APPENDIX

A BRIEF HisTORY oF PRESTER JoHN The history of the legend of Prester John1 is interconnected with the history of England's, and Europe's, fascination with Africa. To under• stand this fully, we must understand the immediate historical context into which the letters ofPrester John were introduced, and the ideo• logical work they performed. The Saracens began seriously to threaten the crusading Christian West in the 1130s under the general• ship of the Turk Imad ad-din Zengi. Zengi managed to secure most of Syria before laying siege to Edessa2 late in 1144. Edessa had been ruled by the family of the famous Crusader Baldwin of Lorraine since 1098, but on Christmas Eve ofl144 the Turks broke through the walls and took the city, slaughtering thousands. The fall ofEdessa was a trau• matic event for the Christian West, for "never before had the Saracens succeeded in ousting the Crusaders from a major city" (Silverberg 5). Then, sometime between 1144 and 1180, a mysterious letter appeared addressed to the Emperor Manuel Comnenus, sent by one Prester John. The letter had an immediate and profound impact on Europe. Prester John claimed to be a great king, ruler of the Three Indias and, more importantly, a Christian. In his letter Prester John tells of a great battle he has recently won against the Saracens, and then goes on to describe his kingdom. He chronicles the great wealth of the Indias, and promotes his realm as a Christian kingdom whose inhabitants live with no strife, in perfect fellowship. Even more impor• tantly, the letter offered the possibility of aid against the Saracens. As Bernard Hamilton puts it, "Prester John symbolized the hopes which western Christians in the twelfth century derived from the certain knowledge that there were in the lands beyond Islam Christian com• munities who might potentially be useful allies, and those hopes were focused on the region where allies were most needed, the lands to the east" ( 1996 238). Michael Uebel posits that

the Letter works both to compensate for what is lost, namely, the Holy Land and its treasures, and to safeguard what is already possessed. The 164 ~ APPENDIX

classical and medieval encyclopedia, genres to which we might compare the Letter in terms of ideological utility, compile facta as a response to the urgency of cultural disruptions ... [M]edieval encyclopedic narratives, like the Letter, taxonomize the world, provisionally sheltering it against ever-present threats of disorder and oblivion. (262 )3

Thus the letter ofPrester John performed three important functions: it gave the crusading Christians a ray of hope in their fight against the Saracens; it allowed a sort of order to be imposed upon the perceived chaos of the Saracens and their threats of destroying the Christian nations; and at the same time it drew its audience's imaginations to the lands just beyond the Holy Land in its descriptions of a vast and unimaginably wealthy Christian utopia. So important was the idea of Prester John to the Crusader imagination that the veracity of his let• ter was, for the most part, never doubted.4 Embassies from every European country tried to find him, scouring the lands just beyond the Saracens'. Even Pope Alexander II sent him a letter expressing a wish to form a close alliance. But by the later thirteenth century the quest for Prester John had become much less urgent. Hamilton notes that

in the late thirteenth century there seemed no need for Prester John any more. The Great Khans of the Mongols were not Christian, but they extended complete tolerance to Christians, while many of their leaders had Ncstorian wives or mothers ... There seemed a real possibility that parts of the Mongol empire might be converted to the Catholic faith, and, moreover, it was also possible for Western missionaries to travel freely from Mongol territory to the lands of southern Asia and to work there. In these circumstances, when Islam appeared weak, the West did not feel in need of reassurance and no attempt was made to revive a belief in Prester John. (1996 250)

In 1291, though, the last major Crusader outpost at Acre fell, followed in quick succession by several other crucial outposts. Then, in 1295, the new Khan embraced Islam, and all hopes tor a Christian-Mongol alliance faded. It was in this historical context that the search for Prester John revived. Now, though, a distinct shift came about in the location ofPrester John's lands. The Christian West had, by this time, ventured quite far into Saracen territory and beyond; Asia had been explored and made more familiar, and still there was no sign of the legendary Prester John. Perhaps naturally, then, the search turned south toward Mrica. This movement in the European imaginary ofPrcster John's lands from Asia to Mrica was aided by two important events. In 1306 an APPENDIX ~ 165 embassy of thirty Ethiopians, on their way home from negotiating an alliance with the king of Spain, were delayed in Genoa, during which time they were interviewed by the geographer Giovanni da Carignano, who compiled from their responses a treatise on the government and other social aspects ofEthiopia.5 Included in this treatise was a map, upon which he indicates that Prester John is the ruler of the Ethiopians, thus making him the first verifiable writer to locate Prester John in Africa and not in Asia although, as Charles Beckingham notes, "it has been alleged that a merchant who was among the informants ofJacques de Vitry had done so about a hundred years before" (1989 339).6 Giovanni da Carignano's map does not survive. The second event was the publication of the Mirabilia Descripta by the Dominican missionary Jordanus of Severac. Jordanus set out to sea some time around the year 1320 to join a foreign archdiocese, but was blown off course and spent several years in Mrica; the Mirabilia Descripta, writ• ten between 1330 and 1340, describes his travels through Asia and Africa; in this text he too claims that Prester John is in Mrica, and is in fact the emperor of the Ethiopians. Francese Relano has observed that "the most interesting thing to note is that the tone used by Friar Jordanus in his work is not the one generally employed to announce a sudden novelty. On the contrary, it seems as if he was just echoing a current opinion of his times" (54). At first, these scholars' location of Prester John in Mrica did not reflect the most common opinions of their time, but by the middle of the fourteenth century, as Relano demonstrates, "the above-mentioned isolated opinions soon became a generalized conviction through the work of contemporary cartogra• phers. Giovanni de Carignano might well be placed at the origin of the protracted process by which Prester John became an Mrican emperor in Ethiopia" (55). With the growth of these isolated opinions into what Relano calls a "generalized conviction," the search for Prester John was revived, and its focus shifted to Mrica, as attested to by the vast numbers of European voyages to the west coast of Mrica that quickly followed, led chiefly by the Portuguese. The earliest surviving map to ascribe Prester John's kingdom to Mrica is that of Angelino Dulcert in 1339, who it is theorized had access to Carignano's work.7 From this point on, Prester John is almost invariably located in Mrica. 8 Phillips notes that "the last actual European traveler to locate Prester John in Asia was Odoric ofPordenone in the 1320s, whose travel narrative was to be one of the sources used by the compiler of Mandeville" (144). After that, as Uebel notes, the "quest for Prester John in Mrica recurs constantly in the history of European exploration. Mter Dominicans 166 • APPENDIX are sent to Abyssinia in 1316 by Pope John XXII, stories return from that region about Prester John and his magnificent empire. A story of the king is told in 1391 to King John I of Aragon by a priest who had spent several years at his court" (271). The shift to Africa was not, though, only a geographical necessity brought about by the failure to locate Prester John in Asia. It was also an ideological and military necessity; as Hamilton describes it, "as the focus of Muslim power in the near east shifted from Iraq to Egypt, so too did the Priest King's [Prester John's] centre of power shift from Asia to Mrica" (1996 237).9 Relano has also ascribed this movement to "the political and commercial atmosphere" of the time, which, as a result ofbetter rela• tions with the Saracens, meant that merchants often traded along the Mrican coast. 10 Based on a consideration of these factors, then, it makes sense that Prester John's location shifted to Mrica. His existence there offered the possibilities of military aid, territorial conquest, and commercial success. In his original location in Asia he served as a potential ally against the Saracens. In Mrica he likewise represented a powerful and Christian ally in the region. It will be clear by now that the shifting ofPrester John's perceived location to Mrica, rather than Asia, coincides with the sudden flurry of production, in Middle English, of literature dealing with Mricans. Approximately fifteen years after Jordanus of Severac's Mirabilia was published, the earliest versions of The Book ofJohn Mandeville appear on the literary scene. Approximately thirty-five years later, John Trevisa begins work on his translation of the De Proprietatibus Rerum, at roughly the same time that the first English translations of the Three Kings of Cologne and the Secretum Secretorum begin to appear. The Sowdone of Babylone, written in the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century, is the first Middle English romance to place Mricans in a prominent and important role within its narrative at a time when, according to Uebel, the Prester John of Mrica had become "the fetish par excellence of medieval and early modern European imperialism" ( 2 72). Africa begins to occupy some of the ideological space that the Middle East and the lands immediately beyond it had almost solely lain claim to for the previous two-and-a-half centuries; as I suggested early in this book, with the increased Christian presence in the lands of the Saracens bringing ever more knowledge about those lands, which had been the focus of the Crusades for so long, Mrica became the new exotic other, a movement both foreshadowed, and perhaps enabled, by the shifting perceptions of the location of Prester John's kingdom. NoTEs

INTRODUCTION l. See Yvon Bobb-Smith, I Know Who I Am: A Caribbean Woman's Identity in Canada (Toronto: Women's Press, 2003); Avtar Brah and Annie E. Coombs, eds., Hybridity and its Discontents (London: Routledge, 2000); Norman Girvan, "Reinterpreting the Caribbean," in Brian Meeks and Folke Lindahl, eds., New Caribbean Thought: A Reader (Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 2001) 3-23; Liliana Goldin, Identities on the Move: Transnational Processes in North America and the Caribbean Basin (Albany, NY: Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, 1999); Rex Nettleford, Caribbean Cultural Identity (Kingston, Jamaica: Institute ofJamaica, 1978 ); Ralph Premdas, Ethnic Identity in the Caribbean: De centering a Myth (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995 ); Patrick Taylor, "Narrative, Pluralism and Decolonization: Recent Caribbean Literature," College Literature 19-20 (3-1) [Double Issue] (October 1992-February 1993): 78-89; and Robert Young, Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race (London: Routledge, 1995). 2. For a history of the term and its cognates see Charles Stewart, "Syncretism and its Synonyms: Reflections on Cultural Mixture," Diacritics: A Review of Contemporary Criticism 29:3 (Fall1999 ): 40-62. 3. On this see also Edna Aizenberg, "'I Walked With a Zombie': The Pleasures and Perils of Postcolonial Hybridity," World Literature Today: A Literary Quarterly of the University of Oklahoma 73:3 (Summer 1999): 461-466. 4. The classic text on this subject remains Abdul Jan Mohammed, "The Economy of Manichean Allegory: the Function of Racial Difference in Colonialist Literature," Critical Inquiry 12.1 (1985): 59-87. 5. Many critics have accused Gilroy of neglecting the African element of the black Atlantic. Laura Chrisman, for example, writes that "as we know, Gilroy's original formulation neglected African political cultures altogether" ("Rethinking Black Atlanticism," The Black Scholar 30:3-4 (Fall2000 to Winter 2000-2001): 12-17) 13. 6. The first permanent English settlements in the Caribbean were in St. Kitts and Barbados, in 1624. There had been several failed settlements before that, most notably that in Grenada in 1609. 168 • NOTES

7. On this see Stuart B. Schwartz, ed., Tropical Babylons: Sugar and the Making of the Atlantic World, 1450-1680 (University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Selwyn H. H. Carrington, The Sugar Industry and the Abolition of the Slave Trade 1775-1810 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002); RichardS. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 (University of North Carolina Press, 2000); and Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492- 1800 (New York: Verso, 1997). 8. See Heng (2003) 239,423 n1; and Uebel273. 9. See also Kofi Campbell (a); Cohen (2000); Sylvia Tomasch and Sealy Gilles, eds., Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998); most of the other essays in Carol M. Meale, ed., Readings in Medieval English Romance (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1994), the collec• tion from which this Turville-Petre quotation is taken; John Gillingham, "The Beginnings of English Imperialism" Journal of Historical Sociology 5:4 (1992): 392-409; and C. Leon Tipton, ed., Nationalism in the Middle Ages (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972). 10. See especially his discussion of the history of the term "nation," particularly 14-1 7. 11. Other examples of this method are Davis (1998); Biddick and Uebel, both in Jeffrey J. Cohen, ed., The Postcolonial Middle Ages (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000) 35-52, 261-282. 12. Kathleen Biddick, The Shock of Medievalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998). 13. History on the Edge: Excalibur and the Borders of Britain, 1100-1300 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000) Medieval Cultures series, no. 22. 14. Other examples of this methodology include Cohen (2000); Heng (2000); Sylvia Tomasch, "Postcolonial Chaucer and the Virtual Jew," in Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, ed., The Postcolonial Middle Ages (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000) 243-260; Camargo; and Lomperis. 15. See James Campbell et a!., eds., The Anglo-Saxons (New York: Penguin, 1982). 16. SeeR. R. Davies, The First English Empire: Power and Identities in the British Isles 1093-1343 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); Andrew Barrell, The Papacy, Scotland, and Northern England (1342-1378) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); and Edward Stones, ed., Anglo-Scottish Relations 1174-1328: Some Selected Documents (London: Nelson, 1965). 17. On Chaucer's English as nation-language see Knapp. I borrow this term from Kamau Brathwaite. See his History of the Voice: The Development of Nation Language in Anglophone Caribbean Poetry (London: New Beacon Books, 1984). NOTES • 169

18. See Turville-Petre, Thorlac. England the Nation: Language, Literature, and Nationalldentity, 1290-1340. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. 19. Speculum 77 (2002): 1195-1227. His argument centers on the early influence that medievalists and medieval studies exerted on the Subaltern Studies collective, an influential group of scholars heavily influenced by Gramsci, who, Holsinger argues, are the forerunners of postcolonial studies as that discipline is practiced today; as Holsinger puts it, "the work of Subaltern Studies has engendered some of post• colonial theory's most urgent conflicts, keywords, and historical recla• mations over the last twenty years" (1209). This group of scholars set out to create a theory capable of addressing the experience of the sub• altern, and of analyzing the growth of nationalisms and colonialisms from perspectives other than those of the colonizers and, in the case of the collective, perspectives specifically other than the British and Indian elite ones. Holsinger's article demonstrates clearly that

in their search during the 1980s for a kind of historical work that would allow for an anti-elitist perspective upon Indian history, the members of the collective turned to a substantial body of scholar• ship by French, English, and German medievalists that would pro• vide direct theoretical models for their own ... , a body of scholarship that represents perhaps the primary positive historio• graphical influence upon their work. (1210)

Holsinger traces the influence exerted by medieval literature and schol• ars on the work of members of the collective, noting the tremendous weight that medievalism was given in that work; members of the collec• tive, he points out, "were reading and regarding the scholarship of medievalists as theory, granting it the same analytic purchase upon social formation as the writings ofMarx, Foucault, Derrida, Althusser, and the other cultural and economic theorists employed in their work" (1218). For these reasons, Holsinger argues that it is time for medievalists to abandon the defensiveness, resistance, and apologetics that often still accompany the importation ofpostcolonial theories to medieval studies, for "postcolonial studies itself has surprisingly strong roots in twentieth• century medievalist historiography and ... medieval studies and its extensive scholarly apparatus have figured prominently in a field of inquiry in relation to which we medievalists continue to proclaim and perform our own belatedness" (1219). In other words, he concludes, "our continu• ing anxiety about the consequences of'traveling theory' in the practices of medieval studies needs to be tempered with the observation that, in many cases, theory has not been traveling far at all" (1225). 20. Although brilliant and quite important, Holsinger's study is not with• out its problems. His assertion that the Subaltern Studies collective represents the beginnings of postcolonial studies is certainly not a given, since others have alternatively associated those beginnings with 170 • NOTES

Chinua Ache be, or Frantz Fanon. As well, the translation of a history of theory from a social historian perspective (most members of the collective are historians) to a literary one is not unproblematic. 21. "Epater les Medievistes," History and Theory 39 (2000) 250. 22. See his Nationalism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1997); Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983); and Thought and Change (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964) especially chapter 7. 23. On the conscious historicizing and symbol-creating tendencies of the English (and wider European) Middle Ages see especially Guenee 58-63; and Smith (1999) 112. 24. For an excellent examination and refutation of this passage see Smith (2001) 78-87. A brief history of the nationalist debate and the pro• ponents of various arguments can be found in Guenee, 217-220. Guenee's position may perhaps be gleaned from the following passage earlier in his book: "Patriotism will not be discussed since the word only dates from the eighteenth century. Let us say simply that throughout the medieval period everyone was constandy exhorted to love his country, to fight and, if necessary, die for it. From the ninth to the sixteenth century love of his country was rooted in every man's heart" (54-55). 25. See also Catherine Brown, "In the Middle," and Dagenais and Greer, "Decolonizing the Middle Ages, Introduction," both in the journal of MedieJJal and Early Modern Studies 30:3 (2000) 547-574, 431-448. This is a special issue entided Decolonizing the Middle Ages. 26. Lionnet writes: "what I want to suggest in my use of this word is that it refers to more than the static periodization that the 'post-' implies. In fact, I find it useful to think of 'postcoloniality' in terms of 'post• contact': that is, as a condition that exists within, and thus contests and resists, the colonial moment itself with its ideology of domination," Postcolonial Representations: Women, Literature, Identity (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995) 4. 27. Holsinger's blanket statement is not unproblematically accurate. Said's Orienta/ism, for example, discusses postcolonialism precisely in terms of its European intellectual inheritance, although paying rela• tively litde attention to the medieval. 28. Cotton version. Edited by Seymour (1967).

CHAPTER ONE l. John Tolan has written extensively on the uses of the terms "Muslim" and "Saracen." Muslim is a religious term. When referring to Muslims, medieval writers usually used what Tolan calls "ethnic terms" (xv), such as Arabs, Turks, and by far the most popular, Saracens. The religion subscribed to by those ethnicities was called the "law of the Saracens." While there has been some debate as to the NOTES • 171

appropriateness of the term, I use the term Saracen rather than Muslim throughout this book because it captures more closely the complexity of the medieval Europen understandings and perceptions of Muslims living in Asia, in that it encompasses religious, ethnic, geographical, and political undertones. In addition to Tolan's work on this subject, see also Katherine Scarfe Beckett, Anglo-Saxon Perceptions of the Islamic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); and William Montgomery Watt, Muslim-Christian Encounters: Perceptions and Misperceptions (London and New York: Routledge, 1991). 2. In D. T. Niane, ed., UNESCO General History ofAfrica Vol. IV (Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century) (California: Heinemann, 1984): 635-673. 3. See also John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making ofthe Atlantic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), especially 29-36; Higgins (1997) 2-3; Blaut; and J. R. Masson, "Geographical Knowledge and Maps of Southern Africa before 1500 AD," Terrae Incognitae 18 (1986): 1-20. 4. Further confusion is added to this discussion by the fact that Ethiopia was sometimes portrayed as being in Africa, and sometimes in India. I have made sure to use examples only of the African Ethiopia in my dis• cussion. A relevant introduction to geographic confusions regarding Ethiopia, India, the "Orient" in general, and Africa is provided by Suzanne Akbari in a paper delivered to the Comite International des Science Historiques in 2005. The paper is entitled "From Jerusalem to India: Sacred Centers and the Formation of Western Identity," and can be found online at http://www.cishsydney2005.org/images/ Akbari_ paper.doc. 5. "From Due East to True North: Orientalism and Orientation," in Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, ed., The Postcolonial Middle Ages (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000) 19-34. 6. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002. 7. See in particular chapters 1 and 2. 8. On this and the performance of romance in general see: Heng (2003); Phillipa Hardman, The Matter of Identity in Medieval Romance (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2002); Patricia Clare Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies: Arthurian Romance and the Making of Britain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001); Rosalind Field, ed., Tradition and Transformation in Medieval Romance (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1999); Ad Putter and Jane Gilbert, eds., The Spirit of Medieval English Popular Romance (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); and Carol M. Meale, ed., Readings in Medieval English Romance (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1994). 9. The importance of the early Portuguese voyages cannot be overstated. John Thornton argues that they "not only helped to start ... the Europeans on their conquest of the Atlantic, they linked the various European seas and ultimately helped shape the European boundaries of 172 ~ NOTES

the Atlantic world" Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 140D-1680 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) 22. On the Portuguese voyages to Africa see also John B. Hattendorf and Richard W. Unger, eds., War at Sea in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003); Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492-1800 (London: Verso, 1998), especially chapters 1 and 2; Hamilton (1996); Peter Edward Russel, Portugal, Spain and the African Atlantic, 1343-1490, Chivalry and Crusade from John of Gaunt to Henry the Navigator and Beyond (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1995 ); and E. Sanceau, The Land of Prester john (New York: Knopf, 1944). See also the UNESCO General History ofAfrica (Vol. III Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century) and (Vol IV) Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century) (California: Heinemann 1984, 1988). 10. See Phillips, chapter 8; and J. R. Masson, "Geographical Knowledge and Maps of Southern Africa before 1500 AD," Terrae Incognitae 18 (1986): 1-20. 11. On the complex relationship between Christianity and cultural iden• tity (and their relationships with Jews, Saracens and Roman history) in the Middle Ages see especially Suzanne M. Yeager, "The Seige of Jerusalem and Biblical Exegesis: Writing about Romans in Fourteenth-century England" Chaucer Review 39:1 (2004): 70-102. See also Guenee 56-58. 12. See, for example, Timothy S. Jones and David A. Sprunger eds., Marvels, Monsters and Miracles: Studies in the Medieval and Early Modern Imaginations (Kalamazoo: Western Michigan University Press, 2002); Sylvia Tomasch and Sealy Gilles, eds., Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), esp. 97-115; Higgins (1997); and several of the articles in Scott Westrem, ed., par• ticuarly Marina Tolmacheva's "Ptolemaic Influence on Medieval Arab Geography: The Case Study of East Africa," 125-141. 13. See, for example, Tomasch's introduction to Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages, 3. 14. See, for example, Goodman 104-115. 15. Others have examined that presence in classical European literature and society. See Martin Bernal, Black Athena: the Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization (2 vols.) (London: Free Association Books, 1987); and Frank Snowden, Before Color Prejudice: The Ancient View of Blacks (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), and his Blacks in Antiquity: Ethiopians in the Greco-Roman Experience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970). 16. See also Guenee 54. 17. Derek Pearsall, "The Idea of Englishness in the Fifteenth Century," in Helen Cooney, ed., Nation, Court and Culture: New Essays on Fifteenth• Century English Poetry (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001): 15-27. NOTES • 173

On the vernacularity debate see also Fiona Somerset and Nicholas Watson, eds., The Vulgar Tongue: Medieval and Post-Medieval Vernacularity (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003); and Jocelyn Wogan-Brown et al., eds., The Idea of the Vernacular: An Anthology of Late Middle English Literary Theory, 128Q-1520 (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999). 18. Last edited as Sarah M. Horrall, ed., The Southern Version of Cursor Mundi (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1978-2000). See also Rev. Richard Morris ed., Cursor Mundi (The Cursor o the World). A Northumbrian Poem ofthe XIVth Century in Four Version (London: EETS nos. 57, 59, 62, 66, 68, 99 and 100, 1874-1893). 19. See Andrew Hadfield, ed., Amazons, Savages, and Machiavels: Travel and Colonial Writing in English, lSSD-1630 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). 20. See, for example, the excerpts in the first section of Hadfield's anthology. 21. Now defunct, and not to be confused with the press currently bearing that name. 22. See too Edward Said's discussion of latent and manifest Orientalism: 201-225. 23. All references to this text are from: M. C. Seymour et al., eds., On the Properties of Things: Trevisa's Translation ofDe Proprietatibus Rerum, 3 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975-1988). For a full description of the various manuscripts and their relationships see volume 1, xi-xix and volume 3, 3-35. 24. On this topic see also M. C. Seymour, "Medieval English Owners of De Proprietatibus Rerum," Bodleian Library Record 9 (1974): 156-165. 25. Diffusionism is "a theory about the way cultural processes tend to move over the surface of the world as a whole," a theory which posits that cultural processes "tend to flow out of the European sector and toward the non-European sector. This is the natural, normal, logical and ethical flow of culture, of innovation, of human causality. Europe, eternally, is Inside. Non-Europe is Outside. Europe is the source of most diffusions; non-Europe is the recipient" (Blaut 1 ). 26. For more on this see Akbari (2004), especially 160-164, 170-172. 27. The fifteenth-century Tractatus de Armis for example, uses De Proprietatibus Rerum "to explicate the significance of colours" (Edwards 126). Stephen Hawes' Example of Virtue (1509), after dis• cussing the laws which govern nature and the ways in which people do as their natures compel them to do, counsels, "Who theyr propretes lyst to rede I Let hym loke in the boke of barthelmewe I And to his scripture take gode hede" (Gluck and Morgan 35). And Edwards notes that "A copy of 'Bateman upon Bartholomew' is recorded on the 'study bord' of Captain Adam Eyre in 1647" (128 n. 59). 28. Henceforth Three Kings. 174 ~ NOTES

29. See IPMEP 290; and Frank Schaer (seen. 31 below). 30. Edited by C. Horstmann as EETS no. 85. All further references are to this edition. For recent work on this manuscript see also Boffey. 31. Horstmann surmises that this version was made soon after, and based on, the original translation, now lost. For a full description of the manuscripts of the Three Kings see Frank Schaer's recent edition of the text from ms. Lambeth Palace 491 (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag C. Winter 2000-2001). This version is independent of the other English versions and, according to Schaer, "has not previously been studied or edited" ( ll ). See Schaer's introduction for a description of the manuscript and its possible evolution. Schaer's edition is also useful in pointing out many of the ways in which Horstmann's sup• positions concerning the text have been proven wrong or modified. 32. See Manzalaoui, xxxiii. 33. The title of the text in this manuscript is Decretum Secretorum, almost certainly the result of a scribal error. 34. For example: in ms Lyell 36 in the Bodleian the Secretum is collected alongside The Sickness of Women, two gynecological recipes and a series of recipes on the delivery of dead children (IMEP XII xxvi); in Ashmole 396 it is collected alongside astrological tracts, a lunary, tracts on the humors and prognostication, Ptolemy's Quadripartitum and John of Holywood's Algorismus (IMEP IX xviii); in University College, Oxford ms 85 it is collected with Le Quadrilogue Invectifand Three Considerations Necessary to the Good Governance of a Prince (IMEP VIII xxix). 35. For example: in Trinity College, Cambridge ms R.5.43 the Three Kings is collected with the Brut (IMEP XI xx); in the English Theology ms c.58 in the Bodleian collection it is collected with A Revelation Showed to a Holy Woman and Nicholas Love's Mirror of the Blessed Life ofJesus Christ (IMEP XII xxvi). 36. That manuscript compilations, while often seemingly random, can in fact be highly organized along specific discursive lines, is not a new realization. Mary Hamel, for example, has written of a manuscript col• lection compiled as a representation of a particular discourse in her "An Anthology for the Armchair Traveler: London, British Library, MS Arundel 123," Manuscripta 41:1 (1997): 3-18. In this article Hamel argues that the fact that the manuscript was put together for a specific purpose and based on very personal tastes "is demonstrated not only by the selection of texts for inclusion, but also by the scribe's editorial treatment of them: some texts are incomplete, while others show organizational revision. It would appear that whatever in his exemplars did not appeal to the scribe's immediate interest or curios• ity was simply omitted or sharply revised" ( 3). For work on manu• script collections and miscellanies see: Derek Pearsall, ed., New Directions in Later Medieval Manuscript Studies (York: York Medieval Press, 2000); Stephen G. Nichols and Siegfried Wenzel, eds., NOTES • 175

The Whole Book: Cultural Perspectives on the Medieval Miscellany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996); Murray J. Evans, "Manuscript Studies: New Directions for Appreciating Middle English Romance," in John Simons, ed., From Medieval to Medievalism (New York: St. Martin's, 1992) 8-23; and Peter Beal and Jeremy Griffiths, eds., English Manuscript Studies: 1100-1700 Volume 1 (Oxford: Blackwell Press, 1989). 37. See De Proprietatibus Rerum II 817. 38. This projection of Christian unity is, of course, fictional; a cursory examination of medieval English Christian history demonstrates the widespread and persistent schisms, heresies, and outright revolts that characterized Christianity in the period. See for example Malcolm Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002); and Edward Peters, ed., Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1980). 39. Although, as Horstmann notes, this text contains too many errors and omissions to form the basis for this discussion, it is the closest manu• script identified with the MS. Royal text. See also the introduction to Schaer. 40. An excellent introduction to the construction of black racial charac• teristics and stereotypes in earlier and contemporaneous Latin litera• ture is provided by Peter Biller in his address to the Fifth Annual Gilder Lehrman Center International Conference at Yale University, entitled "Collective Degradation: Slavery and the Construction of Race." The full text can be found online at: http://72.14.207.104/ search? q=cache: 49 g_D E YGO Z YJ: www. yale. e d u/ glc/ events/race/Biller. pdf+ peter+ biller+ ethiopia+ micrologus&hl =en. 41. For brief introductions to this genre see Fiona Somerset" 'Mark Him Wei For he is on of po': Training the 'Lewed' Gaze to Discern Hypocrisy" ELH 68:2 (Summer 2001 Summer): 315-334; and William Eamonn, "Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Science" SudhoffsArchiv69:1 (1985): 26-49. 42. See Manzalaoui xxvi. 43. Sec Steele. 44. Of course, since the publication of Thomas Laqueur's Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), we have been forced into an awareness that the way in which we see a particular physical attribute today does not necessarily represent the way that attribute was viewed in the past. Laqueur makes the point that cultural expectations and a history of signification determine the way we view an object; he includes in his illustrations, for example, many internal human organs drawn by the ancient Greeks and medieval Europeans, demonstrating quite clearly that the same organ can be seen in wildly divergent ways. However, it is clear that the major physical "characteristics" we associate with 176 ~ 1'\0TES

blacks today were also assigned to them in the Middle Ages. Albertus Magnus, for example, writes of blacks that they "have prominent mouths, thick lips ..."Marco Polo notes that they "have big mouths and their noses are so flattened and their lips and eyes so big that they arc horrible to look at," noting too their "huge noses." These quota• tions are taken from Irina i'vletzler's chapter "Perceptions of Hot Climate in Medieval Cosmography and Travel Literature" in F. H. M. Le Saux, ed., Reading Medieval Studies Volume XXIII (Reading: University of Reading, 1997). 45. See Steele. 46. On the tendency of physiognomies to present their purpose and methods as "allowing unprecedented access to truths" while at the same time attempting to safeguard their own authority as experts in this sort of interpretation sec Fiona Somerset, " 'Mark Him Wel For he is on of po': Training the 'Lewed' Gaze to Discern Hypocrisy" ELH 68:2 (2001 Summer): 315-334. This article provides an introduction to the purposes and study of physiognomies in general, and note 10 provides a bibliography on various versions of the Secretum Secretorum, including several Scots versions not discussed here. 47. See Manzalaoui xxvii. 48. In a manuscript privately owned by Robert B. Honeyman of California. See Manzalaoui xxix-xxxii.

CHAPTER Two l. See Heng (2003); Camargo; Tolan; Cohen (2001); Akbari (2000); Davis (2000); Fleck; Higgins (1997); Mary Campbell; and Metlitzki. 2. Henceforward Sowdone. All quotations are from Alan Lupack, ed., Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances (Michigan: TEAMS, 1990). This text survives in only one manuscript, Garrett No. 140 at Princeton University. See Lupack 1-5. 3. For discussions of romance as a nation-building genre, see Kofi Campbell (a) Heng (2003); Diane Speed, "The Construction of the Nation in Medieval English Romance," in Carol Meale, ed., Readings in Medieval English Romance (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1994) 135-158; Patricia Clare Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies: Arthurian Romance and the Making of Britain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001 ); and Susan Crane, Insular Romance: Politics, Faith and Culture in Anglo-N01·man and Middle English Literature (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986 ). 4. Hereafter DPR. 5. Hereafter Secretum. NOTES • 177

6. Sidney J. Herrtage, ed., Sir Ferumbras (London: BETS ES 34, 1879). See also Marc Le Person, ed., Fierabras (Paris: H. Champion, 2003 ); and Mary Isabelle O'Sullivan, ed., Firumbras and Otuel and Roland (London: BETS OS 198, 1935). 7. See especially Herrtage 71, 134, 138, 144. 8. John Block Friedman catalogues many other examples of "fabulous" or "monstrous" peoples whose existence have a basis in fact. See especially 24-25. 9. On this topic see also Best 57; and Friedman. 10. Hereafter Three Kings. 11. See also Susan Wittig, Stylistic and Narrative Structures in the Middle English Romances (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978); and Albert C. Baugh, "Convention and Individuality in Middle English Romance," in Jerome Mandel and Bruce A. Rosenberg eds., Medieval Literature and Folklore Studies: Essays in Honour of Francis Lee Utley (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1971) 123-146. 12. See, for example Sidney Herrtage, ed., 143. 13. Hereafter The Book. I follow lain Higgins's example in his seminal analysis of this text, Writing East: The "Travels» ofSir john Mandeville in referring to The Book rather than The Travels, which better fits both the name by which it was known in the medieval period, and the actual project of the work itself. See Higgins (1997) 64-65. 14. See Higgins (1997) 6-14; and Seymour (1993). 15. See Seymour (1993). 16. Higgins counts at least "nine languages, including Latin," noting that The Book was "one of the most popular and widely circulated writings of its time" (1997 vii). 17. Higgins has shown that each redactor of The Book makes several changes, both factual and ideological, to his version of the text, point• ing out that as a result of this The Book "is also partly the work of those medieval intermediaries who did not reproduce the text as they received it" (18). He argues that these "dialogic responses themselves ... reveal the extent to which [medieval] culture was actively engaged in an at once popular and learned conversation about the nature and limits of the greatly expanded world in which it found itself after the middle of the thirteenth-century" (267). Higgins refers to the interplay between the different versions, which comes about as a result of the redactors' "dialogic responses," as "the mandevillean multi-text" (268). 18. All manuscripts of The Book are descended from one of the two main French versions-the Continental and the Insular. See Higgins ( 1997) viii, 21-23. 19. Many of the versions survive in more than one manuscript. 20. Seymour 1963. 21. M. C. Seymour, ed., Mandeville 1s Travels (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967). All further references to the Cotton text are from this edition. 178 • NOTES

22. M. C. Seymour, ed., The Defective Version of Mandeville's Travels (Oxford: EETS no. 319, 2002). All further references to the Defective text are from this edition. 23. Malcolm Letts, ed., Mandeville's Travels: Texts and Translations 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1953). All further references to the Egerton text are from this edition. 24. M. C. Seymour, ed., The Metrical Version of Mandeville's Travels (Oxford: EETS no. 269, 1973). All further references to the Metrical text are from this version. 25. Although the Stanzaic Fragment offers a tantalizing glimpse into the Christian expansion topos of the mandevillean multitext, it is far too fragmentary to be included in this discussion, its 313 lines surviving only in incomplete form. See Higgins (1997) 170. 26. The Bodley-text is also found in Bodleian MS. Rawlinson D. 99. For the minor variations between the two Bodley texts see Seymour (1963) xi. 27. Seymour (1963) remains the best and most complete discussion of this manuscript. See also Higgins (1997). 28. Based on a lost original. See Higgins (1997) 22. 29. The Cotton version adds "Ethiope is departed in ii. princypalle parties, and that is in the est partie and in the meridionalle parties, the which partie meridionalle is dept Moretane. And the folk of that con• tree ben blake ynow and more blake than in tother partie, and thei ben dept Mowres" (Ethiopia is divided into two main parts, and that is the east part and the southern, the southern part being called Mauritania. And the people of the country are very black and blacker than in the other part, and they are called Moors), and later "In Ethiope, whan the children ben yonge and lytille, thei ben all yalowe, and whan that thei wexen of age that yalowness turneth to ben alle blak" (In Ethiopia, when the children are young and small, they are yellow all over, and when they grow older that yellowness becomes all black) (114, 115). The Egerton text agrees with these additions, except that its narrator specifies that it is the children's hair which starts off yellow and then turns black(112, 113). 30. See Higgins (1997) 21-22; and Seymour (1963). 31. "Ethics, chapter concerning crystals." 32. "Book 16, chapter concerning diamonds." 33. Unless explicitly stated, all further references are to the Bodley version, from this edition. 34. There is some debate as to whether the author of The Book was in fact English. On this see Ak:bari (2004); Higgins (1997); and Seymour (1993). Regardless of his actual nationality, the English readers of this text would have regarded him as English, and therefore I speak of him as an Englishman in terms of his position within this discourse. 35. The Cotton, Defective, and Egerton versions place these rats in Channa, an island east of Ethiopia. NOTES • 179

36. The Cotton, Defective, and Egerton versions place these diamonds in India, which is clearly separated from Mrica in all English versions of the Book except the Bodley. 37. In the Cotton, Defective, and Egerton versions, this description is applied to the people of Lamore, modern-day Sumatra in Malaysia. See Higgins (1997) chapter 5. 38. All other English manuscripts place the fountain of youth in India, in the city of Polombe. The Bodley redactor also places it in that city, "Polyne," but moves the city into Ethiopia. 39. The Cotton, Defective, and Egerton place these ox-worshippers in Polombe. 40. See Higgins (1997) 7; Norman Housley, ed. and trans., Documents on the Later Crusades: 1274-1580 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996); and Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades: A Short History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987). 41. In fact, the Cotton, Defective, and Egerton versions all contain specific exhortations to retake lands which are seen as Christian. The prologue to the Defective version, for example, speaking of lands held by non-Christians, says, "Pis is pe lond hight til us in heritage," coun• selling further that "pe whiche eueryche good cristen man pat may and hap wherof schulde strengpe hym for to conquere oure right her• itage and cacche out pereof hem pat bep yuel trowyng" (this is the land bequethed to us) (therefore, every good Christian man that is physically able to and can afford it, should arm himself to conquer our rightful heritage and to throw out of those places those who are of a false belief[lit. those who are falsely believing]) (4). See also Higgins (1997) 39-40, 45. 42. See, for example, J. F. Richard, ed., Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modern Worlds (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 1983). 43. For a brief introduction to and discussion of this important phenomenon see the appendix. 44. The Bodley redactor later backtracks and gives the Khan his due, but places the majority of his lands beyond those ofPrester John, and there• fore still not an immediate threat to any English movement into Africa. 45. On this topic see Boffey; and Bernard Hamilton, "Prester John and the Three Kings of Cologne," in Charles Beckingham and Bernard Hamilton, eds., Prester John, the Mongols and the Ten Lost Tribes (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1996) 171-186. 46. See IMEP I: 10-11. 47. The other book is the travelogue of Marco Polo. See R. E. Latham, ed., The Travels (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1958). 48. See Edgar C. Polome, "The Vision of India in Medieval Encyclopedias," in Ulrich Goebel and David Lee, eds., The Ring of Words in Medieval Literature (New York: Mellen, 1993) 257-280. 180 • NOTES

CHAPTER THREE l. See ch.1, note 4. See also Rossi-Reder; and Westrem. 2. For more on this topic see Friedman, esp. 198-207. 3. J. M. Cohen, ed. and trans., The Four Voyages ofChristopher Columbus (London: Cresset Library, 1969) 115-116, 120. 4. All further quotations from the text are from Andrew Hadfield. Raleigh's text has been edited in its entirety as N. M. Penzer, ed., The Discoverie of Guiana (London: Argonaut Press, 1928). Hereafter Discoverie. For more on Raleigh and this book see: Walter S. H. Lim, The Arts of Empire: the Poetics of Colonialism from Raleigh to Milton (London: Associated University Press, 1998); Anna R. Beer, Sir Walter Raleigh and his Readers in the Seventeenth Century: Speaking to the People (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997); Steven W. May, Sir Walter Raleigh (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1989); John W. Shirley, Sir Walter Raleigh and the New World (Raleigh, NC: North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources Publications, 1985); and Andrew Sinclair, Sir Walter Raleigh and the Age of Discovery (Toronto: Penguin Books, 1984). 5. See, for example, the Bodley version, 99-103. 6. Nor is Raleigh wrong in associating Spanish gold with its newly found power on the European stage. See R. Trevor Davies, The Golden Century of Spain, 1501-1621 (London: Macmillan, 1967). 7. See Anne McClintock's brilliant examination of this phenomenon in Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York: Routledge, 1995). See also Kim Hwa-Seon, "The Female Body on the Margin of Colonialism: Diario, The Discovery of Guiana, and the Tempest," Journal of English Language and Literature I Yongo Yongmunhak 46:4 (Winter 2000-2001): 965-987. 8. The second novel of the quartet lies outside the scope of our discussion; The Far Journey of Oudin is what is commonly referred to as Harris' "East Indian novel" (Stephanides 129) and therefore does not figure directly into our discussion of the ways Harris's work is informed by the history of Africanist discourses. 9. While Harris is responding here specifically against the novel, an eighteenth-century phenomenon, the novel form is one that many scholars have argued is directly descended from the medieval romance with its nation-building agenda. Many scholars have suggested that the novel and romance were both necessary instruments in the cre• ation of the idea of the "nation." On this see Kofi Campbell (a), Crane, Ingham and Speed. He is therefore also reacting against an evolution of the precolonial form and the ideologies that were dis• seminated through that form. 10. All references to the novels of the Guyana Quartet are from The Guyana Quartet (London: Faber and Faber, 1985). Parenthetical NOTES ~ 181

references will be given in the form of the short form of the novel's title (Palace, journey, Armour, Ladder) followed by page number. 11. See Uebel262. 12. De Proprietatibus Rerum II 779. 13. For a discussion of originary myths in Harris' work see Barbara J. Webb, Myth and History in Caribbean Fiction: Alejo Carpentier, Wilson Harris and Edouard Glissant (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1993). 14. See Hadfield 279. 15. Here, as in Palace of the Peacock and The Whole Armour, we see a rereading of the Heart ofDarkness motif. All three protagonists travel deep into the jungle on a journey of self-discovery, marked by eventual meetings with their othered doubles, and characterized by a slow descent into confusion as the realities of lite slip away in the pregnant potential of these dark and isolated spaces. 16. On the further significances of Poseidon's name sec Nathaniel MacKey, "Poseidon (Dub Version)," in Hena Maes-Jelinick, ed., Wilson Harris: The Uncompromising Imagination (Sydney, New South Wales: Dangaroo Press, 1991) 116-126.

CHAPTER FouR l. All citations from this text are taken from Dream on Monkey Mountain and Other Plays (New York: Noonday Press, 1970), and will hereafter be referred to only by page number. 2. For two discussions of this infamous quotation see Sara Suleri, The Rhetoric of English India (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1999) and her "Naipaul's Arrival," The Yale Journal of Criticism 2:1 (Fall 1988): 25-50. 3. This moment has, for obvious reasons, often been read as misogynistic, most notably by Elaine Savory in "Value Judgements and the Question of Macho Attitudes: the Case of Derek Walcott," in Michael Parker and Roger Starkey, eds., Postcolonial Literatures: Achebe, Ngugi, Desai, Walcott (London: Macmillan Press, 1995) 245-257; and Hogan, 80. For an opposing viewpoint see Paula Burnett, "Epic, a Woman's Place: A study of Derek Walcott's Omeros and Jean Binta Breeze's 'A River Called Wise'," in Vicki Bertram, ed., Kicking Daffodils: A Celebration of Women's Poetry (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997) 140-152. 4. The corporal continually stresses that the Caribbean is not civilization, but a backward place infested \vith natives who do not appreciate "the Law": "Not the law of the jungle, but something the white man teach you to be thankful for" (280); "I will feed you. But God, remind me to ask for a transfer to civilization" (281); "They're ... just natives. There's nothing quite so exciting as putting down the natives" (286). 182 ~ NOTES

5. For a medieval equivalent of this warning see The King ofTars. 6. See Taylor; and Paula Black, "Sex and Travel: Making the Links," in Stephen Clift and Simon Carter, eds., Tourism and Sex: Culture, Commerce and Coercion (London: Pinter, 2000) 250-264. 7. The question of language choice, and the political implications of writing in English or Creole, have been examined frequently by Caribbean writers themselves, including those this book discusses. See in particular the Wilson Harris interview with Fred D'Aguiar cited above. See also Dirk Sinnewe's interview with Derek Walcott in the Journal of Commonwealth Literature 34:2 (1999): 1-7; Derek Walcott's introduction to Dream on Monkey Mountain and Other Plays; David Dabydeen, "On Not Being Milton: Nigger Talk in England Today," in Alison Donnell and Sarah Lawson, eds., The Routledge Reader in Caribbean Literature (London: Routledge, 1996) 410--415; and A. J. M. Bundy, ed., Selected Essays of Wilson Harris: The Unfinished Genesis of the Imagination (Routledge: London, 1999). 8. An introduction to the history of publishing houses in the Caribbean is provided by Emily Allen Williams in the introduction to her Poetic Negotiation of Identity in the Works ofBrathwaite, Harris, Senior, and Dabydeen: Tropical Paradise Lost and Regained (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen, 1999). 9. See, for example: Kofi Campbell (b); Bridget Brereton and Kevin A. Yelvington, eds., The Colonial Caribbean in Transition: Essays on Postemancipation Social and Cultural History (Cave Hill, Barbados: University Press of the West Indies, 1999); Peter Winn, Americas: The Changing Face of Latin America and the Caribbean (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999); Andrew R. Morrison and Maria Loreto Biehl, eds., Too Close to Home: Domestic Violence in the Americas (Washington: Inter-American Development Bank/ Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999); and Scott B. MacDonald eta!., eds., The Caribbean After Grenada: Revolution, Conflict and Democracy (New York: Praeger, 1988). 10. A term coined by the Jamaican poet Louise Bennet, in her poem "Colonization in Reverse." See Paula Burnett, ed., The Penguin Book of Caribbean Verse (London: Penguin, 1986 ). 11. Recent works on Dabydeen and this text in particular, apart from those discussed in this chapter, include: Lee M. Jenkins, "On Not Being Tony Harrison: Tradition and the Individual Talent of David Dabydeen," Ariel32:2 (2001 ): 69-88; Emily Allen Williams, Poetic Negotiation of Identity in the Works of Brathwaite, Harris, Senior, and Dabydeen: Tropical Paradise Lost and Regained (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen, 1999); Alfred Hornung and Ernstpeter Ruhe, eds., Postcolonialism and Autobiography: Michelle Cliff, David Dabydeen, Opal Palmer Adisa (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1998); and Kevin Grant, ed., The Art ofDavid Dabydeen (Leeds: Peepal Tree, 1997). NOTES • 183

APPENDIX 1. A new book is about to be released that studies the phenomenon of Prester John and the manner in which medieval Europe constructed its "Oriental" other in relation to his legend and letter. Unfortunately its release date makes it unavailable for inclusion in my discussion. See Michael Uebel, Ecstatic Transformation: On the Uses ofAlterity in the Middle Ages (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005 ). 2. Now the Turkish town ofUrfa, and at the time the capital of the most northern Crusader state. 3. See tooL. N. Gumilev's seminal study of the Prester John phenome• non, Searches for an Imaginary Kingdom: The Legend of the Kingdom ofPrester John, R. E. F. Smith trans. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). 4. On this see Relano, chapter 3. 5. See Beckingham (1989); and Silverberg 165. 6. For more on this topic, including the influence of Giovanni's map, see the "Historical Introduction" to Edward Ullendorff and Charles F. Beckingham, eds., The Hebre1v Letters ofPrester John (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982); and Relano 56. 7. See, tor example, Phillips 145; and Relano 56. 8. Thus The Book's placement of him just beyond Africa is striking. 9. See too Per Stromholm, "An Essay on the Medieval Mind: The Legend ofPrester John," Middelalderforum 9 (1984): 82-93. 10. See Relano 51-75. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Acre, 77, 164 91,101,115,133,157,165, Mricanism, 124, 125, 148, 156 166, 177, 178; versions, 68-9 Ailes, Marianne, 55 Braude, Benjamin, 31 Aizenberg, Edna, 167 Brazil, 101 Akbari, Suzanne Conklin, 22, 31, Brennan, Timothy, 144 33,68,80,171,173,176,178 Breslin, Paul, 131, 133, 134 Alexander the Great, 41,45 Brut, 54, 174 Alexander, Sir William, 28, 90 Burnett,Paula,136,181,182 America,2,4,8,31,93,126, 135,139-41,159;South Camargo, Martin, 168, 176 America, 97 Camboni, Maria, 95, 96, 100, 103 Americas, the, 2, 4, 10, 26, 87, 88 Campbell, Horace, 127 Amerindian, 93, 95, 122 Campbell, James, 168 Arawak,101,111,122,157 Campbell, Mary B., 21-2, 176 Aristotle, 45 Canada, 139, 140-2 Asia, 21, 32, 35, 82, 164-6, 171 Caribbeanism, 6, 92, 124, 140, 142; Caribbeanist, 97-8, 101, Baghdad (Baldas), 55-6 104,106,123-4,143,146, Bartholomew, 22,30-6, 37, 148,152 70-1,173 Carruthers, Mary, 38 Baucom, Ian, 156 Chatterjee, Partha, 14 Beckingham, Charles, 165, 179, 183 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 12, 24, 30, 38, Bede, 13 64,168 Behling, Laura, 3, 5 Chretien de Troyes, 64 Bevis ofHampton, 54 Chrisman, Laura, 167 Bhabha, Homi, 3-5, 127, 137, 159 Christian(s), 23, 38, 41,42-4, biblical, 28, 31, 38, 42, 44, 61-2, 56-67,68,76-80,81,82,89, 76, 78, 105, 129; Bible, 42, 61 92,100,163-4,166,175,179; Biddick, Kathleen, 12, 13, 14, 168 Christianity, 53, 55, 56-67, 68, Binder, Wolfgang, 145 76-80,105-6,172,175 Black, Nancy, 63, 64 Clark, Jonathan, 29 Blaut, J, M., 31, 171, 173 coevalness, see Fabian, Johannes Boffey, Julia, 38, 71, 174, 179 Cohen, Jeffrey J., 58-61, 63-4, 65, Book ofJohn Mandeville, The 66,168,176 (Mandeville's Travels), 10, 17, colonies, 26, 28, 91, 125, 130, 18,36,52,67-82,83,89,90, 143,152 196 • INDEX colonialist desire, see desire Edward!, 24 Columbus, Christopher, 6, 10, 17, Edwards, A. S. G., 30, 37 35,83,88-9,93,180 Egypt,21,22,28,73,83,166 conquistador, 102, 112, 113, 158 enslavement, see slave Crane, Susan, 176, 180 Ethiopia, 21, 22, 33-4, 36, 39, 42, 48, crusades, 12, 42, 77, 166; crusader, 58 69-70,71-3,75--6,78,79, 35,42,44,77,163-4,183 165, 171, 178, 179; Ethiopians Cursor Mundi, 24-5, 173 (Ethiops, Ethiopes), 42-43,48, 53,54,55,58--62,165 Dabydeen, David, 7, 18, 92, ethnic, 4; ethnically, 2; ethnicity, 3, 144-52,158,182 12, 170-1 Dalrymple, Roger, 65 Exeter Book, 50 Davis,Kathleen,11-12,13,168,176 Dayan, Joan, 8, 9 Fabian, Johannes, 35; denial of denial of coevalness, see Fabian, coevalness, 35, 75 Johannes Fanon, Frantz, 125, 126, 128, 131, Deodat, Rovin, 7 170 De Proprietatibus Rerum (DPR), Fierabras, 55, 177 16,22,26-37,39,40,41,44, Fleck, Andrew, 77-9, 80, 176 45-6,47,48,51,55,70-1,74, foreign, 23, 33, 38, 39, 55, 61, 63, 83-4,90,91,101,115,133, 66, 77, 80, 82, 101; foreigners, 166,173,175,181 12,21 desire, 5, 10, 24, 29-30, 34, 38, 41, France 13, 59, 77; French, 12, 23, 106,126,127-34,136,151; 24-5,26,55,66,109,169 colonialist desire, 17, 34-6, 40, Friedman, John Block, 35, 45, 75, 44,47,48,50-2,54,65-7,68, 88,177,180 71,73,79-82,88,115,155-7, Frobisher, Martin, 89 167 Devisse, J., 21, 53, 54, 60 Galloway, Andrew, 24 diaspora, 2, 5, 8, 17, 49, 124, Gellner, Ernst, 13 149-50,156,157,160 Geoffrey of Monmouth, 13, 64 Diffusionism, 31, 173 geography (geographic), 23, 39, double consciousness, 125, 127, 103, 166; geographers, 22, 129,133,143,146-7, 165; geographical knowledge, doziper~26,54,56,57,65,67; 22,87,88 Guy, 57; Oliver, 57, 67; Roland Gikandi, Simon, 125 57,67 Gilkes, Michael, 95, 108, 112, 116, Drake, Sandra, 95, 100, 102, 105, 121 107 Gilroy, Paul, 1-2, 4-5, 7-10, 13, duBois, W. E. B., 125, 134, 143, 15,17,93,96,125,126,144, 146-7 146,155-9,160,167 Giovanni de Carignano, 165, 183 early modern, see Renaissance God,28,41,43-4,60,61,62,68, East Indian, see India 76,81,85,104,116,117, Eden (Edenic), 17, 92, 104 119,120,128,131,136; Eden, Richard, 26,29 godly, 42, 44, 76, 81 INDEX ¢ 197

Goodman, Jennifer, 23, 172 1-10,59,96-7,122,137,144, Goulbourne, Harry, 7-9 145,147,151-3, 156-160; Griffiths, Gareth, 94, 98 hybridized, 2, 100, 158, 160; Guenee, Bernard, 25, 170, 172 hybridization, 5; temporally Guy, see dozipers synchronous hybridity, 1, 5, 6, Guyana/Guiana, 17, 27, 90, 92, 8, 10,93,97,98,100,103, 93-122, 145-6, 151-2; 105,107-8,113,120,121, Guyana Quartet, 93-122, 123, 136,138,142,144,152,158 134,136, 153,157,180; Guyanese, 93-122, 145, 149 Iberian, 22 Guyana Q;tartet, see India (Inde), 39, 41, 54, 62, 69, 70, Guyana/Guiana 78,83,87,88,93, 148,163, 169, 171, 179; East Indian, Hadfield, Andrew, 83, 90, 173, 180 115, 122, 180; West Indian, Ham, see Noah 95,103,112,134,147,149 Hamilton, Bernard, 163, 164, 166, inhuman, 18, 58, 77-8, 79, 123, 172, 179 124,147,152 Hamlet, Desmond, 94, 95 international, see national Harris, Wilson, 6-7, 17, 89, 92, Isidore, 22, 70 93-122,123,134,136,138, Islam, see Muslim 143, 145, 151, 153, 157, 158, Italy 22 160,180,181,182 Hastings, 13, 148 James I, 90, Hastings, Adrian, 11, 13 Jameson, Fredric, 29-30, 34, 41, heat, 18, 31-2, 58,69-72,73-75, 50; political unconscious, 29, 137-8 34,38,41,50-1 Heng, Geraldine, 26, 73, 75, Jerome, 31 77,80,81,89, 168, Jews, 31, 172 171, 176 johannes de Caritate, 48, 49 Higgins, lain, 38, 68, 80, 171, 172, Jonas, Joyce, 95-6, 102, 103 176,177,178,179 Jordanus ofSeverac, 165, 166 Hobsbawm, Eric, 11, 13 Hogan, Patrick, 127, 129, 133, Keens-Douglas, Paul, 18, 98, 134, 135, 136, 181 137-43, 145, 150, Holsinger, Bruce, 12-14, 15, 155, Keymis, Lawrence, 27, 90, 169,170 104, 150 Horral, Sarah, 173 Kibre, P., 30 Horstmann, C., 37, 43, 174, 175 King Horn, 54 Hortop, Job, 28, 90 King of Tars, 182 Howard, W. J., 102, 103, 115, 116, Knapp, Peggy, 24, 168 118, 120 Kristeva, Julia, 41 Hrbek, 1., 53, 54 Huggan, Graham, 127 Lamore (Lamorans), 75-6, 78, 179 Hutnyk, John, 156 Laqueur, Thomas, 175 hybrid, 1-3, 7, 96, 98, 109, 132, Latin,22-4,26,30,33,68,70, 147, 156, 157, 158; hybridity, 80,175 198 • INDEX

Libya (Libia), 33, 34 13, 24, 144, 169; nationalist, Lindahl, Folke, 167 24, 170;nationality,2,5,12, Lionnet, Francoise, 15, 170 149, 178; international, 26; Lomperis, Linda, 168 transnational, 2, 4, 10 Lupack, Alan, 176 Nestorian, 43-4, 77, 79, 164 New World, 4, 6, 7, 10, 17, 26, 31, MacCabe, Colin, 50 83,88,113, 114,127 Mackey, Nathaniel, 95, 102, 103, Niane, D. T., 89, 171 105, 113, 181 Noah, 130; the sons of, 31, 85, Maes-Jelinek, Hena, 108, 109, 110, l29;Ham,31-2,85,130, 137 111, 181 novel, the, 94, 97-8, 101, 106, 180 Manichean, 3, 60, 125, 167 Nubians, 54, 57 Manzalaoui, Mahmoud, 45,48-9, 174,175,176 Occidental, 59; Occidentalism, maps, 22, 31, 101-2, 137, 165, 124-5, 140, 143; Occidentalist, 171,172,183 138,142,146,150 Marco Polo, 88, 176, 179 Okpcwho, Isidore, 7 McDermott, James, 89 Olaniyan, Tejumola, 132, 135, 137 Meale, Carol M., 168, 171, 176 Oliver, see dozipers medievalists, 12-14, 155, 169 Metlitzki, Dorothee, 58, 61, 176 Pearsall, Derek, 24 Metzler, Irina, 176 Peter Martyr d'Anghera, 26 Middle Passage, 1, 2, 7-10, 28, 93, Peters, Edward, 175 96,121-2,137,152-3,155, Peters, Erskine, 128, 129, 135, 157-60 Phillips, J. R. S., 21, 165, 172, 183 minerals, 34 Piot, Charles, 93 mimicry, 123, 125, 126-7, 132, Pliny, 32, 75; Plinian, 88 133-4,136,137 political unconscious, see Jameson, modern (modernism, modernity), 2, Fredric 5,10, 11-15,96,97,114,117, Portuguese, 23, 28, 90, 122, 165, 125,141,144,155-6 171, 172 monster, 53, 58-61,63-5,95, 146, postcolonial studies, 12, 14, 15, 35, 172; monstrous, 59, 61, 62, 155,169 65-6,67,77-9,88,123-4, Pozzi, Monica, 96, 109 126,128,129,138,177 precolonial positioning, 5, 28, 44, Muslim, 21, 53-4, 166, 170-1; 51-2,54,61,82,87-8,123, Islam, 12, 163, 164, 171 126,128,152,153 myrrh, 33,40 premodern, 11, 13 myth, 95, 102-3, 104, 105, 106, Prester John, 35, 82, 83, 90, 91, Ill, 113,114,116-9,181 101, 163-6, 179, 183 primitive, 27, 35-6, 47, 49, 75, 76, Naipaul, V. S., 113, 125, 127, 181 102, 115, 123, 124; Nair, Suriya, 8 primitivism, 35-6, 51, 123, national,2,11, 13-4,24,26,65, 124, 126; primitivization, 36; 79, 91, 131; nationalism, 11, primitivizing, 74, 75, 78 INDEX • 199

Punter, David, 101, 121 114, 7, 119, 172; slave ships, Puri, Shalini, 159-60 108; enslavement, 5, 26, 28, 130 Smith, Anthony D., 11, 15, 170 race, 3, 33, 39, 46, 47, 51, 55, 77, Somerset, Fiona, 173, 175, 176 88, 120, 123, 125; racist, 2, 8, Soul II Soul, 4, 10 49,58,123,127,133,136; Sowdone ofBabylone, 17, 23, 26, race memory, 109, 112 54-67,74,83,157,166,176 racist, see race Spain,53,59,90,165,172,l80; Raleigh, Sir Walter, 6, 17, 89-93, Spanish,26,90-l,l22,180 94,10l,l03-4,106,108,lll, Speed, Diane, 176, 180 114,120,140,145,151,180 spices, 33, 34, 39, 73-4 Relano, Francese, 22, 165, 166, 183 Spiegel, Gabrielle, 12-15 Renaissance, 5, 6, 10, 16, 17, 26, Steele, Robert, 46-9, 175, 176 27,29,37,73,83,87,89; Stephanides, Stephanos, 180 early modern, 6, 35, 87, 166 Strohm, Paul, 80 Roland, see dozipers subaltern, 169; subaltern studies romance, 17, 22, 23, 54, 55, 58, collective, 169; subalternity, 14 59,60-3,65,66,136,166, sugar, 6, 10, 84, 168; sugar estate, 171, 176, 180 108,109,120 Rome,l2,54,60-l,63,65; Syria,l63 Roman, 60, 172 Rossi-Reder, Andrea, 21-2, 180 Three Kings ofCologne, 16, 37-44, 45,48,54,61,68,71,73,74, Said, Edward, 53, 170, 173 75,76,77,83,87,90,91,157, Samad, Daizal, 128, 134, 135 166,173,174,177,179,186 saming, 80, 81 Tolan, John, 170-1, 176 Saracens, 17, 21, 53-5, 56-61, 62, Tomasch, Sylvia, 168, 172 63,77-9,82,87,88,142, Torrence ofPortyngale, 65 163-4, 166, 172; appropriateness transatlantic, 18, 146, 149, 159; of the term, 170-l transatlanticism, 150 savages, 18, 36, 65, 75, 79 transnational, see national Schaer, Frank, 174, 175 Trevisa, John, 16, 30, 35, 45, 46, Scotland,l2,168 166,173 Scott,David,ll2,156,160 Trogadia, 33 Secretum Secretorum, 16, 26, 37, Turville-Petre, Thorlac, 11, 23-4, 44-51,55,83,166,174,176 26,168,169 Seymour, M. C., 30, 68-71, 82, 170,173,177,178 Uebel, Michael, 83, 101, 163, 165, Siberian, 157 166,168,181,183 Silverberg, Robert, 163, 183 Sir Ferumbras, 55, 177 vernacular, 5, 12, 21, 22, 24, slave, 2, 3, 4, 9, 10, 28, 35, 50, 84, 29,30,33,36,46,49,68, 93,109,lll,ll6,ll7,139, 124, 158, 173; 152, 168; slavers, 152; slavery, 6, vernacularization, 23 7-9,26,28,29,31,36,50,90, Vincent of Beauvais, 22 200 • INDEX

Walcott, Derek, 7, 17, 94, 98, Williams, David, 58, 61 123-37,138,143,145,158, Williams, Emily Allen, 160,181,182 182 Warren, Michelle, 12, 14 Willis, Robert, 134, 136 Webb, Barbara, 113, 114, 115, Wilson-Tagoe, Nana, 116, 117, 119, 181 118, 119 West Indian, see India Wynter, Sylvia, 94 Westrem, Scott, 172, 180 William of Malmesbury, 13 Yeager, Suzanne M., 172