ie la Women under Salazar's Dictatorshipl l)reZ, J. and cO/lFlict, Anne Cava and Ant6nia Costa Pinto udice in ~7-75. i, K. (eds.), Abstract )res, T!li~ article oddrc~~e~ Solo:ori~lIl'~ ottitlflie~ to((lord~ ((101l1ell olld "(l\)Jlle1l'~ Keywords orgo1lizotioll~, prouidillg ~Ollle clClllellt~ t!lot lIU1y h' lI~ed ill (Olllpor;~01l~ "(uith tfle \V0111en " qllcstiOlli7rio other dictt1torship~ (e.g. !to!it711 Fo~(i~lIl) tflot i1l~pircd, to ~OllIC e.YtCJlt, S(J/lle of the fascis111 lished, Portllg/{e~e Neul Stotc'~ i1l~tit/{tioll~. CatholiciS111 Salazaris111 ,tit)/l a/ld If the southern European dictatorships of the inter-\\'ar period ha\'e anything in COl1unon, it is their attitudes to\vards \,T0I11en (Bock and CO\'a 2003). Initiated !litv: do ,ve during a period of delnocratization, of the e111ergence of fe111inist 1110\'elnents, elder, K. and the significant increase of \\'Olnen in the labour Inarket, all of these pp. 11-36. dictatorships paid hOlnage to '\\'Olnen at h0I11e', and glorified '1110therhood' ,1S fonnas and the falnily in its prilnordial function (Offen 2000; Bock 2(01). These , Psico!ogia dictatorships \\Tere at the salne tilne confronted \\'ith the 'proble111' of the integration of \\TOlnen into politics. SOlne elevated this function to a nationalist ('Ill Portllgal, goal and an ilnportant Ineans of 1110bilizing their regilnes.

. and Reis, The family: the cornerstone of society Brasi!, Sao The Portuguese Constitution of 1933 pro\Tided for the equality for all citizens The starting point of before the la\\T, and denied all privileges acquired through birth, nobility, sex this article ,vas a l'ds.), or social status. Ho\ve\Ter, it also noted that '\\TOlnen's differences result fro111 short contribution \\Titten bv the their nature and their duty to\\Tards the good of the falnily' (article 5). The 1911 authors for Christine ica Constitution, and the Republic's falnily la\\'s, \\'hich \\'ere dr~l\\'n up on 25 Faun? (ed.) (1997), n: Bertr(lnd. December 1910, contained no such provisions. EJl(I/c!Op(;dit' po!itilllli' 'lict', in Salazarisln thus used felnale 'nature' to deny \\'Olnen cOl11plete equality d !Ji~to,.iqJlI' di'~ rOllp \vith Inen. The idea of 'nature' derived froln the old discussion of culture fcI/IJUt'::', Paris: PUF, pp. 685-99. An versus nature, in \vhich the public dOlninates the pri\'ate. Salazaris111 \\Tas expanded ,'ersion ,~8), deeply rooted in the traditional idea that \\'OI11en \\'ere situated on the side of \\'~lS presented at the .;e If-ingroup 'nature' \\!hile Inen \\Tere on the side of culture. In this \\Tay, Salazar's Ne\\T nineteenth 323-38. State relnained faithful to the 111ess~lges repeated by the Catholic Church in the International Congress of it/lgi7!: encyclicals Rentlll NO"(l17ntlll (1891) and QlIotiro,~csillIO AJl1I0 (1931), \\'hich Historical Sciences, clailned that 'nature' intended that \",,0111en \\'ere destined to stay at h0111e, to Oslo, 10-13 i\UgUSt en\l.1: bear children and to de\'ote thel11se!\Tes to house\\Tork. Indeed, based on the 2000. !(islJ/os. assul11ption that 111en and \\T0111en do not posses the sa111e physical strength, RerIfl1I NOZJorItlll stated that: 'There are tasks k~ss suited to \\T0111en, \,Those ~iras: destiny, by nature, is to \\Tork at hOlne.' (J/{t7£irogcsilllo Alll/()'S Inessage \\Tas silnilar: 'The duty of Inothers lies, abo\Te all, in the hOlne and in house\\'ork.' : res. According to the la\\'s of 'nature', \\'OI11en \\'ere conceived to be 1110thers, to J.), \vhich Salazarisln added that the felnale \,'as the pillar of the household. E(OnOlll;t7 DOlllL;sti(o, a publication produced by the National Propaganda Secretariat (SPN) in 1945, cOlnpared the art of running a hOlne to that of rlulling the State, illustrating the tenuous character of the boundaries beh\Teen the public and the pri\Tate (Belo 1987). In fact, \\'0111en could enter the public sphere by delnonstrating that they \\'ere \'ery good at taking care of their

;e Vala et ill PJSS 1 (2) 129-1-16 © Intellect Ltd 2002 129 2 In 1933, the birth rate iamilies ,ll1d were therefore fit to hold public office, based on the f,lCt that the recurring deb was 2q per thousand of the nation' inhabit'lI1ts in State W

130 Anne CeJ\',] ,1I1d Antonio Cost,] Pinto Women the fact that the recurring debate over the birth rate, \\'hich \yas related closely to the '111ystique fhe Ne,\' State, of the nation' that ,,,,,as particularly \'isible in countries such as Gennany and of 'the natural Italy (Ipsen 1996). Demographic obsession \\'as not the 1110nopoly of fascist o the difference regimes, ho\!vever: France, for exalnple, shared the san1e concern (Cova 1997). )les. TI1ese roles The 1910 fanlily la'Ns considered lnarriage to be a contract behYeen h\'o 1 ,vas consistent people of different sex that \",as entered into for the purpose of establishing a

1 1 ii (1930). This legitimate falnily. Salazarisln altered the First Republic's concepts on lnarriage: that V\'ithin the under the earlier regilne, to state an exalnple, a "'0111an could not be forced to -"JeV\' State V\'as return to her conjugal hOlne. This clause \\'as abolished by the Civil Code in spouses as a 1939. dividual rights. In accordance \\'ith legislation introduced on 3 Novelnber 1910, the ci\'il role \lvi thin the contract of lnarriage could be dissolved. This la\\' authorized divorce, giving guardian. Her both parties equal treatInent in respect of grounds for di\'orce and their rights concerned the regarding any children. This legislation \\'as a very real sub\'ersion of tradition. of mind and Up until the 1940s, di\'orce \vas an essentially urban pheno111enon: in 1930, 51 per cent of all divorcees ,\'ere city d\\'ellers, \\'ith the largest proportion in l )rtance during and Oporto (40.7 per cent) (Cascao 1986: 1(1). There \\'ere SOnH? 'r V\'omen \\'ho differences beh\'een the t\\'O cities; \\'hile the 111<.11ority of those suing for 1 because thev divorce in Lisbon \\'ere felnale, the opposite \\'as the case in Oportn. This . at home. The divorce la\\' remained in force for a further 30 years, before being abolished in lployment rate 1940. After that date, people \yho had been lnarried by the Catholic Church

.1 had no direct \\'ere not allo\ved to divorce. With its la\\' on the defence of the falnily, introduced on 12 October 1935, :he falnilv \vas the Ne\y State sought to safeguard the'constitution and ... defence of the ;}ality, had the falnily in its function as the source for the preservation and develop111ent of of the familv the race'. In order to protect and preser\'e the falnily, the Ne\\' State established l:d her role tlS a number of priorities; not all of \\'hich \vere respected. As far as the protection he falnilv and of n10therhood \,,'as concerned, 111aternity leave \vas halved to one lnonth education; to under Salazarisln, and en1ployers h<'1d the option to pay C0111pensation at their -e born. This discretion. The La\\' of 10 March 1937 entitled \\'0111en to 30 days' subsidized 111ceal the fact lnaternity leave provided 'her en1ployer could prove that she \\'as not \\'orthy falnily, vvhich of such a subsidy, or did not need it' (Beleza 1990: 1(8). urce for the Silnilarly, the Ne\\' State's expressed desire to pro1110te the adoption of a if all political falnily \\'age - a delnand dear to European social Catholics, and \\'hich \\'ould ~generation'. contribute to the rehabilitation of the falnily, \\'as never realized. Other goals of ci\'il societv. the Salazarist regin1e \vere also never tn be achieved. The governlnent sa\\' fit 'ution of the to prolnote propaganda actions like 'Fal11ily I'vlothers' Day', ho\\'e\'er, and as both the founded a national organization called 'Defence of The FaI11ily', \\'hose ficance ,,,'ith president, Antonio de Sousa GOlnes, \\'as fro111 the Catholic 1110\'el11ent. The importance of Inoral conduct, and the prol11otion of 1110ral virtue \\'as zariS111, and constantly acclain1ed in official speeches: the basis of the fl.11nily is 111orality, lnate births, and it falls to the State to prolnote the Inortll unity of the nation. 12 per cent. Inspired by social Catholicis111, the Ne\\' State follo\yed the \'arious Papal gal had the encyclicals and reinforced ties \vith the Church through the COllcordat of 1940. , Rodrigues In Stllazarist ideology, \\'Olnen had to pIa}' \'arious roles \\'ithin the ftll11ily: \vife and 1110ther; \I\'Olnan dedicated to the house; and, upholder of the fal11ily's tll the Ne\'\' 1110rals. This glorification of the \\'olnan's 111ission in the d0111estic sphere \\'as a tries - even long 'Nay from the real li\'es of \\'0l11en \\'ho began to \\'ork outside the h0l11e. ted in the According to official statistics, fe111ale participation in the labour force \\'as 17

=osta Pinto W0111en under Salazar's Dictatorship 131 per cent in 1926; by 1950, this had increased to 22.7 per cent (Rodrigues 1983: receive lo\,\rer 910-2-1). The proportion in Italy \\'as sinlilar, at 23 per cent, \vhile in the salne As a conseql~ year, France had already reached 36 per cent, the salne proportion as in colonial wars) Gennany in 1933 (Bock 1991: 195; Lagra\'e 199-1: 510). continued ar During the Ne\v State's tongllc dlln;c, a significant part of the acti\'e stratification population, Inany of theln \YOlnen, \\'as \'\'orking in the prilnary sector. It \'\'as educational ( only after the 1960s that there \\'as a real explosion in the tertiary sector. lniddle class ( During the 1960s, the proportion of felnale \vorkers in this sector \vas already C0111pareC estilnated to be 33.9 per cent, \\'hile 26.2 per cent \'\'ere elnployed in industry. legislative inl At the end of the Salazar era, the Inajority of \\'Olnen in paid elnploynlent \\'ere and the divo not Inarried: 53.7 per cent \\'ere single, 9 per cent \,\rere either di\'orced or from particif separated, and under 1 per cent \'\'ere \'\'ido\\'ed. Only 36.3 per cent \,\rere nU111ber of de Inarried. The nlunber of \\'Olnen \'\'orking as unskilled labour \\'as considerable: Inore than half of all elnployed single \YOnlen \vere inyolyed in The New S unskilled or Inanual labour. Inspired by j The lnajority of \\'Olnen li\'ed in the countryside, as did o\'er half of the first Portugl actiye population, \'\'ith 55 per cent \\'orking in agriculture in 1930, declining hventieth ce to 52 per cent in 19-10 and 51 per cent in 1950. After the 1950s, Portugal Group (Gru] experienced a significant drop in the nlllnber of people \vorking in Republican agriculture as a consequence of the elnigration of rural labourers. This trend Portuguesas also affected the fenlale \\'orkforce: in 1950, \'\'onlen represented 20.6 per relations bet cent of the ~lcti\'e population in agriculture, \vhile ten years later they by the rept accounted for only 9.1 per cent. This relnarkable decrease \'\'as a result of the innovative f, practice of only taking \YOlnen \\'age-earners into consideration in the 1920, these cOlnpilation of the statistics, \\'hich left out the Inany house\,\ri\'es \'\rho dOlninated 1 \vorked in the fields. Froln the 1960s on, there \\'as a Inarked increase in the The Na nUlnber of \\'orking \\'Olnen, Inainly because of both the Inale elnigration Mulheres f that peaked during this period, and the colonial \vars. A lnarked WOlnen's 01 felninization of the agricultural \\'orkforce follo\yed: in 1970,2-1.2 per cent of \VOlnen's ri: the actiye population in this sector \\'as fenlale (Mateus 1986: 336). These Cabete] cycles of felnale elnploylnent in Portugal did not necessarily coincide \vith the LRMP those of other European countries. For exanlple, the Second World War did Republican not ha\'e the sanle ilnpact at the tilne that elnigration and the colonial \\'ars League's fiJ had in Portugal during the 1960s. \V0111en's ~ High illiteracy rates \\'ere <.1 characteristic of the Portuguese Ne\'\' State. In Rights Lo" 1930,61.8 per cent of all people o\'er the age of six \\'ere illiterate. Thirty years classes, an( later, this had been reduced by half, although it continued to be fairly high: Accord 31.1 per cent in 1960. \Volnen \\'ere particularly prone to illiteracy: in 1930,69.9 educate all per cent of \\'Onlen \vere illiterate, \\'hile the rate for 111en \'\'as 52.8 per cent. In 1992: 29-3 1960, these proportions \\'ere 36.7 and 2-1.9 per cent respecti\'ely. While the vear existE difference beh\'een 111en and \\'Olnen had decrei.lsed, it renlained significant. countrysi( Portuguese society \\'i.1S strongly dualistic and had lo\y urbanization rates. the 1nalori There \vere ilnportant differences beh\'een the rural Inajority and the urban­ the first yl based social, econo111ic and political elites. Large disparities existed behveen particul<.~r those \YOlnen liying in the countryside and the urban elites, frOln \'\'hich the favour oJ 111ilitants of the \'arious \\'Olnen's and fenlinist organizations \yere recruited. participat In spite of its 'Wo111en for the HOlne', \\'Olnen continued to enter the \,\ranted tl labour Inarket throughout the Ne\\' State regilne. While a la\\' \yas passed in Inore incl 1966 that sought to address gender equality in salaries, \VOlnen continued to led Ana (

132 Anne Co\'a and Ant6nio COSt<.l Pinto vV0111en u ,) According to one pes­ · (Rodrigues 1983: receive lovver pay that their Inale counterparts in all sectors of the econolny. silnistic report on \\'hile in the salne As a consequence of elnigration and the nlunber of Inen fighting in the fen1ale associations proportion as in colonial vvars, the felninization of certain branches of industr~' (e.g. textiles) fro111 1916, the fo11o\\'­ continued apace during the 19605. On the other hand, strong social ing organizations ~lrt of the active stratification and a 1110re restricted elite resulted in a degree of reduced existed: Associa<;Zio de Propaganda 1arv sector. It was educational and professional discrilnination against \\'Olnen in the upper Felninista (1911); Liga le tertiarv sector. Iniddle class (Ferreira 19(8). Republicana das ector \vas alreadv COlnpared to Salazarisl11, the First Republic \\'as a period of freedoln and 1'vlulheres loyed in industry. legislati\'e innovation for v\,Olnen, especially \\'ith the ne\\' falnily legislation, Portuguesas (1909); ?Inployment were and the divorce lay\' in particular. Ho\!vever, the Republic excluded \\'Olnen Uniao das lv1ulheres Socialistas; Circulo ither divorced or froln participation in the political arena, \\'hile SalazarisIn opened a lilnited Felninino Portugues; 1.3 per cent \vere nlunber of doors. Fraternidade das led labour was 1'v1ulheres; and \\Tere involved in The New State and women's movements RecrL'a\~l.o Post­ Inspired by the Freelnason and the republican and socialist Inovel11ents, the Escolar das Raparigas. cl. i over half of the first Portuguese feIninist InO\'eInents appeared at the beginning of the 'Relat6rio de Clara n 1930, declining hventieth century. This \\'as the case for the Portuguese Fe111inist Studies' Ferreira Ah'es', pub­ ) 1950s, Portugal Group (Grupo Portugucs de Estudos FeIninistas - GPEF) in 1907, and the lished ill the Do!dilll 'pIe \\'orking in Republican League of Portuguese WOInen (Liga Republicana das Mulheres (Jti'(iol ,10 COII~cJ11() ,urers. This trend Portuguesas - LRMP) in 1909. With the procla111ation of the Republic in 1910, Ni7ciolli7! dil~ !vi /l1l1{'rc~ Port liS 1I(,~i7~, 8, ~)sented 20.6 per relations beh\'een the republicans and this latter organization \\'as c0111plicated NO\'elnber 1Q16. :'ears later they by the republicans' refusal to grant \\'OInen the right to vote, although as a result of the inno\'ative faInil}' legislation ga\'c \\'OInen S0111e ne\\' rights. Bet\veen 1910 and deration in the 1920, these organizations V\'ent their 0\\'11 \\'ay, although they reInained ousevviyes V\rho dOIninated by republican and t\1asonic intluences. ~ j increase in the The National Council of Portuguese WOInen (Conselho Nacional das nale elnigration Mulheres Portuguesas - CN~1P), the longest sur\'i\'ing of all Portuguese lrs. A Inarked V\Tolnen's organizations, \\'as founded in 191-l by one of the country's leading 24.2 per cent of V\Tol11en'5 rights Inilitants and gynaecologist, Adelaide Cabete. )86: 336). These Cabete had already particip~lted \\'ith Ana Castro Os6rio in the creation of v coincide \vith the LRMP in 1909 (Este\'es 1(92). This 1110\'Clnent had connections \\'ith the World War did Republican Party and helped to bring dc)\\'n the constitutional 1110narchy. The le colonial wars League's first leaders, like C~lstro Os6rio and Cabete, \\'ere nleInbers of \'arious \\'oInen's Ivlasonic lodges. Cabete, for exan1ple, \\'as Master of the Hlllnan ,e Ne\\' State. In Rights Lodge (Costa 1981). These \\'Olnen belonged to the upper-lniddle lte. Thirty years classes, and \\'ere acti\'e vvithin the republican 1110\'elnent. ) be fairly high: According to the statutes of the LRlv1P, its objecti\'es \\'ere to 'guide, cy: in 1930, 69.9 educate and instruct Portuguese \\'0111en along deInocratic principles' (Este\'es 52.8 per cent. Wt 1992: 29-32). The League had bet\\'een -lOO and 800 111eInbers during its ten­ \'elv. While the year existence, before it \\'~lS dissoh'ed in 1919. Although it had sections in the j significant. countryside, the o\'er\\'hehning Inajority of its follo\\'ers li\'ed in Lisbon, \\'ith anization rates. the 111ajority of its ll1e111bers being schoolte~lchers (Este\'es 1992: 136). During )nd the urban­ the first years of the Republic, the League supported the ne\\' po\\'er, and \\'as ~isted betvveen particularly supporti\'e of the ne\\' faInily legislation, and declared itself in rOIn \\Thich the favour of the ne\\' dh'orce la\\'. Ho\\'e\'er, disagreeInents o\'er \\'olnen's ~re recruited. participation in politics soon enlerged \\'ithin the League. SOI11e leaders :l to enter the \'\'anted their list of delnands to elnphasize feInale suffrage, \\'hile others \\'ere \\'as passed in l110re inclined to stress social and econoInic rights. These \\'ere the reasons that 1 continued to led Ana de Castro Os6rio to lea\'e the League.

lio Costa Pinto vVOlllen under Salazar's Dict~1 torship 133 -± See Conselho \Yithout vvaiting for \'\'0111en to obtain the right to \'ote, a fe111ale doctor and these politic Nacional das a controllec M111heres Inilitant ad\'ocate of \'\'0111en's suffrage, and founder of the Association of restricted tb Portl1gl1esas, Felninist Propaganda (Associa\J.o de Propaganda Felninista - APF), Carolina p,.ogmllll1 gem!, Beatriz Angelo, exercised her right to \'ote on 28 t\1ay 1911, clailning to be the The Uni Lisbon: n.d. 'head of the fa111ily' since she \\'as a 1110ther and \'\'ido\\'. Hovvever, the \vas depen republicans soon closed this loophole, and on 3 July 1913 they introduced provinces \ legislation that restricted the franchise to literate 111en. nlunber of The CNMP fonned the Portuguese section of the International Council of period: on WOlnen (lC\Y), vvhich \\'as founded in \Vashington DC in 1888. The the founda' Portuguese Council established special ties \\'ith its French partner, the 1988: 2-46), Conseil National des Fe111111es Fran<;aises (National Council of French WOlnen extended j - CNFF), through Adrienne A\Til de Sainte-Croi:x, \\'ho v\'as secretary-general party, vvhi of the CNFF and \'ice-president of the IC\V. The CNt\1P's statutes, v\'hich \\'ere Nacional P approved in April 191-!, described this organization as 'a \\'0111en's institution It vvas e not follo\ving any philosophical, political or religious school or faction' three fen1i1 (Lalnas 1995: 38). Its goals \,\'ere to fonn a federation of \\'0111en's - not only first tilne. fe111inist - associations \\'hich 'deal \\'ith \\'Olnen and children', and to 'co­ vvelcolned ordinate, direct and sti111ulate all efforts t<.n\'ards dignifying and e111ancipating the fell1ini~ \\'olnen'.~ Another of its objecti\'es \\'as to 'ad\'ocate e\'erything concerning ""hen he v the ilnprovelnent of \VOlnen's 111aterial and 1110ral condition, especially those be part of of the fe111ale \\'orker' and equal pay for equal \\'ork. Like silnilar lnO\'elnents, does not r the CNl\1P tried not to use the \\'ord fe111inis111, and proclailned itself SL;culo, 19 apolitical, as it tried to incorporate \'arious philanthropic 1110velnents into its While acti\'ities. This organization also represented the International Alliance for practising Fenlale Suffrage in Portugal. sl11all fase The lnilitary dictatorship that \\'~1S established in 1926 did not ban the and princ acti\'ities of \VOl11en's 1110\'elnents; it e\'en opened the political sphere to a creation c s111all fenlale elite. The Ne\\' State did nothing to change this; ho\ve\'er, this aged 6-4, 1 1110dest opening took place in an ~1t1110sphere that \\'as hostile to\vards those secondar \\'Olnen's social and ci\'il rights that had been conceded during the First 1986: -427 Republic. educatiol In respect of political citizenship, Portuguese \\'0111en \\'ere given S0111e general b restricted rights by lav\'s passed during the dict~1torship. On 5 Tv1ay 1931, \\'hile to ensun the gO\'ernl11ent sought to organize elections (\\'hich \\'ere not held), \\'0111en l11orals, [ aged 21 and o\'er \vith a secondary-school or uni\'ersity diplolna \\'ere to in the se obtain the franchise. Here, the ne\\' regill1l) follo\\'ed the e:xzllnple set by and phi' dictatorships, like that of Pri1110 de Ri\'era's in Spain, \\'hich gave \V0111en political 'heads of fZllnily' a lilnited right to \'ote (Grand 1976; Nash 1995). The right to \'ote \\'as e:xtended to \\'Olnen under \'ery restricted Sa/azarl circul11stances: li111ited to \\'id<'H\'s, di\'orced \\'0111en, 111alTied \\'Olnen \\'ith The re~ husbands o\'erseas and \\'Ol11en \\'ith a secondarv or uni\'ersit\, education. fral11e\yC - - When the Ne\\' State's first legislati\'e elections \\'ere held in 193-!, those The Ne \\'Olnen \vhose na111es \\'ere on the electoral rolls \\'ere allo\\'ed to exercise teacher~ their \'ote. This right \\'as extended to Inarried \\'Ol11en in 19-!6. It \\'as not until ideolog: 1968, after Marcello Caetano repL.1ced Salazar, that all \\'0111en \vere given the (Manic right to \'ote. A 111e1110randu111 of the Corporatist Council stressed the Mal ad\'antages of this change, stating that \\'Olllen \\'ere 1110re conser\'ati\'e than resigna 111en' (Cruz 1988). Ne\'ertheless, the right to \'ote still did not appl}' to one haI 111unicipal elections \\'here only 'heads of falnily' could cast a ballot. Besides, Salazar

13-! Anne C()\'a and Antanio Costa Pinto W0111er ~,a female doctor and these political rights were granted under a single-part\' regime which allowed ){ the Association of a controJled opposition to emerge in "19-15, and which rigged elections and ~ - d"/fiJ?a/2?~? restricted the suffrage, l.liming to be the The Unii'to Nacional (National Union - UN) was a part\' of notables that ,', However, the was dependent upon the Sta te, and which was well established in the thev introduced provinces where it retained close ties with the locll administrations, The number of women in the UN remained \'elT 10\\' throughout the New St

~n' restricted­ Sllla:llrist WOIIICI/'S orgllJli:lltiolls ,,'omen with The regime's official women's organizations \\'erL' creatL'd \\'ithin tht:' h' education, framework of the nationalist and Catholic reform of the educational s\'stL'm, 1 193-1, those The New State had an ideologic,ll obsession \\'ith education, Clll1trol ot 'd to exercise teachers, single schoolbooks and the decoration of classrooms all reflected the was not until ideological 'ideal type' ot Salazarist ideolog\': 'God, Homeland, Famil~', Work' 'ere gi\'en the (M6nica 1982), Christianization was its other official obsession, stressed the More than any combati\'e, imperialistic n1\'stique, it \\"as the \',llues of en'ati\"e than resignation, obedience and, abo\'e all. an ,lCquiescent 'organic socieh" on the lot apply to one hand, and the resen'ation of politics to a p,lternalistic elite that was led b\' 11Iot, Besides, Salazar on the other, that characterized priman' educ,ltion,

o Costa Pinto "Vomen under S,llazar's Dictatorship 135 It \,vas in this fra111e\\'ork of educational refon11, particularly in an area of it officially r gro\ving labour-force fe1ninization (in 1Y-10, 76 per cent of pri111ary-, and 33 per superyising tl­ cent of secondary-school teachers \\'ere \;\,0111en), and at a ti111e \\'hen the a1u1ual 'MothE goyernment \\'as begi1u1ing to separate the sexes in secondary schools, that the 111ove111ent. [ Ministry of Education founded its official \V0111en's and youth organization <:1\\Tards to larg (No\'oa 1992: -155-519). 111arried by tl' clerl~v On 15 August 1936 the Ne\\' State established, \\'ithin the f\1inistry of b_ \\'ho eli Education, the Mothers' Work for National Education (Obra das Maes para a 1110rals. OME Educ<:1\ao Nacional - OMEN). This \\'as follo\ved, in 1937, by the creation of pO\\Ter, it \ven the Portuguese Fe111ale Youth (Mocidade Portuguesa Fe111inina - MPF) overthro\v of (Pi111entel 2000). Most of 0f\1EN's leaders \vere the sa111e as those of the f\1PF. Without a: Maria Guardiola, national c0111111issioner of the latter, re111ained the Iv1PF's incorporate a leader for 30 years, until 1968. girls, for \\'b

The inspiration for Of\I IEN caI11e fro111 the least politicized of Italian Fascist yoluntarvaftt organizations, the Oper~1 Nazionale per 1~1 protezione della 111aternita e of Catholicis dell'Infanzia (ONMl), \\'hich had been created \\'ithin the Interior f\1inistry in h0111eland an 1926. The la\\' creating ONIv1I stressed the protection of 1110therhood and \vas to train childhood through the introduction of scientific hygiene, and fon11ed part of declare in le the fascist regi111e's pro-natalist policy (Saraceno 1991; Grazia 1992). To elevation of I coordinate the se\'eral agencies that aided It~11ian l11others, ONJ\1I celebrated i111poses ... '. ( the 'Day of the Mother and Child': possessed of <.1 111uch larger assistance sports .. , han nenvork than its Portuguese counterpart, and \\'as initially headed by 111en. Of decency' (M< all Italian Fascis111'S fa111ily-oriented groups, ON:ivlI \vas the least political and No 111attt \\'as not a 111ass organization. Its Portuguese counterpart never gn.'\\' to be very organization large, and had fe\v pretensions to\\'ards political l11obilization. Catholicis1TI Dependent upon the 1'v1inistry of Education, OMEN incorporated a sl11all counterpart5 group of \V0111en devoted to Salazar ~1nd his regi111e (Pi111entel 2000). Its Nationalistic patrons and leaders \\'ere 111ainly Catholic figures fr0111 Lisbon's social elite. sector, \\'as I" The la\\' creating OMEN described it <.1S an association that \\'ould 'sti111ulate queens like l the educational influence of the faI11ily and ensure cooperation ben\'een fa1nily \\'orship of t and school'. Its regulations defined the organization's goals: 'to guide and 'the scit Portuguese 1110thers in the raising of their children', instilling in the111 the the h0111ela1 principles of hygiene and childcare in order to sti111ulate \1 fa111ily upbringing' \\'ere in coni to pro111ote 'the beautification of rural life <.1nd the C0111forts of h0111e as an leaye any d educational en\'irOn111ent', to organize the girls' section of the Ivlocidade '\\'hile the 1 Portuguesa (Portuguese Youth - tvlP) and to pro111ote 'the nationalist prepare acti education of youth' (Dccrcto-Ici 26893, 15 August 1936). the111 for \\'c A fe\\' years after the cre~1tion of the :ivlPF, Of\IEN, \\'hich had initially been spirit \\'ill j linked to the area of education, turned its ~1ttentions to assistance, \vhere it FClIlillillO: 01 \vould not be \'ery active: granting 'a\\'ards' to large fa111ilies and pro\'iding Althou~ support for 1110thers. 0f\1EN, \\'hich 111ainly focused its attention on rural \\'hich in 1( areas, cultivated the i111age of the h~1pPY, Catholic and d0111estic that the 1vl1 country\\'Olnan. Its goal \\'as not far fro111 the ideal i111age of corporatist society classes on 1 that \\'as being conyeyed \yithin the 1930s' school syste111. Ne\'ertheless, see111S SOlU 0f\1EN \vas never very close to rural society, and nor did it gro\v 111uch beyond nU111ber of its sl11all core of leaders. Delegations \\'ere established in the large cities, but the lvlPF \ their acti\'ities \\'ere predo111in~1ntly ideological, pro\'iding courses in Catholic v( C0111111unities and Ct7~17~ do j1oz 10 (public C0111111unity centres). 1987: 269). After the establish111ent of the IvlPF, \\'hich \\'as one of OIvlEN's 111ain goals, priyate scl"

136 Anne Co,'a and Ant6nio Costa Pinto \V0111en un larlv in an area of it officially relnained as an autono1110US organization. In addition to iInary-, and 33 per supervising the JvlPF, it 111aintained functions such as the organization of the a tilne \vhen the annual 'Mothers' Week' and other such e\'cnts \vith the regilne's official youth 'y schools, that the Inovel11ent. District delegations organized infor111ation sessions and ga\'e outh organization a\vards to large falnilies; those \vith Inore than fi\'e children and \\'ho had been married by the Church. The a\'\'ards \\'ere nor111ally gi\Ten by the pro\'incial 1 the Ministrv of clergy \vho eliminated those candidates \\'ho did not li\Te according to Catholic 1das Maes para a Inorals. OMEN sur\'ived until the 1970s: \\'hen ]'vlarcello Caetano ca111e to bv the creation of po\ver, it \vent fro111 lethargy to paralysis before being abolished soon after the eIninina - MPF) overthro\v of the regilne in 197-l. those of the MPF. Without any organic links to its Inale counterpart, the JvlPF \\Tas intended to hlined the MPF's incorporate all young \\'0111en; ho\\'e\'er, it only interacted \\'ith school-age girls, for \Vh0I11 111elnbership \\'as C0111pulsory up to the age of 1-l and i of Italian Fascist voluntary after that. Its founding leaders C~1111e fro111 0l\1EN, and the influence ella Inaternita e of Catholicisln \vas strong (Barbas 199R). Education in 'lo\Te for God, the terior Ministrv in h0111eland and the fal11ihT' \vas the first 1110ttO of the MPF's statutes: its ain1 lnotherhood and \vas to train 'Christian Portuguese \V0I11en'. As its 1110St senior leader \vas to d fornled part of declare in 19-11, 1110ral education \vas Ill0st i111portant and, in this, ' ... the _~razia 1992). To ele\'ation of hOlne life, lO\Te for the fa111ily and the acceptance of the duties it JNMI celebrated ilnposes ... '. Only after that calne the body: the MPF's regulations banned 'all larger assistance sports ... hannful to the fel11ale's n~lturalIllission ... ' or 'v\'hich offend \\'Olnen's \lded bv men. Of decency' (Mocid17dc Portlfglf(,~17 FClllillill17: or,~{711i:17(t7o (' (71'tillid171ic~, n.d.: 6-7). l)ast political and No Inatter \'\'hat typology one adopts for the analysis of fascist youth

r b°Te\,\' to be very_ organizations, the MPF \\'ill ahvays be closer to those in \\'hich the presence of Catholicisln and the traditionalist fa111ily rnystique \\T~lS strong: like its rporated a small counterparts in Franco's Spain, for exaIllple (Gallego 1983; L6pez 1990). 11entel 2000). Its Nationalistic education, \\'hich \vas e\Tidently 1110re iInportant in the 111ale Ion's social elite. sector, \'\'as here ahnost totally replaced by the cult of the Portuguese 111edie\'al \'ould 'stilnulate queens like Queen Leonor, the founder of charitable organizations, and by the 1 benveen fa111ily \'\'orship of the Virgin Mary. 'Hol11e econoInics', principles of hygiene, nursing ~oals: 'to guide and 'the science of Inothers, the 1110St useful of all sciences for the fa111ily and ing in theln the the h0I11eland', \'\'ere funda111ental to their training. For those 111elnbers \\'ho nily upbringing' \vere in contact \vith the Inale organization, the prop~lgandi.l pa111phlcts did not , of h0111e as an leave any doubt that, \\'hile born of 'the saIne great patriotic thought,' and [' the Mocidade '\vhile the boys' youth 1110\'eIllent uses its political and social education to 'the nationalist prepare active coll~lborators for our statesInen; the girls' 1110\TeInent prepares theln for \vork at hcnne \\'ithin the fal11ily, \\Thich their 10\'t\ \vork and Christian .KI initiallv been spirit \\'ill turn into the solid basis of thL~ Ne\\' State' (Mo(l'd17dc Portlfglfc:;17 ~ tance, \vhere ~ FClllillill17: org1711i:17({70 C 17(tillid17dc~, n.d.: bO-bl). , and providing Although its 1110st il11port~lnt acti\Tities \\'ere liInited to seCOndi.lry schools, _'ntion on rural \vhich in 19-10 \vert~ attended by 1-l,600 girls I.lnd 21,ROO boys, the hypothesis ,1nd dOlnestic that the MPF \\'as intended principally to control girls froln the urb,ln Iniddle 'poratist society classes on the grounds that they \vere Inore susceptible to dissident influence, , Nevertheless, seelns sound (Jvloreira 199-l: 22-l). Ho\ve\Ter, \vith the ilnportant gro\vth in the \' Inuch beyond nlunber of second~lry-school pupils - especially girls - dating fro111 the 1950s, 1,1rge cities, but the MPF \vas probably i.lnd 'par~ldoxically Inuch Inore progressi\'e (as the 19 courses in Catholic youth often \vas) than the rest of i.l bi.lck\\'ard-looking society' (Belo 1987: 269). Most girls attending secondary school prior to the 1960s \vent to \J's Inain goals, pri\'ate schools: schools in \vhich the Church played a central role.

Inio Costa Pinto \\101nen under Satlzar's Dictatorship 137 S See its founder's tes­ SOlne of the \\'Olnen \\'ho stood out on the Corporatist Council or in the vvi thin the 1nO\ tin1ony, in Jose Freire the part of 1no Antunes (ed.) (lqqS), uni\'ersities during the regilne's final years had held positions in the MPF, emerge (Rezol, /\ ,(~ l/C/T'l tic Africil, although they retained their parallel Catholic Inilitancy. Portugal's first -('of.!: 1961, Lisbon, v\'Olnan prin1e 111inister, Maria de Lurdes Pintasilgo, \\'as one such. In the field pp. 421-34. According The National WOlnen's rY10\'elnent (!\,10\'ilnento Nacional Felninino ­ the liberal Repl to Cecilia Supico MNF) ,",'as the last vVOlnen's organization created under Salazar. Launched in at a remarkabl Pinto, the rv1NF had League (Liga d united 28,000 \V0111en 1961, its objecti\'e \\'as to support Portuguese soldiers fighting in the colonial in Portugal and v\'ar \\'hich ,",'as then starting in Angola, and \\,hich \\'ould quickly spread to soci0-professic Africa. Mozan1bique and Guinea-Bissau (Santo 2003). The I\1NF \\'as founded by those vvho hel Cecilia Supico Pinto, the \\'ife of one of Salazar's Ininisters.; Its initial (JuYentude C Inanifesto, v\'hich \\'as signed by 25 \,\'Olnen, described the !\1NF as an organizations industri~ association created to unite all Portuguese \\'0111en \\'ho \\'ere interested in and gi\'ing 'Inoral and Inaterial support to those \\'ho are fighting for the integrity organizations, of our hOlneland's heritage'. de\'eloped it~ This organization, \\'hich \\'as sponsored by the rY1inistry of the Interior assistance dUI and Overseas, as \\'ell as by businesslnen \\'ith interests in the colonies, The nlllnl represented an attelnpt at thl~ political 1110bilization of \\'Olnen for the Salazarist per regi111e's last battle on the African front. SOlne of its prolnoters \\'orked \vith v\'hich at that Catholic charities, and its initial net\\'ork \\'as based on that of the \licentinas of fe111ale 1n l (the Order of St. Vincent). The tvlNF organized e\'ents throughout Inainland youth sector, Portugal to sho\\' solidarity and raise funds, <.1rranged \'isits to the African 77.5 per cent fronts (especially at ChristInas), and organized the '\\'ar goclInothers'. The The nort regi111e's 111edia, particularly the State tele\'ision broadcaster, gave the rY1NF's v\'0I11en's n1( acti\'ities a great deal of cover<.1ge throughout the 1960s. Shortly after the fall 1110st religiol of the dictatorship, Portugal's Inilitary involvelnent in its fonner colonies Alente10 \\,it] ended, and the rY1NF \\'as abolished. organizatio1l possessed (

FC111alc Catholic orgaJli=atioJls especially v\' Although the 'Catholicization' of institutions \\·<.1S an ilnportant aspect of Catholic Ci Salazarisl11, the Church feared the totalitarian tendencies of S0111e St<'1te organizatiol No rese, organizations - particularly thost~ that \\'ere inspired by fascis111 - <.1nd the possible 'forced integration' of its youth organizations into thost~ created by v\'0111en's or the State (Cruz 1992). These fears proved to be unfounded, and ne\'er beca111l~ at least unt a reality: r<.1ther, to the contrar~', froln the early-1930s the regi1ne 'grantl~d' the organizatio Church an i1nportant role in shaping the sYlnbolic and ideological fr<.1n1e\\'ork latter (Mor' of large sectors of society - thosl~ closest to traditional rural sociL~ty in S0111e felna particular, and provided it \\'ith <.1 social space for its o\\'n organiz<.1tions. This co activities v\ \Vhen Salazar institutionalizl~d the Ne\\' State he ;)lso abolished the Catholic 1nerelva c, Centre Party so as to integr<.1tl' it into thl~ single party. He then gavt~ the Church the task of 're-Christianizing' the country after dec<.1des of republican good exal1 and liberal secularization. Social Sen Portuguese Catholic Action (Ac~<.10 C<.1t6lic<.1 Portugues<.1 - i-'\CP) \\'as e1nbodied created by the Episcopate in 1933. For <.1 long tilHe, this \\'as to be the particularl Church's guarantee of collaboration \\'ith Salazaris111 and its institutions ­ Helreich 1 1nainly the corporatist ones - froln <.1 position of relati\'e auton0111y (Ferreir<.1 the hieran 1987; Fontes 199-1). Relying strictly upon their hierarchy, and \\'ith links to S0111e gO\'ern111ent organizations, these Catholic institutions fanned a n,e sur-vi po\\'erful instrlunent of conservative socialization, although there \\'ere SOlne Althougll publicati( sporadic dissident elelnents after 19-15. The po\\'erful presence of the clt~rgy

138 A.nnl' C(n'<.1 <.1nd Antonio CoSt<.1 Pinto W0111en II b \ Vhich in 1l)-10 took Council or in the within the 1110vel11ent's nucleus helped pre\Tent tensions \\'ith the regi111e on care ot the education itions in the MPF, the part of more 'social' sectors, although SOI11e tensions did, nevertheless, ot 56 per cent ot all ,"" Portugal's first emerge (Rezola 1999). students i.1 t secondarT ! such. In the field of \!V0l11en's organizations, the ACr inherited experiences trcn11 schools, 60 per cent of ional Felninino ­ the liberal Republic, but its organizational structure dated froln 193-1-, and gre\\T \\'1101n \\'ere ternale (NL1\TO l l 1992: -162). llzar. Launched in at a relnarkable rate until the end of the 1950s. The \Vo111en's Catholic Action ing in the colonial League (Liga de Ac\ao Cat6lica Felninina - ACF), \\'hich \\Tas sub-di\Tided into '7 t\laria Luisa Van quickly spread to socio-professional sectors, organized l11arried \\'OI1len o\'er the age of 25 and Zeller, assistant C01n­ 1nissioner ot the lvlPF, \\'as founded bv those \yho held university degrees. The Fenlale Catholic Youth Organization \\Tas leader ot the 5 isters. Its initial (Juventude Cat6lica Felninina - JFC), \\'c.1S also di\Tided into specific JU\Tentude Cat6liGl the MNF as an organizations for university and secondary-school students, as \\'ell as rural Ferniniru and b ter of '"ere interested in and industrial \vorkers. As \vell as these, there \\'ere other Catholic the LICF. tvlari~1 Joana g for the integrity organizations, such as the Noelist Union (Uniao Noelista), \\'hich considerably J\lendes Leal, editor of the tvlPF's ne\\'Spl1­ developed its acti\Tities in teaching the catcchis111 and pnn'ided social per, lv'kllillil t' A10(0, n: of the Interior assistance during the 19-10s and 1950s. l11so Gune fr01n in the colonies, The nlunber of \\'Ol11en in the ACr \\'as very high throughout the long Cl1tholic Action. \\'Olnen for the Salazarist period. In 1960,76 per cent ot the 111e111bers of all ACP organizations, ters \vorked \vith 'Nhich at that tilne had a total of 95,000 111el11bers, \\Tere \\TOI11en. The high level of the Vicentinas of fel1lale lnelnbership \vas particularly e\Tident \\Tithin the organization's LlghOllt Inainland youth sector, \vhich ah\'ays had 1110re felnale than 111ale nlenlbers: representing ts to the African 77.5 per cent of the total (Rezola 1992: 233--1-1). ndmothers'. The The north and centre of Portugal \vere the areas \\'here the Catholic ga\Te the MNF's \v()}1len's lnovelnent \vas 1110st strongly represented: these ~lreas being the T rth after the fall lnost religious in Portugal. In the south of the country, in regions such as the fanner colonies Alentejo \!vith its 111tlflllldin syste111 of land o\vnership, 111enlbership of Catholic organizations \\'as l1linil11al. The autono1110US Catholic ~lpP,lrlltus probably possessed an inlplantation net\vork that 'challenged' the official one, especially \\'hen it ca111e to young people, because other girls' nl0\Tel11ents, the )rtant aspect of Catholic Girl Scouts, for exanlple, had al\\',lYS coexisted \\Tith the official of S0111e State organizations, and \vere pllrticularly strong in pri\T,lte schools.() ;cislT) - and the No research has vet been carried out into the activities of these Clltholic hose created by \!V0111en'S organizations. In the ideologic,l1 and educational field, the JFC press, d ne\"er becalne at least until 19-15, did not sho\\' any 111ajor differences \\'ith the official St,lte [le'granted' the organization, \\'ith the fonner insisting 1110re on Christian 1110rality than the ;ical fra111C\\'ork latter (Moreira 199-1-: 225). On the other h,lnd, it should not be forgotten that ural sociehT in S0111e felnale Catholic leaders \vere also lellders of lJI'v1EN and I'v1PF.:­ organizations. This cOI1lplel11entary relationship that e:\isted beh\'een State and Church ?d the C<.ltholic actiyities \\Tas particularly e\'ident beh\'een the 1930s and 1950s, and \\'~IS not then gave tl~ 111erely a coincidence of nal11es. The area of 'fllnuly and assistance' provides a Sof republican good exalnple \"hereby 0f'\1EN, ~1PF, ACP, and other orgllnizations, like the Social Service Institute, that \\'ere inspired either by thL\ State or the Church, - ACP) \\'as elnbodied an ideological cOl1llnihnent that is less apparent in other dictatorships, \'as to be the particularly Italian Fascis111 and Ger111l1n National Socil1lisnl (Poll~lrd 1985; institutions ­ Helreich 1980). It vvas only fronl the 1950s, l1nd llh\'ays in nunor de\'iations fron1 :olny (Ferreira the hierarchy, that tensions arose - 111l1inly in the luu\Tersity SL\ctor. \\Tith links to ns fornled II Tlte survival of refor1llist f£'111il1isl11 )re \\'ere S0111e Although its acti\Tities \\Tere se\'crely linlited - practically reduced to the of the cleruv b~ publication of its bulletin - the National Council of Portuguese \V0111en \\'llS

io Cost,) Pinto \VC)Jl1en under Salazar's Dictatorship 139 8 The gO\'enmlent jus­ not outla\ved by the Ne\y State foll<.nying the creation ot Its 0\\'1"1 official reading, \vritin: tified the closure of coordinated thE the CNMP by saying organization. The CNMP sur\'i\"ed until after the Second vVorld War, being that its objecti\'e \\'as abolished on 28 June 19.J.7.'~ In addition to the CNfv1P, the regilne alkn\'ed the Inelnbers, inclu 'co111pletely \'ague', creation of another organization: the Portuguese WOlnens' Association for decisive influel and that State organi­ Peace (Associa\ao Fe111inina Portugues<.1 para a Paz - AFPP), \\'hich \\'as visible during zations existed, founded in 1936 and dissoh'ed in 1952. ho\ve\'er. Its cle OMEN and the veal'S of the Co] Instituto de The CNMP had an inconspicuous life during the 1930s, during \\'hich hlne Assistencia aFalnilia it published its ne\\'spaper, Inaintained a sl11all net\\'ork of follo\\'ers (200 in closure. The re in particular, \dlich 1933, a figure that corresponds to the nUl11ber of subscribers to its ne\\'spaper, ho\\'e\'er, \vas had as their objecti\'e A/nUl FClJliJlint7), and Inanaged to participate in the last international congress characterized b the protection of before the outbreak of the Second World \Var.l! r\delaide Cabete left in 1930, stronger oppos 1110thers and the ne\\' intern<: children'. The CNJ\1P and \vas replaced by young professionals, including \\Titers and journalists 'colnpeted' \\'ith State like Maria La111as and Elin<'1 Guilnaraes. the regilne's h organizations, and The CNMP's strategy during the first years of the l11ilitary dictatorship elections'as fn could function on1\" if and Ne\\' State consisted of petitions and protests addressed to the Association fa its statutes \\'ere governl11ent and National Assel11bly. S0111e of these protests \\'ere against the opposition's Gl appro\'ed, \\'hich it. Iv1aria Lan never happened. abolition of co-education in pril11ary schools; the restriction of the right to \'ote; or opposition to the 1933 Constitution's <.1ssertion of sex differences as a arrested sever, 9 Realized in The structlf Edinburgh, Scotland fact of 'nature'. after the 1930s in 1939. With little r00111 to 111anOeU\Te, the CNtv1P did not antagonize the official \\'0I11en's organizations, and described the entry of the first Salazarist \\'Olnen First Republic I 10 In 1934, the deputies conspiracies at \\'ere described as deputies into Parlial11ent as 'a notable step in the l11arch of \\,OI11en's three 'real felninists' de111ands'.1() It also supported SOlne of the proposals Inade by these deputies in of 1ethargy, ' in /\/Il/il FClllillillil, 9­ the National Asselnbly, such as the prohibition of child prostitution that \\'as COlnlnunist P<.l 10, introduced by the l\1PF's leader, rY1aria Luisa Van Ze11er. 11 the regime. Du Septenlber-October By the end of the 1930s, CNMP acti\'ity had been ah110st reduced to the resistance, an, 193-1. irregular publication of its bulletin. Ne\"ertheless, the Council experienced a Se\'eral youn: 11 The creation of re\'i\'al in 19..J..J., and significantly expanded its org<'1niz<'1tion. J\1aria Lal11as \\'as supported the Oiv1EN and the iv1PF elected president in 19.J.5, and a group of young anti-Salazarist uni\'ersity Inelnber of thE \\'as applauded in Although /~/lllil FClllillillil, 11, students joined the association. International contacts \yere taken up again and ivlarch 19-1-1. socio-professional nuclei \\'ere created to expand the association's social basis. These \\TOlnen The 200 associates of the 1930s gre\\' to 2,000 in 19.J..J., \\'ith delegations opening and protests c in several provincial districts. After an international exhibition of 'books Bet\veen 193: \\Titten by \\,olnen', that \yas organized <.1t the National Society of Fine Arts in reasons. Theil January 19.J.7, the dictatorship fin<'111y abolished it. The Catholic and 1-J. beh\'een 1 ~ol7rc gO\'ernl11ent press both dL~nounced the CNJ\;lP's dissident character in a \\'ave Ncgn7 (1 j of articles that accused it of being '<.1 disguiSL~d instru111ent of con1111unist Althougb propaganda' (NO(lidt7d('~, 26 January 19.J.7: 1). J\,1aria Lal11as and other 111e111bers political pro: had, in the 111eantil11e, enrolled in the youth section of the rYlo\"il11ento de until the en( Unidade Delnocratica (Denlocr<.1tic Unity I\10\"l~n1ent - l'vlUD), an anti­ the Den10CJ dictatorship electoral front. iv1 ulheres ­ The Portuguese WOl11en's Associ<.ltion for Peace \\'<.lS born <'1t <.1 til11e of hnlnediateh radicalization \\'ithin the regil11e: <.1 radicalization th<.1t \\'as c<.1used by the book \"rittel Popular Front's \'ictor}' in Spain. It seen1S str<'1nge that this association, 1110rality, it ' \\'hich \\'as created by a group of \Y0111en \\'ho did not support Salazaris111, (Ban-eno, H \\'as allo\yed to exist, e\"en although its prograll1111e of acti\'ities \yere rY1arias', it 1 l11oderate. According to SOlne sources, it ne\'er had l110re than 600 111en1bers dluing the (Lan1as 1995: 123). Its objecti\"e \\'as \\'Oll1en's dignity and their process of , participation in the struggle for pe<.1ce. They organized courses teaching (OUp of 25 1

1-10 A.nne Cc)\"a and Ant6nio Costa Pinto \V0111en undl its 01Nn official reading, v\Titing and needle\'\'ork. During the Second \Vorld War, they I-orld War, being coordinated the ship111ent of food to refugees. SOHle of the 1110\'ell1ent's ;ilne allovved the lnelnbers, including I\1aria Lalnas, \\'ere also lnernbers of the CNMP. The Association for decisive influence of Inilitant COll1111unists \\'as beco111ing increasingly PP), vvhich vvas visible during the organization's final phase bet\\'een 1945 and 1952, hovvever. Its close relationship vvith the peace 1110yel11ent during the first lring \vhich tilne years of the Cold War ser\Ted as the pretext for the gOyernlnent to order its l)llovvers (200 in closure. The real reason for the dissolution of both these organizations, () its ne\vspaper, ho\'\'ever, \'\'as the ne\\T political situ~ltion after the \\Tar, vvhich \vas t1 tional congress characterized by the defeat of fascis111 in Europe and by the el11ergence of a "lete left in 1930, stronger opposition, both legal and illegal, to the Ne\\T State. Deluded by and iournalists the ne\,\' international situation in 1945, part of the opposition believed that the regilne's fall \NaS iln111inent. Salazar announced that there \\Tould be try dictatorship elections'as free as in free Britain'. SOI11e \\'0111en frol11 the CN:lvlP and the dressed to the Association for Peace appeared in public to support the de1110cratic \"ere against the opposition's candidates, and v\'ould later suffer frorn repression because of

I of the right to it. :lvlaria La111as participated in the de1110cratic opposition, and \vas differences as a arrested se\Teral til11es (Fiadeiro 2003). The structure of the underground opposition to Salaz<.1r changed lnarkedly nize the official after the 1930s. The old anarcho-syndicalisln that \\'as dOl11inant during the Iazarist vV0111en First Republic disappeared as a political force. After the defeat of the Inilitary h of \V01nen's conspiracies at the end of the 1920s, the republican 1110\'e111ent fell into a state lese deputies in of lethargy, and the S111all Partido Con1unista Portugues (Portuguese tution that \vas COlnl11unist Party - PCP) becalne the lnain force of underground resistance to the regin1e. During the 1940s, the PCP \vas already the lnain force of organized reduced to the resistance, and had large nU111bers of student and intellectual follo\\'ers. experienced a Se\'eral young \\,0111en, vvorking \vith the h\'o \\'OnH:)n'S organizations, Iria Lalnas vvas supported the COlnlnunist Party: one of these \\'as Alda Nogueira, \\'ho \\Tas a rist university Inelnber of the Party's Central Con1Hlittee. l1 up again and Although sl11a11 at first, the nUll1ber of fen1ale political prisoners gre\\'. l'S social basis. These vVOlnen \'\'ere associated \\Tith the rcp and thL' den10nstrations, strikes .1tions opening and protests oyer \\Thich the COlnn1unist Party e:\:erted considerable intluence. ion of 'books Bet\,\Teen 1932 and 1945, o\'er -lOO \V0111en \\'ere in1prisoned for politiG1l of Fine Arts in reasons. Their nlunbers only began to be significant ~lfter 1935: gro\\'ing frc)}D

Catholic and 14 behveen 1932 and 1935 to 20-l bet\\'een 1935 and 1939 (Collli~st7o do Lil 1 }'o cter in a \vave Ncgro solne (J Regilllc Fnscistn, 1981-82). )f cOlnlnunist Although the '\\'Olnan question' hl.1d ah\'ays been included in tht' ther Inembers political progra1111nes of both the legal llnd the underground opposition, Iovi1nento de-­ until the end of the 1960s its i111portance \\T l1S ah\Tays secondary. In 1969, rD), an anti- the Delnocratic vVol11en's :lvl0\'e111ent (1\,lo\'ilnento Den10cr~l.tico de Mulheres - MDfv1), \vhich \\'as associated \\'ith the PCP, appeared. at a tilne of Illunediately follo\\'ing the publication of N('i(' [Jortll,r.:II(}~(} I(}tt(}r,~ in 1972 - II lused bv the book \vritten by three \\'Olnen \\'ho criticized 111arril1ge and the d0111inant association, 1norality, it \\Tas banned; inspiring a 1110\'el11ent of internl1tional solidarity t Salazaris111, (Barrcno, Horta and Costa 1975). Kno\\'n as the period of the 'Three :i\'ities \vere Marias', it 111arked the beginning of the rebirth of Portuguese fe111inis111 ,00 111el11 bers during the 1970s: the de\'eloplnent of \\'hich \\'as an indication of tht' and their process of de1110cratic transition that had been initiated by the 111ilitary ses teaching coup of 25 April 1974.

) Costa Pinto \N0111en under Sl.11azar's Dictatorship 141 , Catholicism and women Second \Norld War European fascisll1 \NaS characterized by the contradiction of both Inobilizing ilnage of its associa \\'omen and trying to keep the111 at hOlne. The Italian case is particularly Another ilnpol enlightening in this respect (Grazia 1992; \Vilson 19(6). After its initial Portuguese case, i heterodoxy, and once it had assu111ed po\ver, Italian Fascisln returned to a \VOlnen's Catholic conservati\'e discourse that lilnited \\'0111en's political rights and even forbad alternative and a theln froll1 entering certain professions (Inainly in secondary schools) that Fascist State. The ( were already strongly felninized. This did not happen in Portugal. On the 'the protection of t other hand, the'de1110graphic battle', and the Inore totalitarian \\'a\'e of the Catholic vVOlnen 1 1930s, ilnposed female Inobilization and led to efforts designed to subordinate organizations. Ho' the 'falnily' to the State (Ostenc 1983: 17-l). \\'hile attacks on, a bnlnediately prior to the outbreak of the Second World War, Italian \vere gro\ving, the Fascisln had Inany \\'0111en's org<.1nizations - in addition to ONl'v11 - \vhich 120--12).12 \\'ere either run by the Party, or by the State or corporatist apparatus. In 1939, At the beginn about 3,180,000 Italian \\'0I11en - 25 per cent - of all \\'Olnen over the age of 21 Catholic Action - \\'ere Inelnbers of Fascist organizations through the youth 1110ve111ents that counterparts (Gil \vere Inade cOlnpulsory for all students at State schools (Grazia 1992: 265). Fe1111ninili in 19: Obser\'ing the \'arious types of organizations, and social influence of the 1110St organizations sha ilnportant ones, the difference froln the Portuguese case is ob\'ious. that the Fascist The first organization that \\'as directly linked to the Fascist Party, \\'as the tensions began Fasci Felnlninili, \vhich \\'as targeted prilnl1rily to\\'ards Iniddle-class \\'0I11en. calnpaigns for th When it \vas founded in 1920, it Inet \\'ith distrust and e\'en hostility fro111 the the totalitarian vv regilne's hierarchy. Follo\ving a tense period, it \\'as reorganized at the end of Second World W. the 1920s, beco111ing a Inass \'olunt~1ry organizl1tion (Grazia 1992: 2-l7): It had Party organizatic 750,000 Inell1bers by 1939. The rvt1ssaie Rurali, \\'hich \\'as founded in 1933, the abolition of s \\'l1S directed to\\'ards rural house\\'i\'es and f~1nn \\'orkers. It \vas led at first b\' 111any of \vhich, the rural Fascist unions, before its Inanagelnent passed into the hands of the lethargic - desp Fasci Felnlninili in 193-l. rv1<.1ssaie Rurali \\'l1S <.11so ~1 \'oluntary organization, and \\,hile Catholic A had 1,-l80,000 fe111ale Inelnbers in 1939. SOLD (Sezione Operaie e La\'oranti a these groups vVE DOlnicilio), \vhich \\'as crel1ted in 1938, included \\'Olnen factory \\'orkers and ilnposition of se' the \vives of Inale factory \\'orkers. It had 500,000 Inelnbers in 1939, and kept In the case 0 gro\ving, particularly once \\,0111('n h~1d entered the \\'artilne econolny. The onlv Inaintained Picole Italiane (for girls bet\\'een the ages of Sand 12), and the Gio\'ani ItaIiane also part of the (for girls bet\veen the ages of 13 ~1nd 18), \\'ere first placed under the Fasci official organiza Fel111ninili's control; ho\\'e\'er, both org~1niz<.1tions \\'ere transferred to the ehtist, and, like t Ministry of Education fro111 1929 until 1937, \\'hen they \\'ere re-absorbed into to the Church, \, the Partv. Salazaris111 shared one fundalnental principle \\'ith the other dictatorships: References the ideology of 'WOlnen for the HOlne' (for France see Bordeaux 2002). This Anders, Victoric.1 \\'as not particular to fascisl11, ho\\'e\'er, for it \\'as accolnpanied by 1110re Spi7JJi::;!1 t(l(lllll conser\'ati\'e elelnents in the political sphere: especially by the Catholic U ni\'ersit\' 0 Church, \\'hich pro\'ided Salaz~1risl11 S0111e of its basic prel11ises. Since the Antunes, Jose F Portuguese Ne\\' State did not experience the sa111e totalitarian tensions as Circulo de L Gennan National Socialis111 or Italian Fascisln, Salazaris111 did not attelnpt to Barata, Oscar S< Inobilize \\,0111en, and therefore had no need for the salne extent of ISCPS. organization (Pinto 2000). The repression of Inoderatt~ felninist organizations Barbas, tv1anuel in Portugal \\'as not linked to the creation of official 1110\'elnents in the 1930s; tvlA DisserL rather, it \\'as part of the repressi\'c aftennath to legal resistance follo\\'ing the Baptista, Virgin r (] rt JJ ,(; 111: rq

142 AJ1ne Co\'a c.1nd Ant6nio Costa Pinto \Volnen under ~ I

I

I

I

I

I

I I 12 I According to John F. Ne\\T I Second VVorld War, a tin1e vvhel1 the State \\'as trying to get rid of an\' Pollard, ,[Pius XI] If both 1nobilizing ilnage of its association \\Tith the',1ge of fascisl11'. then disco,"ered that Ise is particularly Another i1nportant c0111parative din1ension, one that is central in the f,1scis111 \\Ti.1S not such I After its initial Portuguese case, is the significance of the Catholic organizations. In Italy, ,1 penneable conselT­ Ism returned to a \V01nen's Catholic organizations si111ultaneously fonned a collaborating ,1ti,'e po\\'er, [that] he, the bscist clerg~' and Iand even forbad alternative and a focus of resistance to the totalitarian te1nptations of the I e,'en the liberal sup­ lary schools) that Fascist State. The Church supported 111any of the 111easures designed to ensure porters of the regiI11e Irortugal. On the 'the protection of the fa111ily' and the discourse that \vent \\Tith then1. f\1ilitant thought it \\Tas', frian vvave of the Catholic \V01nen helped to i1nple111ent these 111easures fro111 \vithin official (Pollard 1985: 191-92).

kd to subordinate organizations. Ho\ve\Ter, tensions beca1ne 1nore pronounced froIn the 1920s, 1~ The N,1tion,1l Council I I \vhile attacks on, and the li111itations of Catholic Action's autono1110US acti\Tity of It1lian \Volnen \\Tas I ,lw1d War, Italian \vere gro\ving, thereby iInposing ne\\' and unstable cOlnpro111ises (Koon 19H5: <1bolished in 1l)38. I~ ONMI - vvhich 120--12),12 ~paratus. In 1939, At the beginning of the 1920s, the \\'0111('n's organizations of the Italian hTer the age of 21 Catholic Action had 111uch larger Inen1berships than their fascist IInove1nents that counterparts (Giorgio and Cori 1(80). \Vhen Iv1ussolini 111et the Fasci ~razia 1992: 265). FelTI1ninili in 1927, he ad\Tised the111 to 'control the sacristy': but both I Ilt~nce of the 1nost organizations shared i.1 large C01111110n nucleus. It \\Tas only in the Inid-1930s, I \-ious. that the Fascist organizations began to outstrip the Catholic ones, and ist Party, vvas the tensions began to be expressed n10re openly (Grazia 1992: 2-1-3), The :lle-class vV01nen. call1paigns for the 1110bilization of \\'OInen during the Abyssinian War and lostilitv from the the totalitarian vvave of the 1930s - \\Thile Italy prepared to participate in the ~ed at the end of Second VVorld War - \vere reflected in the reinforcc1nent of the Inonopoly of 992: 2-17): It had Party organizations, as \\Tell as by a ne\\T \\'a\'e of repression that resulted in ~)unded in 1933, the abolition of se\Teral civil society organizations. S0111e of the associations, 'as led at first bv 1nany of \\·hich, like the National Council of Italian \Vo111en, had beco111e "he hands of the lethargic - despite their collaboration \vith thl' regin1e - \vere dissol\'ed, I'ganization, and \\Thile Catholic Action's organizations C,l1ne under attack once 1110re. S0111e of ie e Lavoranti a these groups \\!ere obliged to close, \\Thile others \\'ere forced to accept the rv \vorkers and i111position of se\Tere lin1itations on their organizi.1tions./ i 1939, and kept In the case of Salazar's Ne\\T State, it see111S clel1r that Catholic Action not

I econ01nv. The only 1naintained and de\Teloped its autono1110US associations, but that it \\'as ~iovani Italiane also part of the fe1nale Catholic elite that fonned the funda111ental nuclei of Inder the Fasci official organizations. Like 0I\1EN, these organizations re1nained slnall and lsferred to the elitist, and, like the I\1PF, they \\'erl' Catholicized, expressing their c0111Initn1ent ~-absorbed into to the Church, \\'hich \\'as reinforced by the Concordat of 1q.J.O. r dictatorships: References lUX 2002). Th~· Anders, Vi ctori,1 L() ree ,1 nd Rl1 dc1iff, r ,11n e1.1 Beth (l'ds.) (Il) l) l) ), C()11 ~ tI"ll (/ ill ,I;

nied bv 1nore ::'pl1l1i:::.11 (('UlJllll1ll()(lL!: te'IJln/t' Id('lItitl/ ill JlI(J(j('1"1I ~J)ilill, Ne\\' Y

ses. Since the Antunes, Jose Freire (ed.) (1 l)l)5), .\ ,t.:lIl'l"}"i/ (f(' . \trllll. 1L)(l 1 ~..j., =: '"l)ls., Lisbon: 1n tensions as Circulo de Leitores.

.10t attelnpt to Barata, Oscar Soares (1l)S5), Nllf'llidildl' (' J)ullti(il ~()(iI11 ('Ill PUl"fll,l;I1I, Lisbon: ne extent of ISCPS. organizati ons Barbas, !vL1nueL1 de SOUS,1 (1Q98), ,\1u(ilfl1d(' P[)l"f/l(~JI(,~11 FI'llliJlilll1 (jq)~-jq..j.~), ; in the 1930s; !viA Dissertation, Lisbon: ISCTE.

follo\\'ing the Baptista, Virgini,1 do Rostlrio (1qqq), .b Ill/I fill' I"l'~ II() III ('I"t i/ifu (f c f 1"11 hI! II() ('1/1

P(lrtllgi1f: J"L'PJ"L':::'Clltil(()(,~ C iJJlutidiI1Jl()~ (18L){) jl)..j.()), Lisbl)n: COlnisSt'lo pl1L1 ,1

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Ellropc: llilli'fccllfl, ill/,i fl('i'lltidll (i'llfllrii'~, Lisbon: Celta. fenllninile II Bock, Gisela (2001), t''VilfI/CIl ill Ellropi'llll Ili~filn/, Oxford: B1ack\\'e11. Republica S Bock, Gise1t1 (1 eJeJ-1), 'Nazi gender policies t1nd \\'Olnen's history', in G. Duby Gallego, Maria

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1711£1 tlli' I'i~i' ilt tlii' EIII'O!'{'IIII(('i'lt17l'i' ~f17t{'.~, L'-,\~()..;- Jl)'){}~, London: Rout1edge. COlltCII/PUt/li Bordeaux, rv1iche1e (2002), Lil ('id{lin' ,f(' 117 l17/l/ill{' ifilll...; 117 FI'17Il({' ti{;t17ifc: Vidll/, Goriao, Vanda J If..J-{}--7 ~)..J-..J- , Paris: Ftlll1111t1rion. iil7~ MlIlliel'l' Ci.1SCaO, Rui (1986), 'Fall1ilia e di\"l1rcio nt1 Prilneirt1 Repllb1ica', in :1 Il/lll1li'r 1117 para os Oil'

~(l( i('d17di' /'0 J'f IIX 1I,'~17: (' i~ll{ 1 /1 i ~t{i r i(17 i' I'l' I'~ /'('(/ i"l'II~ 17 d 1117 i~, C Oill1 bra: Institu to Grand, A1exan, de Hist6ria Econ6111ica e SOCit11, pp. 153-6C). lOll rI/ill, 1q I

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(' 11/0(lil//('llt{)~ lit' IIlIIIIIl'n'~ ,'1/1 Pl lrtll,l.!,171 ";{l/J () I"t',l.!,ill/{' lll~(i~t17 (Jlf~h~j9:..J-), CA: Uni\'er

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'~ fl'lJllll('~, /\ Illlf/!U'l' 1117 ~(I(i('dild(' p(JI'tI!.(~I/('.

Coilnbra: Institutu de Histl)ri,1 ECUnl)lnic,1 e Sl)ci,11, pp. 3~5--ll). torno da A1(l(idlllte r(JI'fIl,t.:I!('~11 F('lllillillil: (lISillli='i7(L1(l (' Ildll'l,illt/('<, Lisbl)n: l\lPF. i-19S8)', in C) iv16nica, ivlaria Filolnena (1C}82), Fdlf(iI(i7(1 (' ::-:'(ll'i('dlld(' 1l(1 P(ldlfgi71 d(' ~IIIII=ilr,

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o(Idt' 11 ft', \'01. V: S I ,(~ 10 X X, (e d ited by F. Theb a u d rv1a d rid: Ta u r us, Ant6nio Cost. pp. 6S7-70S. NC1V State, Bc ~h~ ~1 ~1 ~1l ISBN 0-88033­ N 6 \' 0 a, Ant6 n i0 (1 C) 9 2), J A e d u c 0 n cion " in J0 e1 5erra0 and 1\. H. 0 li \. e ir a

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(ed ited b~' Fernando Rosas), Lisbon: PreSl'n\~1, pp. -155-51 q. This book is a

Often, Karen tv1. (2000), EII]"(lJ!('171l fl'IIIIIlI~/II:~ 1;()II-l ~),1(): iI J!()llfi(illll/~tol"I/, Nacioll17/ SilldiCl Stl1nford CA: Stanford U ni\'ersit\' Press. gllc,.,.a~, taken a

Ostenc, tvlichel (1 C)S3), 'L~1 conception de t1 fel1ll11e L1sciste d~1ns L'Italie 1992, and vvhic C)~ 1nussolinienne', Ri~()ISilll('llft), 3, pp. 17-l-88. title Cl7l11is,

Pi1nentel, Irene Flunser (2000), tli~ft)riil dil< (l/Sillll=-II((k~ k/lllllill17~ lI(l E~filli(l '1914-1945 (Lisl No"l.'o, Lisbon: Circulc) de Ll'itores. This study

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Stiltt', Ne,\' York NY: SSivl-Cl)lu111bil1 Uni\'ersit~· Press. Si 11d iCI7/isJ11o' ­

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C~llnbridge: C~llnbridge Uni\'ersit~' Press. Lusitl7/lo'), and

Re z 0 la, tv1 a r ia In j cia (1999), () ~ i Il d I I ill I ~ III 0 I il f ()II I (l Il (1 F ,< f il doN(1l'(). / q T/ ~~ I 9..J- S, d luing the Por Lisbon: Esta111pa. of National S,

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N(1[1 II II i ~ f ()l' iil d (' r (1,., 11 ,(~ ill. i 1( 1I. .\11.' PU rf 11 ,t.: II! (' (l r ~ f il duN(1( ,() (e d i ted b ~. the First Repul Fernl1l1l..io ROSllS), Lisbon: Presen\l1, pp. 222-55. The secon(

Rodrigues, JulieL1 AlI11eidl1 (1983), JClHltinuidl1de e 111Udl1n(l1 nos p~1peis dl1S in 1932 (the] l1ndheres urbl1nl1s portuguesl1s: l'111e rg0ncil1 de nO\'l1S estru tUL1S Lll11iliares', eXl:unines botl'

/\Ililli~(' So(iill, XIX, 77-78-79, pp. 90Q-38. third chapter

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Illltlll'l':il ('((ll/l)lIlilil t' ~u(iill (i() ~illil=-il}'i

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III /IllIt' l' 11 II ~ (1( iI'diI d (' p(11' f 1/ ,(; /I (' ~ 11: (' i

Instituto de Hist6rill Econ(Hnil'l1 l' SOCil1l, pp. -l27--l-l. The contl

Tl1\'areS, rvl~1nuelll (2000), A1()('illl('llf(l~ lit' IIII/III(,I'('~ ('Ill P(lrtll(;ill.' lfl;I'ldil~ li(';() (' SO, subject of tht Lisbon: Li\'ros Horizon tt'. fascist lTIo\'e

\\7i1son, Perr yR. (1 9 <.) 6 ), '\Vo 111 e n in fl1 Sl' is t It l1 h',' in Ri c 11 l1 rd Besse1 (e d . ), I'iI ~ ( i ~ f State's offic Itilll/ nlld Nn:i CI'I'IIIIIIlI/.' (()IIIJ)III'I«)Il~ illld l(lllfl'iI~f>, Cll1nbridge: Clllnbridge induding R< University Press, pp. 7S-C)3. before the 111

\ ViI s 0 11, Pen' ~. R. (1 9 <.) -1 ), F II I' d ()( k (( '( )I' k til d (1I'll.' d'(Jf 11 ('iI iI 11 dd'()r!\' i iI til ~ I i

1-16 Anne CO\'l1 and Antonio Costll Pinto PJSS 1 (2) 14: