is essential as Koff and Muhll point out that:

The experience of attending a multi­ racial (tribal) school, the first en­ counter with social sanctions applied by peer group that owes its existence to the school rather than to the village -! or tradition, the interaction between a young teacher and his students -- these potentially significant events and many like them are all outside the scope of a text book, though certainly not outside tre control of those with responsibility for creating schools that serve the in­ terests of their soc£ety.l~

In Kenya, there are the so-called "national high schools" which admit students from all over the country, as do the universities and other specialized institutions such as the Teacher Training Colleges. The suggestion to integrate schools calls for this sort of practice in all 66

goven1ment aided high schools.

The sort of contact and experience that young

people will be exposed to in this tribal integrated

educational system will not only enhance understanding

between the tribal groups and hence eliminate rumour-based

stereotypes, but also will help to foster awareness for

national unity and belinging among the tribal groups.

One of the recommendations of the Kenya Education Commis-

sion, as Koff and Muhll observe, is "a tolerance and

respect for tribal, racial and religious diversity."13

This is necessary as a detribalization tool.

ii. Inter-Narria~: Definitely, government should not

be involved in the inter-tribal or any other marriage (s). ! The recommendation here, directed mainly at the general

African public, asks for increased inte.r-marriages between

members of the various tribes. It is a· suggestion that

calls for attitudes that would allow and encourage people . 14 to f ree 1 y 1ntermarry.

In calling for the youth to "end tribalism" by

intermarriage, one writer stated:

I can imagine a child born of two parents of different tribes not claiming to belong to either of the tribes. This child sees himself as a citizen of this country (Kenya) as a nation and not as a Nandi or Kisii or Taita.

With intermarriage will come a 11eed for a common language. A Kikuyu married 67

to a Luo will not speak the Kikuyu language to the Luo, but a language which the Luo will understand; let it be Kiswahili for that matter ... Their children will then pick up this common language and eventually we shall all have a corr~only accepted language spoken by everybody in the country. A common language portrays a national outlook.lS -

lntermarriagewill increase inter-tribal contacts

\\/hich will increase understanding between the tribes, and

therefore help to eliminate inter-tribal stereotypes.

The remedy for the vicious circle of ethnic con-

flict depends on the success of remendies to the problems

as discussed in the foregoing sections. As such, it is

a condition to be studied only following implementation

of remedies so far suggested.

Summary:

This chapter has focused on the need to minimize,

if not to end friction between the various tribal groups.

To ~o this, various ways have been suggested to carry out a detribalization process that is essential.

In concluding this chapter, it cannot be over- emphasized in Morrison's and Stevenson's words that

"increasing integration decreases the likelihood of 16 lnsta. b. l"1" lty. II By app 1 ylng . L h e mec h anlsms . suggeste d , an d any others to be established to limit inter-tribal fric- tion, then, as Thomas R. Adam states, "the kind of African state into which Kenya is likely to evolve depends largely 68

on the success of its leaders in Tesolving tribal jealou- sies, now that the shadmv of \vhite clominance has been re- 17 L.OvLdn --:. LJ.U.H.c .. r Lle-·1 1·~_und. 69

FOOTNOTES

1. R. 1'-1anners, "The New Tribalism in Kenya," in Afr=!:_c=:_~ Today, Vol. 11, No. 8, (Oct. 1962).

2. Tvallerstein, op. cit., contends that there is "ethnic association" in urban CJ.reas \.vbere the people identify with ethnic groups Lrrger t:han their traditional unes. However, Richard Vengroff, "Urban Goven1ment and Nation-Building in East Africa," in the Journal of Modern African Studies, (Sept. 4th, 1971), pp. 577-92, states to the contra-ry t:hat: The coTILmitment of the individual to urban local.government is slight, and its in­ fluence on his values and behaviour are limited. Furthermore, his conllllitment to the traditional areas tend to restrict the individual's urban network to co-ethnics; thus decreasing the integrative potential of the city. However, Vengroff further points out that since housing was government controlled (during colon­ ial time in Nairobi) and demand always exceeded supply, those (Africans) in need of accommodation were placed on long waiting lists. Hhen housing became available, they were generally accepted regardless of location. The individual thereby lost the option of living in close proximity with kin or co-ethnics. Local contacts with members of diverse tribes were increased.

3. Dr. vJilliam Ochieng is professor of Political Science, _ Kenyatta University College. He is the author of "Hhat Kenya can Learn from Eritrea," in The Heekly Review, Nairobi, March lOth, 1975, pp. 10-11. _ For-aiscussion of the mass media to suit the Kenya public, see Wamatu Njoroge, "Implications of For­ eign Ow-nership of the Press in Kenya," (Hasters Thesis, Calif. State University, Northridge, July 1973).

4. William Ochieng, Ibid., p. 11.

5. Duncan Sandys (British Colonial Secretary then) at the Kenya Constitutional Conference, as quoted by Sanger Clyde and John Nottingham, nThe Kenya General Elec­ tion of 1963," in the J()ur~al _of __!'1_od~rr~ African St~dies, Vol.2, No. 1, (1964~p. 20.

6. Henry Bienen, op. cit., p. 36. 70

7. The other t~vo, as recorded by R. Manners, op. cit. , p. 9, were:

(a) Establishment of a central land Board to supervise distribution of CrmYn Lands; and (b) transmutation of Kenya's provinces into :cegions.

8. William Ochieng, op. cit., pp. 10-11.

9. David Koff and George van der Muhll, "Political Socialization in Kenya and Tanzania -- A Comparative Analysis," in the Journal of Modern African Studies, (May 1st, 1967),pp. 13-51.

10. Kenya Education Commission Report, Vol. 1, by Simeon H. Ominde, Chairman, (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1964), p. 41.

11. O.K. Nasiali, "Call for Youth to End Tribalism," in East African Standard, Nairobi, July 4th, 1970. Vengroff's op. cit., typology of "social network ideal types" identifies a "elect-based network" that refers to the individual's effective network as almost entirely limited tro an ;ethnic or tribal group, the members of which replace the missing membership of the kin group. This idea could be used, at the school level, to ~oster nationhood among the students when they are given opportunity to meet with others from other parts o.f the country.

12. Koff and Huhll, op. cit., p ..19.

13.: Ibid., p. 20.

14. van den Berghe, op. cit., pp. 234-35, found that inter-ethnic marriage ;;-vas a common thing in Nigeria (especially among the university educated). "Although male students sentiments express hostility against women students from.their ethnic group dat­ ing outsiders," he found that "a number of prominent members of the University are either married to persons of other groups or are themselves of mixed ethnic parentage ... "

15. O.K. Nasiali, op. cit.

16. Donald G. Morrison and Hugh M. Stevenson, 11 Integration and Instability: Patterns of African Development, 11 in American Political Science Review, Vol. 66, No. 3, (September, 1972). 71

17. Thomas R. Adam, Government and Politics in Africa South of the Sahara~-4thE-c:ll tlon, -Random-I1:m.i~s-e,-­ ""(11a y, 19 6 7 )-.------

!

-f I CHAPTER V

CONCLUSION

African peoples have undergone tremendous change from their traditional ways through colonization to the present time. Under colonialism, the Africans \vere intro- duced to governmental and economic systems of the Western bureaucratic administration. One problem created by the colonial powers was the establishment of nations whose boundries engulfed African tribal groups with hardly any- thing in common previously, into states that are today's artificial independent nations south of the Sahara.

These independent African nations adopted the governmental systems of their colonisers, and under this new system, especially with African traditions still ling- _, erj:ng on, an environ.ment of friction exists between the various tribes fighting over the national resources.

Tribal friction arises from what the paper has referred to as "tribalism," defined as one'~ biased action in favour of one's tribal members and against others to the almost complete exclusion of universalistic considerations that a modern bureaucratic system requires.

During the colonial period, tribalism hardly ex- isted as described in this paper. At that time, any

72 73

friction between the tribal groups was welcomed by the colonists, as this provided a means to control the Africans.

But decolonization marked an important turning point in

intertribal relations. Independence brought ant only free-

dom, but also av;r::cceness to the people who now \hlnted to

share the national resources, and having no other than

tribal groups to bring demands to the government, the peo­

ple began to associate distribution of resources in tribal

terms. Under these conditions, there can be a tendency of

tribalism aggravated by the fact that some tribe (s) such

as the Kikuyu in Kenya were more advanced than others at

the time of independence. In most cases the more advanced

tribe (s) dominate (d) others in the new system. For

fear of this domination, some Afri~an states have exper­

ienced civil strife where tribal groups \vanted to secede

in order to form their own separate states. \mile this has not happened in Kenya, it is not to imply that there is no tribalism in Kenya.

Even with the possible civil strife arising from tribalism, it is not the sole cause of government failure, although in the final analysis its impact touches most aspects of the new administrative and economic systems.

Friction arising from tribalism can, as Rothchild points out, "lead to serious imbalance bet1,1een order and develop­ ment ... l

Since the nation has to jump various hurdles to achieve both order and development, tribalism is one 74

hurdle that has to be dealt with right from the beginning

in order to make it possible to overcome any other hinder-

ances. Part of the purpose of this paper has been to

emphasize this point, for as Joseph Murumbi points out,

"KANU (Kenya African National Union) \•mnld not ... ~>tand by and watch the country go to ruin because a fe'iv people want to carve out little kingdoms for themselves under the guise 2 of protecting tribal interests." No attemps have been made to carve out little kingdoms in Kenya, but the fric- tion arising from tribalism warrants that steps be taken to ensure tranquility for everybody in the country. To- wards this end, suggestions have been made in this paper as some ways to remedy the situation.

Overall, several general conclusions can be made regarding co-existence of multitribal groups in the same nation. There are both advantages and disadvantages of this co-existence, and the following are some of the general conclusions ..

Advantages of co-existence of multitribal groups:

1. P.C. Lloyd points out that ethnic loyalties provide

for African peoples a "sense of identity, of the

values of their own cultures, which balance the

feelings of inferiority that derive from the contin-

ual borrowing of Western technology ... and styles of . . 113 1lVJ_ng. 75

2. In Kenya many schools called Haram1~ee (self--help),

might have been built through enthusiasm derived in

part from competition between neighbouring villages

or tribal )?;L'oups in \vhich neither wished to appear

more 1)ack\va.cd than the other (s). This is a very

positive endeavour in provinding some of the services

the people need.

3. lThen an incumbent of an office is criticized in te:.cms

of his origin, the new role of the office is tacitly

accepted; were attacks directed at the failings of

that office (especially since the modern bureaucracy

is ne\v to many people) rather than the traits of its

personnel, the survival of the nation itself would be

se~iously jeopardized. This, in an indirect way, is a

positive aspect of tribalism.

4. Allegations of tribalism levelled against holders of

public office - both elected and civil servants - can

and should serve as a check on the public servants.

It will help ensure that holders of public offices

are to be accountable to the public which they should

serve, and as Charles A. Beard points out, "unless

public officials are subjected to internal and ex-

ternal criticism of a constructive nature, then the

public personnel \·Jill become a bureaucracy dangerous 114 to soc1ety. an d to popu_ar] governmen t . 76

5. Tribal collectivities tend to assume some of the functions of the extended family and hence, they 115 dinnnJ_s. . 11. t h e J_mportance . o f k.J.ns 11lp . ro 1_ es. The

assumption here is that kinship breeds nepotism.

6. Tribal g:coups serve as a tilechanism of resocialization.

7. Tribal groups can help keep the class structure fluid, and so prevent the emergence of castes.

8. Tribal groups serve as an outlet for political tensions.

9. Related to No. 8 above is the concept that until

viable interest groups are formed, ethnic or tribal

groups serve as a means whereby the citizens can ex-

press their grievances as well as gratitude.

pisadvantages of co-existence of multitribal_Zio~~:

1. Each tribal group has cOinmon factors that its members

adhere to, and which maintain a cohesive force among

the members. This cohesiveness - if any - is weak at

the national level where all tribes merge. To para-

phrase P.C. Lloyd, the factors which have united the

Luo peoples cannot, at a higher level, unite them with

the Kikuyu. The segmentary structure of Kikuyu soci-

ety which has engendered such strong sentiments of

cohension, cannot be replicated at a level which 6 unites all Kenya people.

2. Tribalism encourages nepotism.

3. The merit system would suffer if appointments were 77

made solely on tribal basis rather than ability.

Such a method would adversely affect efficiency.

!+. Tribal competition may produce schools in Kenya, but

enthusiasm can over·-reach itself and rampant develop-

ment of such social services may cause more problems

than solving them. For example, too many }:larambe~

schools producing too many students who may not be as

well prepared as those from government aided schools,

could flood the country \-lith numerous school leavers

who could not be absorbed into the economy as employ-

able j obseekers.

5. A new manufacturing plant of marginal economic via-

bility may be severely handicapped if its location is

determined by tribal rather than industrial consider-

ations.

6. Denial of opportunity on tribal grounds to play a

meaningful role in society may not only result in

passive non-contribution, but could also trigger

violent reactions among the alienated and rejected.

7. Not all the risks would, however, take the form of

affront to society. Because of tribalism, harm might

come from failure to realize the specific talents of

those.persons who are excluded from jobs without

trla. 1 , 7

In conclusion, it should be realised that the problems of tribalism are problems of administration. 78

A.J1Y \>JaY one looks at it, one .;.;rill notice that tribal accusa_tions arising from Hho gets what positions in government require a&ninistrative decisions; the kind of

~~dncational a(:hieven1r:~11t and \-:rho achi_r~vcs it .::ts Hell as

Y~1cn, are also administrative decisions; and ultimately when it would be obvious that some tribal groups have ex- celled more than others because either they were better educated or received industrial and commercial loans t:lu:ough favoucitism, it ,,wuld require administrative de- cisions to either correct the imbalance or deal \vith \vl!at- ever problems to arise at that time.

If this paper does nothing else, it should point to the seriousness of the situation, and should serve as

I a preliminary endeavour to further studies of the prob- lem for \>Jhich s.olutions should be found through dis- cussions. 79

1. D. Rothchild, "Ethnicity and Conflict Resolution," in Horld Politics, Vol. 22, No. 4, (July, 1970), p . {)() 3 .------

2. As quoted by Clyde and Nottingham in "The Kc:nya Gc:n­ eral Election of 1963," op. cit.

3. P.C. Lloyd, op. cit., p. 301.

4. Charles A. Beard, quoted in John M. Gaus, Reflections on Public Administration, University of Alabama Press, 1947' p. 8. 5. Immanuel Hallerstein, "Ethnicity and National Inte­ gration in \>Jest Africa," op. cit., p. 673.

6. P.C. Lloyd, op. cit., p. 302.

7. Ferrel Hc:ady, Public Administration: A Comuarative Perspective, Princeton: (Princeton-Hall Inc., 1966), p. 71, points to a similar case in India where "the policy of reserving Civil Service posts for certai~ minority groups has restricted access to otherwise· qualified candidates. 80

APPENDIX I

Bots-rvana

Burundi Mali

Cameroon Mauritania

Central African Republic r·1ozambique

Chad Niger

Congo (B) Nigeria

Dahome Rwanda

17. 1 . . • Jj"C 1J_opla Senegal

Gabon Sierra Leone

Gambia Somali Republic

Ghana Sudan

Guinea Tanzania

Ivory Coast Togo

Kenya Uganda

Lesotho Upper Volta

Liberia. Zaire

Zambia 81

APPENDIX II A.

KENYA POPULATION CENSUS 1969: ETHNIC AND SEX BREAKDOWN -~·- ·------·------~--- Total Pop.: 10,942,705

Kenya Africans

Tribe Total Male Female

Kikuyu 2,201,632 1, 091 ,/+13 1,110,219 Embu 117,969 58,223 59,746 Meru 554,256 276,325 277,931 Mbere 1+9,247 23,166 26,081 Kamba 1,197,712 592,899 604,823 Theraka 51,883 25,159 26,724 Luhya 1,453,302 723,071 730,231 Kisii 701,679 356,730 344,949 Kuria 59,878 30,570 29,305 Hijikenda 520 '5210 255,508 265,011 Pokomo-Riverine 35,18'1 17,110 18,071 Taveta 6,324 2,942 3,382 Taita 108,494 52,501 55,993 S-:·mhili/ Shirazi 9,971 5,048 4,923 Bajun 24,387 11,808 12,579 Boni/Sanye 3,972 2,062 1,910 Luo 1,521,595 763,080 758,515 Nandi 261,969 131,001 130,968 Kipsigis 471,459 237,578 233,881 E1geyo 110,908 57,002 53,906 Marakwet 79,713 41,187 38,526 Pokot 93,437 45,606 1,.7' 831 Sabaot 42' !J-68 21,196 21,272 Tugen/Chereng~ni 130,249 66,461 63,788 Masai 154,906 77,745 77,161 Turkana 203,177 107,2l~9 95,928 Samburu 54,796 Iteso 85,800 42,703 43,097 Nderobo 21,034 10,741 10,293 Nj emps 6,526 3,155 3,371 Rendi1e 18,729 9,884 8,845 Boran 34,086 17,/f-72 16,614 Gab bra 16,108 8,772 7,336 Sakuye 4,369 2,115 2,254 Orma 16,306 8,350 7,956 Gosha 2,926 1,558 1,368

------~-·- 82

Kenya Africans cont' d.

Tribe Total Male Female -----·------~---·- Ajuran 15,544 8,174 7,370 Gurrel 49,241 26 ,/+43 22,798 Gegodia 62 '!J-25 33,901 28,524 Other Somalia 25,374

Non-Kenya Africans Tanzanians 26,366 16,552 9,868 Ugandans 17,232 9,509 7,723 Rwandese 4,855 2,806 2,049 Burundi 227 164 63 Somali 3,519 1,927 1,592 Ethiopians 851 498 353 Sudanese 1,944 1,075 869 Congolese 412 272 140 Others 4,032 2,287 1, 745

Non-African Kenyans

Asians 139,037 71,599 67,438 Euroneans 40,593 21,129 19 '/J-64 Arab~ 27,886 14,773 13,113 Others 1,987 975 1,012 83 APPENDIX II B

TRIP>[S <)f KEI'!Y A

ETHIOPIA I I I I I I / I

miles Source: Go!dthorpe, J.E. and F. B. V.'i!son, Tribal h·~aps of East Africa anti Zanzibu, East African lnstittJTe­ OfS-OCTaTR~S;a-rch-;-Karr-~~~ala, Uganda, 1 9 60.

MAP.} 84

APPENDIX III

Nlli1BER OF KENYA SECONDARY SCHOOLS PER PROVINCE 19 74. * -~~------~------·------~----····------·------_...!. ______- . ; I GoveTnment Aided HaTambee No. i 1 PTovince of Schools PTovince No. of Schools CentTal 91 CentTal 150

Coast 27 Coast 33 I EasteTn 65 EasteTn 81 l NaiTobi 28 NaiTobi 38 1 I NoTth EasteTn 3 NoTth EasteTn 1 I ~ Nyanza 60 Nyanza 80 Rift Valley 54 Rift Valley 69 II l WesteTn 52 WesteTn 70

Total 380 Total 522

I / ! *InfoTmation pTovided by the Kenya Ministry of Educa­ tion. l l I 1 ! l 85

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DISSERTATIONS

Hmve, Charles W. goloni,'l_L_ _]?o~_icy_a~ __ a -~AjQ-r;_ Y~Xi::l1:>l~ Force Shapif1_g___Joli~_ical ~ha!~~ in .0:frica: ___ _A__ ~ase Study of Uganda 1905-1945. Ph.D. Dissertation, Boston University Graduate School, 1961.

Njoroge, Wamatu. "Implications of Foreign O~Vnership of The Press in Kenya." Masters Thesis, California State University, Northridge, July, 1973.

VJerlin, Herbert H. "The Nairobi City Council: The Problems of Co-operation in African Local Politics." Ph.D. Dissertation, Berkeley, University of California, 1966.

MISCELLANEOUS

Nasiali, O.K. "Call for Youth to end Tribalism." In East African Standard. Nairobi: July 4th, 1970.

Sibidow, S.M. "They Preached Virtue and Practiced Vice." In Daily Graphic. Accra: Feb. 29th, 1972.

Kenya Education Commission Report. 2 parts. By Simeon H. Ominde, Chairman. Nairobi: Government Printer, 1964.

Target. Nairobi: Feb. 6th, 1974.

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