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UC Berkeley Working Papers

Title Media manipulation in electoral campaigns : a qualitative look at 's political career

Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/220212df

Author Fong, Henry C.

Publication Date 1995

eScholarship.org Powered by the Digital Library University of California Ho 'fs -"/J

Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns: AQualitative Look at David Duke's Political Career

Henry C. Feng Institute of Governmental Studies, University of California, Berkeley

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Working Paper 95-13 IGS INSTITUTE OF GOVERNMENTAL STUDIES

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT BERKELEY Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns: AQualitative Look at David Duke's Political Career

Henry ^ong Institute of GoverninenfaLSTirdies, University of California, Berkeley

Working Paper 95-13

Working Papers published by the Institute of Governmentol Studies provide quick dissemination of draft reports and papers, preliminary analysis, and papers with a limited audience. The ohjective is to assist authors in refining their ideas by circulating research results and to stimulate discussion about public policy. Working Papers are reproduced unedited directly from the author's pages. Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns: A Qualitative Look at David Duke's Political Career

Henry C. Fong

As acandidate for the State the candidate rode a wave of Southern House in 1989, David Ernest Duke resentment, political cynicism, falling living certainly did not seem to live up to his image standards and social instability into political as a world-famous racist. office. But there is another question that On the surface. Duke looked every bit comes to mind: How didDavidDuke manage the friendly, reasonable boy-next-door: to secure an elected political office despite campaigning for a seat in the state legislature his reputation as the most visible racist in as a conservative Republican in a mostly white the ? district, he appealed to voters who agreed Throughout most of his life. Duke had with his fmely-tuned platform of tax relief, never been one to hide his extremism; on the reform, and an end to affirmative contrary, he had always deliberately and action programs. Although Duke's margin of publicly flaunted his bizarre beliefs and victory was tiny (he beat fellow Republican actions. He has worn swastika-emblazoned John Treen by a mere 227 votes in a runoff), Nazi uniforms, burned crosses as the Grand it was clear that Duke had aroused a white Wizard of the , sold blatantly working- and middle-class insurgency that anti-Semitic literature such as Hitler Was My resembled the populism ofthe Earl and Huey Friend,^ and advocated the geographic Long era in its antagonism towards elites and division of the United States into ethnic special interests.' There was no question that homelands i la South Africa.' Duke once

' Lawrence N. Powell, "ReadMy Liposuction: The Makeover of David Duke," New Republic, October 15, 1990. ^Jon Meacham, "Dukedumb: How a Lightweight Louisiana Racist Came to Spook a Nation," Washington Monthly, July- August, 1992. ' James Ridgeway, Bloodin the Face: TheKu Klux Klan, , NaziSkinheads, and the Rise of a New White Culture, (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1991), 150. Also see , "Working Together is Louisiana's Best Chance," NewOrleans Times-Picayune, October30, 1991. In this article. Duke says that his vision for the ideal structure of a racially mixed state is "like an , except more complete." Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns

publicly stated that " belong in the ashbin The Southern Context of history."'^ He was arrested twice for inciting riots and has presented a false military Although it is tempting to simply dismiss record. And to top off his list of outrageous Duke as yet another colorful example of behavior. Duke posed as a black militant when Louisiana's populist idiosyncrasy, this he penned a book instructing blacks how to explanation can only partially account for his "kill whitey," and he also posed as a woman emergence as a factor in American politics. when he wrote a sex manual entitled Finders Still, Duke is a complex product of his Keepers.^ abilities, his past, his character, and his Given his unusual past and racist beliefs, environment, and it can be argued that the very fact that Duke was able to mount a Louisiana's unique political setting serious political campaign for office is contributed greatly to Duke's electoral appeal. surprising. Any perceived misstep on the part Like every other native ofthe state, David of a political actor can spell electoral doom, Duke is a product of the social tensions and it is certainly safe to say that Duke's created in the aftermath of southern lifetime record of , extremism and desegregation. Certainly this post- demagoguery would have meant political desegregation era reflected a period of suicide for any other candidate. So the political growth, but at the same time, it also question remains: How is David Duke produced a new economic and racial different from other political aspirants in the instability in a society that had essentially American governmental system? How does a remained unchanged for almost two centuries. racist with a paper trail linking him to Nazis On the one hand, the newly booming urban and Klansmen get elected to political office South progressed quickly: blacks moved back in the United States? south, small-town southerners migrated to the Interestingly, David Duke's exploitation cities, and the cities themselves swelled with of white Southerners' economic and racial an influx of people, money, and services. But fears are not, in fact, the primarycontributor for the South, this rapid change was a to his emergence as a politician. In fact, there dramatic break with the past: as C. Vann are strong indications that Duke's electoral Woodward wrote, "The South suddenly success actually stemmed from his ability to entered a period filled with more shocks of manipulate the media and moderate his discontinuity than any period of its history. extremist image into one that is more Desegregation—the very catalyst of this era acceptable and appealing to mainstream of change—did not quite solve the South's voters. But even though he abandoned his already-fierce racial friction: white demagoguery and moderated his extremist southerners feared and resented image, his unwavering obsession with desegregational policy; to these individuals, advancing the cause of the government was giving blacks free license eventually surfaced and derailed his political to usurp the whites' long-held social career. dominance and superior status. Capitalizing

' J. Michael Kennedy, "Duke's Talk of Piety May Further Erode Credibility," , November 14, 1991. 'Ridgeway 1991,146. Duke's book inciting blacks toviolence against whites was tvXxWtA African Atto and hisdating-and- sex guide was written under the pen name "Dorothy Vanderbilt." "Ferrel GuUIory, "David Duke inSouthern Context," The Emergence ofDavid Duke andthePolitics ofRace, ed. Douglas D. Rose (Chapel Hill; University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 2. POLITICA ♦ Spring 1995

on these fears, political candidates like Barry exploitation of economic fears and racial Goldwater and targeted white tensions. In fact, during his few years of voters and called for resistance to what they greatest political achievement (1989 to 1991), saw as drastic measures produced by Duke's appeal had less to do with his reaction desegregation. White opposition over such to Louisianans' views than it had to do with policy issues fanned the flames of Southern voters' reactions to Duke's ever-changing racism. image. Southern economic stress and racial A large part of Duke's success in his friction also formed an important part of campaigns for the state legislature, U.S. Louisiana's recent history. Pollsters found Senate, and Louisiana governor was due to that white Louisianans had an overwhelming his ability to manipulate the media—especially desire to protect the middle class and its television—and thus publicly transform his values.^ As economic stagnation proceeded image from that of an extremist bigot to that to set in, voters began to feel that their of a moderate, mainstream politician. Duke government no longer cared about middle understood that in order to extend his appeal class needs. The sluggish economy led to a and influence politically, he had to somehow quiet depression that crushed Louisianans' escape his outrageous past, and he set about hopes for financial stability and led to even to do so in expert fashion: the new David greater frustration and resentment. Racial Duke soon sported toned-down rhetoric, strife continued as black-white friction in the coded political jargon and an amazingly post-desegregation years produced "mediagenic"' affinity for television controversies over jobs, schools, and housing. coverage. But upon closer inspection, it is Large differences in the living conditions and clear that Duke never wavered from his socioeconomic status of blacks and whites set extremist agenda and beliefs. And although the stage for caustic and prolonged racial he successfully moderated his public image conflicts.* Southern socioeconomic instability in order to win mainstream approval on a surrounded David Duke as he grew up in local level. Duke's extremist past and Louisiana, and he later used his knowledge unwavering racism ultimately could not of this particular environment to his political escape the eyes of a larger electorate. advantage. He knew that by exploiting the fears and hostilities of a large white voting base, he could potentially garner an A Personal Profile impressive amount of initial support. But Duke is more than just another David Duke's past is characterized by product of Louisiana's special brew of Huey deliberate and demagogic racism. He has lived Long populism: while he did manage to tap his life on the extreme fringes of the racial into the frustration and resentment of right, and for most of his life, he has Louisiana's white middle class in his various extensively publicized his racist beliefs. And campaigns for office. Duke's emergence as a though he already enjoyed the support of politician owed its success to more than an fellow hardcore racists who could not care

' Guillory 1992, 6. Guillory presents results from Geoffrey Garin, "How 'It Can't Happen Here' Almost Happened in Louisiana; A Study of the David Duke Phenomenon inthe 1990 Senate Race," Garin-Hart Strategic Research Group of Washington report to the Centerfor National Policy, (Washington, D.C., March 1991). 'Ibid., 6. 'Powell 1990. Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns

less about his prior track record. Duke needed alcoholic mother and rebellious older sister to extend his political appeal to mainstream were constantly at each other's throats. Too voters when he ran for the 81st district seat young to understand this tense situation and in the state legislature in 1989. In order to too immature to deal with it directly, David accomplish this goal, however. Duke had to often retreated to his bedroom and threw first escape his own history. himself into schoolwork and his hobbies. David Duke was born on , 1950, During this period of isolation and in Tulsa, Oklahoma, the second child of David withdrawal, David Duke, age fourteen began Hedger Duke and Maxine Crick Duke. His to gravitate towards the world of racial father, a major in the U.S. Army Reserves politics. and an engineer for Shell Oil Company, was Duke was first exposed to the racial right constantly engaged in business and military during his eighth-grade year. In 1964, the affairs abroad; for the most — — issue of integration was a hot part, however, the rest of the topic in the South, and the family remained in Louisiana. Duke was first young David Duke was quite At first glance, the Duke exposed to the openly sympathetic to the plight household seemed no different of blacks. In fact, he was so than any other middle-class, racldl right durlug outspoken about his stance that American family. David Duke his eighth-grade his teacher assigned him to write later described his youth as "a a term paper arguing against Beaver Cleaver childhood. We year. integration. Eager to approach [he and his sister Dotti] rode 5^ a new learning exercise. Duke bicycles, and we played threw himself into the project. baseball on the front grounds of the Baptist He visited the Citizen's Council, a Seminary near my house. I even chipped my segregationist group which advocated the use front tooth playing football in the street."'" of legal means to fight integration. At the The elder Dukes held education in high Council's offices. Duke was introduced to esteem: the children were taught to read at segregationist literature which presented a an early age and were required by their father litany of reasons—biological, cultural, to nurse a book for at least two hours a day. historical, and psychological—why Young David worshipped his father, and soon integration was doomed to fail. Duke brought shared his love of learning. Duke still insists many of the Council's books home to read that his father greatly affected his life: "My and began an intellectual odyssey into white dad instilled a strong work ethic in me....He supremacy: as he read these tracts, he told me: no matter what you do, don't ever increasingly felt that there was "credible compromise your principles."" Duke clearly evidence that there were genetic differences took his father's words to heart. between blacks and whites."" He soon But even in childhood, David Duke's rejected the liberal arguments he had seemingly normal, middle class life was not previously embraced and now concluded that as perfect as it appeared: not only was his "integration would lower education in father absent much of the time, but his America, lead to a great deal of crime...and

'"Tyler Bridges, The Rise ofDavid Duke, (Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 1994), 6. " Michael Zatarain, David Duke: Evolution ofa Klansman, (Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing Company, 1990), 68. '^Zatarain, 80. POLITICA ♦ Spring 1995

damage our social fabric dramatically."" member."" The Klan den that Duke joined It would be naive to believe that this was led by a businessman named young man's attraction to racist doctrine was Jim Lindsay, whose enormous influence on solely driven by his intellectual passions. It Duke made him a sort of surrogate father to has been argued quite convincingly thatDuke, the young racist." An enigmatic character, "deeplyangry and full of rageat his mother's Lindsay was mysteriously murdered in 1975; alcoholism, and disappointed withhis father's his wife was charged with the crime but was frequent absences...[looked] for a scapegoat later acquitted. When asked in 1989 if he for his unhappiness and for someone—or thought Lindsay's wife was responsible for something—to provide order in his life.""'* her husband's death. Duke bitterly replied, His search may have led him to gravitate "Of course she killed him."" towards the world of , which offered a clearly-defined doctrine and clear-cut solutions to what he saw as the world's "The Nazi of LSU" problems. Soon, the young David Duke was convinced thatwhitesupremacy wasjustified, In 1968, Duke enrolled at Louisiana State and in time, he became addicted to racial University (LSU) in Baton Rouge, where he theory. gravitated towards yet another racist mentor: Much of Duke's high school years was a strongly anti-Semitic Catholic priest named spent preaching the tenets of white Lawrence J. Toups. Toups transformed Duke superiority: he enjoyed debating anyone he from a run-of-the-mill southern bigot into a could find about the merits of the white race. bitter anti-Semite. The college freshman As a senior, he told his teachers that "if the plunged into anti-Semitic literature and joined Nazis had won World War II, Hitler would the National Socialist Liberation Front have taken care of the Communists and Jews (NSLF), a branch of the National Socialist in Europe and the blacks afterward in the 's Party, which had previously United States." He said it was "too bad that made a name for itself as the American Nazi Hitler had lost."" Notsurprisingly. Duke had Party. Duke felt that the Klan lacked the become a full-fledged member of the Knights powerful ideology that the Nazis had, and of the Ku Klux Klan by the timehegraduated when he read White Power by George Lincoln from John F. Kennedy High School at the Rockwell—the murdered founder of the age of seventeen. Duke completely immersed —Duke knew he had himself in Klan activities; he researched the found the true foundations of racial politics. history of the group and was a regular at the Rockwell's book—which advocates the bi-monthly meetings. In the words of a former creation of a "white, Christian nation"—is Klansman, Duke became "a model regarded as the bible of hard-core racists and

"SusanTaylor Martin, "A Racist Alternative: White Supremacist Runs for Office with Little Support orName Recognition," St. Petersburg Times, April 21, 1988. '^Bridges 1994, 9. ''Ibid., 13. "Zatarain, 101. "Ibid., 100. "Elizabeth A. Rickey, "The Nazi and the Republicans: An Insider View ofthe Response of the Louisiana Republican Party to David Duke," The Emergence of David Duke and the Politics of Race, ed. Douglas D. Rose (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 70. Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns

anti-Semites." Duke's interest was aroused; which essentially copied the NSLF dogma. "National Socialism appealed to me," he A WYA pamphlet which spelled out the recalls.^" group's goals and activities (and which As a sophomore, Duke began to publicly featured a photograph ofDuke holding a copy preach his views at LSU's Free Speech Alley of White Power) was filled with passages and told students: "I am a National Socialist. copied verbatim from NSLF publications.2' You cancall me a Nazi if you want to."^' He The WYA newsletter. The Racialist preached that "whites are mentally superior advertised various books and tapes for sale, to Negroesand that "thenegative influence including Our Nordic Race, The Zionists ofJewish culture" must be stopped.22 Famous Behind Communism, and the ever-popular for his vitriolic verbal attacks against minority .^ Duke's group did little except groups. Duke was dubbed "The Nazi of protest several speeches by civil rights LSU. 2* At school, he went so far as to advocates, and the WYA effectively dissolved display his extremism in class: he informed when Duke accepted a short-term job teaching his German professor that Mein Kampfv/zs English to military officers in Laos.2' "the greatest piece of literature of the With the money he earned in Laos, Duke twentieth century" and insistedthat Hitler was traveled to different countries, including the "greatest genius whoever lived. "2^ When India. His trip was more than just a lawyer spoke at Tulane sightseeing adventure—it profoundly affected University in 1970, Duke picketed the speech. him and fueled his racist beliefs. Upon But he did not stop there: he went dressed in arriving in various Indian cities. Duke became a Nazi uniform, brandishing a red swastika astonished by what he saw; he later wrote armband and carrying a sign which read that the "backwardness of the people,...the "Kunstler is a Communist Jew" and "Gas the dirt and trash,...it was like looking at a . "2"* nightmare,....The historical reality of race Duke's father sharply rebuked hisson for slowly began to crowd in on me. "2® Duke the Kunstler incident, and Duke obediently was convinced thatIndia's poverty and decay left the NSLF and told his friends he could was due to the decline in racial purity of the no longer support Nazism. But a few short white Aryans who once ruled India: months later, he started a new student group called the White Youth Alliance (WYA), I wonder if, a few hundred years from Lance HiU. "Nazi Race Doctrine in the Political Thought of David Duke." The Emergence of David Duke and the Po/mci of Race, ed. Douglas D. Rose (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 98. It is possible that Lincoln Rockwell-who had political aspirations of his own-inspired Duke to run for public office. WilllaniV^ Moore. "David Duke: The White Knight." The Emergence of David Duke and the Politics of Race, ed. Uouglas D. Rose (Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press 1992) 43 ^Zatarain. 128. "Ibid.. 124. "One of Duke's fellow LSU students was James Carville. who says he "used to show people around: there's the stadium Oct'ober 12 IwT campanile, there'.s our fascist." See Garry WUIs. "Clinton's HeU-Raiser." New Yorker, "Moore. 44. "Tony Freemantle. "Duke Advances One-Issue Platform-The White Race." Houston Chronicle, January 19 199^ Moore. 45. "Ibid.. 46. "Zatarain. 148. "David Maraniss. "Duke's Obsession: White Supremacy with aPlan." Washington Post, November 10. 1991. India was first settled by Aryans, a white-skinned warlike nomadic tribe which was glorified by the Third Reich. POLITICA ♦ Spring 1995

now, some half-black ancestor of mine the focus of his Louisiana Klan when he will be sitting in the ruins of our became —he decided to make civilization brushing away the flies. Every day, our nation grows a little the organization youth-oriented, broad-based, darker from massive nonwhite and politically pragmatic. He took advantage , high nonwhite birthrates of racial tensions in Louisiana by establishing and increasing racial , and a Klan Youth Corps for white teenagers; he with each passing day we see the quality based his recruiting efforts in high schools of our lives decline a little bit more.^' and was enormously successful. By the late 1970's, Duke had instituted Klan Youth Upon his return to the United States, chapters throughout the country.He broke Duke promptly established a new white Klan tradition and offered memberships to supremacist group called the National Party. women. Catholics, and soldiers in the This group's stated agenda was not only to military. Klan membership skyrocketed.^ protest, but to actually affect change in Duke attempted to make the Klan a viable government policy; Duke explained that the political force bymaking it more respectable, National Party would contest elections and and his efforts made him one of the foremost advance its agenda through political means. racists in the country. He protected his Duke intended for this group to be "based on organization through legal means, insisting, Klan principles [and] Klan symbols," and for example, that Klan demonstrations and once again, he published a newsletter for the sales of anti-Semitic literature were rightful group. Although the party maintained afairly exercises of free speech. Although Duke low profile. Duke's advice for his followers believed that the Jews who he felt controlled olearly mirrored his later campaign strategy: mainstream American media would never give the party's ideology had to be immutable him fair treatment on television, he also while its tactics were flexible.^^ Early on. understood that in order to successfully Duke showed an understanding of the promote the Klan, media attention was vital. pragmatic side of politics and the need to And Duke soon learned how easily he could adjust his techniques at times in order to manipulate the media: not only did he extend his support base. discover that the Ku Klux Klan's very name was a magnet for journalists. Duke also found that many unprepared reporters were easily Grand Wizard thrown offwhen he "effortlessly parried their hostile questions and articulately outlined" After marrying longtime supporter Chloe his views." Youthful, articulate, and Hardin in 1972, Duke reentered LSU and handsome. Duke represented a new image of returned to the Ku Klux Klan. His devotion the Klan. His appearances on national talk to the organization soon led to positions as shows such as Today and his college lecture the Louisiana grand dragon and as the national series attracted both free publicity and new information director. Staying true to the goals recruits eager to join the cause. Klan he set for the National party. Duke altered membership more than doubled during Duke's reign as the organization's spokesman and

" Kennedy 1991. " Moore, 46. "Bridges 1994. 45. " Moore, 48. "Bridges 1994, 45. Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns

poster boy.^® Even his opponents admired his his public image and present himself as a new, strategy: Danny Welch, director of the improved man ashamed of his "youthful Klanwatch Project, said that Duke "used indiscretions.""^ tactics that had never been used before—throw away the robe, put on a three-piece suit, cut your hair, and get yourself on T.V."^' Makeover But by 1980, Duke felt that his political agenda could not be advanced any further By any measurable account, David Duke's through the Klan. He felt that "there was no political career was barely significant at all way I was going to change that image...of to the world of American politics. As a thetypical Klansman—the ignorant, toothless, mainstream candidate. Duke won only one gun-toting hatemonger talking about race office—that of a Louisiana state war."^® The Klan's image was too negative representative; he was but a tiny fish in the and its history too violent to achieve the political sea. But Duke's public record as a political status Duke wanted it to, so he left white supremacist made his relative successes the organization to form a new one. He named nothing short of remarkable: he drew more his new group the National Association for than 60 percent of the white vote in his the Advancement of White People (NAAWP) unsuccessful 1990 run for the U.S. Senate, so that its "name and clear purpose made it and in his gubernatorial campaign the impossible for minority racists to condemn following year. Duke garnered enough us without exposing their hypocrisy." The support to oust incumbent NAAWP was meant to be "primarily a white before losing against in a rights lobby organization, a racial movement, runoff election. Duke clearly could not have mainly middle class."3' And again. Duke registered such an impressive showing published a subsidiary newsletter—the without toning down his extremist image: NAAWP News. The newsletter contained a after all, heknew that a seriouscandidacy on variety of anti-black and anti-Semitic articles his part would entail appealing to the and advertisements. While this new group mainstream electorate as well as maintaining lacked the power and fame the Klan enjoyed. his established racist core of support. By the Duke could now claim that he had distanced time he ran for the state legislature in 1989, himself from previous associations and thus Duke had begun to moderate his public lure a larger part of the mainstream electorate persona. which had been reluctant to support a Fro the onset of his 1989 campaign for Klansman. the state legislature to his withdrawal from Though it is quite clear that David Duke's the 1992 presidential race. Duke masked his past is filled with racist appeals and extremist extremism with a mainstream, conservative positions, he still won public office in 1989. image. The new David Duke was a carefully Even after acknowledging parts of his sanitized version of his former self; a more extremist past. Duke was able to manipulate subtle appeal to disaffected, moderate

^Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, Hate Groups in America: ARecord ofBigotry and Violence, (New York: Anti- Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 1988), 4. The ADL estimates that under Duke's reign as the group's national media director, totalKlan membership shot from 5,000in 1973 to 10,500 in 1979. "Peter Applebome, "Louisiana Showdown: Duke vs. Edwards." New York Times, November 10. 1991. '^Maraniss 1991. Moore 1992, 49. ^Maraniss 1991. POLITICA ♦ Spring 1995

conservative voters replaced the blatant racist appeareddifferent, and this new image clearly dogma in Duke's speeches. Extending his helped him garner more support than he image as an articulate, charming media would have received otherwise. As a newly darling, he used his public appearances to "mainstreamed" candidate. Duke delivered present a clean David Duke who disavowed his political views in a friendly, low-key his extremist past and dismissed his racist manner quite removed from the caustic style activities as "youthful indiscretions." Smooth he employed as a college neo-Nazi. Instead and telegenic. Duke's moderate-sounding ofsaying outright that "whites are the master platform against , race"^ as he once did. Duke now spoke only immigration, and welfare cheats attracted a of his "love for Western civilization."''^ Duke sizable audience. He exploited these knew that he could count on his charisma and legitimate political issues and thus broadened good looks to further his image as an his constituency among better-educated attractive candidate: "I can't help it if I'm middle-class voters without alienating his the Robert Bedford of .""* And racist base. But although this new and although Duke's campaign platform was improved Duke refrained (usually) from extremely conservative, it was certainly a far outright racist appeals, his mainstream image cry from his crude theorizing about how was only a deceptive fa9ade. emergency medical blood supplies should be Duke began his image transformation by racially segregated or how America's dental undergoing cosmetic surgery in order to problems stem from intermarriage between enhance his telegenic looks. He dyed his hair "different European subraces.""^ Duke and shaved off his "Hitler" mustache. Duke explained that he had matured since his had liposuction on his lips, a nose job, a chin college days, and that he had "been too implant, a skin tuck, a chemical peel, and intolerant....I regret some ofthe things I have had smile-wrinkles added around his eyes.'" said.""* Even Duke's newsletter, the NAAWP And following the advice of a friend, he News, toned down its message about Aryan discarded his "K-mart suits" in exchange for superiority. more fashionable tailoring.''^ As Duke wrote But despite his attempts to protect his new in Finders Keepers, the sex manual he wrote image, the essential Duke was often revealed under the pseudonym of Dorothy Vanderbilt, through careful observation and research into "changing the outside of a person for the his past. For example, even though he left better can go a long way towards changing the Ku KIux Klan in 1980, Duke never the inside."^' But evidently. Duke's publicly renounced the Klan and has long been transformation was only skin-deep: he did not tied to the organization as well as with other shed his racist ideology as easily as he rid racist groups."' He often referred to his Klan himself of his old face and old clothes. past during his campaigns because he felt it On the surface, however, he certainly would show that he "meant business"*" and

Bill Hewin and Ron Ridenhour, "An Ex-KIansman Cools His Image," People, November 18, 1991. Also see Powell 1990. "^Bridges 1994, 168. Powell 1990. '*^Zatarain 1990, 123. Applebome 1991. Martin 1988. Powell 1990. "^^Bill Nichols, "David Duke's Record at Odds with Public Persona," USA Today, November 8, 1991. Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns when questioned about his fondness for Klan to what you're saying." Duke went on doctrine. Duke replied, "people always say to say that he would never admit to his Nazi it's the same old Klan package. Well, it's beliefs in public "for practical reasons. 1 true from the standpoint of myself. My wheedle out of it, because I'm a pragmatist."" ideology has not fundamentally changed."" But despite his self-proclaimed pragmatism, It seems even clearer that Duke still held he expressed his Nazi-loyalties well into the onto his racist views when his recent 1980s. Duke told others that statements are examined. After his 1989 was "a myth perpetrated on Christians by legislative victory, he told Jews," and he annually toasted Hitler's student Abby Kaplan in a taped interview that birthday with "a few beers and...a few Sieg he agreed with Hitler that America should Heils."" Even now. Duke feels that history not have fought in World War II, and went has slighted Hitler: "When a man like Hitler on to say that blacks were genetically does a hundred great things and then kills predisposed to criminal behavior." Duke also somebody, everyone remembers the killing stated that "there is only one country [now] and forgets what great things the man did. that is all-white, and that's Iceland. And As a gubernatorial candidate in 1991, Iceland is not enough."" Duke told reporters that a major source of During his gubernatorial campaign in his decision to reject racism was his 1991, Duke argued for "equal rights for all "relationship with Christ—I believe that races"" and denounced racism; however, through Christ, all of us become more evidence emerged which exposed the tolerant."" Duke asserted that he was a full- candidate's empty rhetoric. Duke said that time member of the Evangelical Baptist he abhorred Nazism; "I am opposed to Church, but there was one slight problem: Nazism, any totalitarianism, of any kind." there is no such church. When confronted But in a taped 1989 interview. Duke advised with this information, the candidate then a neo-Nazi to follow in his footsteps and keep backpedaled and said he belonged to a private his Nazi loyalties "under wraps....If they can evangelical study group, but he named as his call you a Nazi and make it stick, it's going minister a retiree of 14 years." According to to hurt the ability of people to open their research conducted by the Louisiana Coalition

^'Ridgeway 1991, 117. Duke hasacknowledged working with racist organizations; he toldNewsweek in 1975 that "we work with [them] wherever we can." Powell 1990. Accoiding toTyler Bridges (inpersonal interview, April 26, 1994), Duke acknowledged his Klan pastin speeches inorderto show hisracist supporters that hestill represented their interests. Interestingly, Duke didnot bring up his Nazi afliliations, fearing that they would hurt his campaign. ^'Applebome, 1991. ^ Preemantle 1992. Duke said in January 1992 that "there are certain behavioral tendencies, and I think that blacks generally, in terms of our society, have moreofa tendency to act in anti-social ways." "Nichols 1991. "Ridgeway 1991, 117. "Tyler Bridges, "Dukethe 'Nazi'," The New Orleans Times-Picayune, October 17, 1991. "Bridges 1991. " David Duke, inpersonal interview, April 13,1994. Duke could only becontacted viahiscall-in radio talk show, so my questions were asked onthe air. While Iwas onhold, Ihad the opportunity tolisten inonother callers' questions. The call immediately preceding mine was that ofa Louisiaira farmer's; he informed Duke and his listeners that the Holocaust did in faahappen, but that Hitler had ordered itstopped. Why wasn't Hitler's order followed? "Red tape inthe Nazi bureaucracy," answered the farmer. "Nichols 1991. " Kennedy 1991. The retired minister that Duke named also happened to behis campaign photographer and pilot. POLITICA ♦ Spring 1995

Against Racism and Nazism (LCARN), Duke campaign speeches are filled with instances had called himself an atheist for years, and of such doublespeak, in which he gives new as recently as 1987 he attended the Identity labels to racist terms. Church which teaches that blacks are By exploiting legitimately controversial subhuman and Jews are the offspring of political issues. Duke attracted supporters Satan. who shared his stance on those issues. Many Still, Duke maintained that he was not a voters had their own reasons for disliking racist and that he was simply an advocate of enforced busing, affirmative action, or "true equal rights." This statement became welfare abuse, and they sympathized with suspect after it was reported that after Duke's Duke because he felt the same way about these victorious campaign in 1989, he attended a issues. They did not know or did not care convention in Chicago held by the new that the candidate's stance on these issues was Populist Party—a group — — determined by his racist formed by neo-Nazi skinheads beliefs. Of course. Duke and Klansmen—and was He continued to use could explain his political photographed shaking hands the press as a free views in a manner with Art Jones, an infamous acceptable to many neo-Nazi. Although Duke had medium for gather mainstream voters; when earlier declared that "my ing support. asked why he is anti- victory was a victory for true affirmative action, he equal rights and greater replied that it was a form of understanding and not intolerance and "racial preference" that he could not abide." " (emphasis added), he had a He knew how to present his words in ways different message for the Populists: "my palatable to the general public: "Never refer victory was a victory for the white majority to racial superiority or inferiority, only talk movement in this country."" about racial differences."" At a 1991 campaign rally. Duke said that "the time has come in this country to stand up for us, to Code Words stand up for our heritage and our way of life. Our Christian values are under attack."" Duke's relative political successes have Time and time again. Duke sought to remind capitalized on his uncanny ability to code his voters that he was not a racist, but instead a racist beliefs with mainstreamvocabulary. He savior for the "besieged" white culture; in was able to develop a new language for old speeches, he reminded his "Western obsessions: Duke used images of "Christian Christian" compatriots to be wary of the unity" and "the invading welfare " "rising welfare underclass."" However, it is to convey his extremist messages." His difficult to ignore the fact that his term

"Nichols 1991. The Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism is a PAC created specifically to counter Duke's political aims. According to Tyler Bridges (in personal interview, April 26, 1994), LCARN is "on hold until Duke or someone with his beliefs makes a move towards political office." " Rickey, 63-64. "Applebome 1991. " Robin Toner, "Duke Takes His AngerInto 1992 Race," New York Times, December 5, 1991. "Jason Berry, "Louisiana Hateride: The Politicsof David Duke," The Nation, December9, 1991. "Applebome 1991. "Ibid. Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns

"Western Christian" excludes blacks, Jews, his ad. Duke had urged voters to support him and all other non-white ethnic groups. It is as he took advantage of frustrated whites; he equally obvious that the "underclass" which coded his racist doctrine in vague—yet he denounces represents those minorities who reasonable-sounding—terms. He told his have been stereotyped as extremely prolific— viewers: but impoverished—"welfare queens": blacks, Hispanics, and Asians. He distastefully refers For too long, we've been afraid to stand to this "underclass" as a "growing parasite. up to reverse discrimination, to liberal Duke's identification of minorities as those socialengineering, to attempts to belittle who suck the money and life out of white and reduce the role ofWestern Christian America is coded in his campaign rhetoric: culture in American life....Let's insist he has said that the "underclass leeches off • on equal rights for all. Let's defend and the productive taxpayer in order to feed its preserve the values and principles that drug habit and produce more illegitimate have enabled this nation to endure and thrive. We've been silent too long." babies."®* Duke told doctoral candidate Evelyn Rich that welfare was "evil...because Duke was able to successfully use deceptive welfare recipients [have] nothing to do but rhetorical coding in order to mask his breed."®* His use of racial code makes it clear extremist beliefs and thus capture a substantial that his extremist beliefs had not wavered. As Louisiana State Senator Ben Bagert said, number of mainstream votes while retaining "[Duke] doesn't talk about blacks anymore. a foothold with his racist core of support. It's just a wink and a nod; everyone knows Even while he tried to gain more mainstream what he means."™ followers, he stuck by his extremist—albeit Voters who were turned off by Duke's hidden—beliefs. blatantly extremist past tuned in to the more subtly racist campaign rhetoric which tapped into their frustrations and resentments. These Duke TV voters could support Duke's seemingly kinder, gentler message without worrying A large measure of Duke's political about being labeled an outright bigot. After success was also derived from his Duke aired a half-hour television ad in which manipulation of the broadcast news media. he offered voters a compelling image of Ever since his days as a telegenic Klansman, himselfand hiscampaign platform during his Duke had actively sought publicity for his senatorial bid, Louisiana Republican Party views; as a candidate, he continued to make Chairman Billy Nungesser said "If I didn't use ofthe press as a free medium for gathering know who David Duke was, I'd vote for him. support. Duke built up much of his support That's as good an ad as I've ever seen."'' In from news coverage by using his notoriety

"'Howard Kurtz. "New Orleans Paper Plays a Central Role in Contest," Washington Post, November 16, 1991. *®Toner 1991. "Bridges 1994, 178. "Bridges 1991. "Bridges 1994, 185. " Ibid. Duke's 30-minute television adalso included a toll 900 number which heurged voters tocall. Each call cost ten dollars; eightof those dollars went to Duke's campaign. In one month, thesephone calls raised $88,000 for him. The candidate expected another $200,000 before election day, but South Central Bell cited a corporate policy prohibiting customers fromusing900 numbers to help political campaigns and subsequently disconnected Duke's phone-contribution service. POLITICA ♦ Spring 1995

to gain attention, and then by making use of knowledge and depth in their coverage that the structural characteristics of television to most print journalists do. Without the get the best coverage possible. In order to resources necessary to do additional research, enter and remain in the political consciousness news reporters found themselves unable to of common voters. Duke had to receive dig beneath Duke's composed veneer. constant coverage from their main source of Furthermore, there simply was not enough information: television news. And Duke available air time to appropriate to coverage himself certainly knew how to get media of the candidate and his past. Time constraints attention: as he himself said, "you have to be limit each news segment to only a few so radical that you break [into] press sentences; when Duke's campaigns were coverage. Once you become radical, or have covered, his lengthy sound bites took up much a radical reputation, that makes you of the air time devoted to covering his interesting. Extremism gets you into the candidacy. Also, television stations rarely arena. keep archives of news stories, and are thus In his campaigns. Duke kept himself unlikely to have a collective memory about sufficiently controversial to encourage personalities such as Duke, making it all the continuing news coverage, but also stuck more difficult to unearth facts about his racist closely enough to his clean image in order to beliefs and present them in ways which keep his mainstream support. Thus, both his continue in the consciousness of broadcast racist ideology and political pragmatism made coverage. This "television amnesia" is shared him retain as much of his extremism as by those who watch television news; studies possible, while combining it as best he could have shown that audiences are not likely to with a television persona acceptable to the remember much ofwhat they saw on TV after voting mainstream. A master of media a day or two." manipulation. Duke achieved this by Moreover, television—as a visual exploiting inherent weaknesses in television medium—was highly attracted to Duke's coverage. carefully cultivated, smiling, friendly image. Duke recognized that television reporters Duke's carefully crafted self-image (along usually are not experts in the stories they with his warm, reasonable voice) reinforced report, and he took advantage of this fact. the crucial nice-guy appeal that accompanied Duke's well-rehearsed sound bites played well his message. When critics attacked him with on television, which featured him nearly every evidence of his Nazism or quotes from his night on the local news. The candidate was past. Duke's boyishly handsome profile lent prepared for questions about his Klan past, credence to his claims of innocence: "Why and reporters who asked these questions were are they attacking me? Anyone can see I am given canned answers and a sound bite on a a reasonable, good fellow."" The candidate "hot-button issue."'* Since most TV reporters played his role as a martyr quite effectively. rely on quick research and basic journalism He frequently used public attacks on him to to get things done as they go from story to emphasize his role as the underdog outsider: story, they are not likely to have the "the establishment attacks me because they

"Freemantle 1992. '^Bridges 1994, 151. GaryEsolen, "MoreThana Pretty Face; David Duke's UseofTelevision asa Political Tool," TTie Emergence ofDavid Duke and the Politics ofRace, ed. Douglas D. Rose (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 141. "Esolen. 147. Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns

know I have the courage to stand up for the appeared. The candidate often agreed to make little guy."" When a local news reporter personal appearances on news programs and angrily confronted Duke with the candidate's talk shows only after he was guaranteed that own statement that "horses contributed more his critics and opponents would not be present to the building of American civilization than at the tapings; furthermore, he refused to blacks," Duke contorted his face and took appear on television shows unless producers on the hurt air of a victim under attack: "I agreed not to bring up his Nazi or Klan past. don't think you're really being fair to me, Hungry for increased ratings, network sir....You're putting me down." The honchos frequently relinquished much control television station was flooded with angry calls in return for Duke's participation. Producers the next morning, criticizing the reporter's were more than willing to defer to the tactics.^® Similarly, interviewer Sam candidate's wishes. ABC's wanted Donaldsoncame across as a bully on national Duke to appear so badly that its producers televisionwhen he tried to probeinto Duke's accepted the controversial candidate's past. On a November 1989 appearance on conditions that he not appear with guests he Prime Time Live, host Donaldson aggressively did not approve of.®® And before allowing questioned the candidate about his racial himself to be interviewed on Donahue, Duke beliefs. Duke's attempts to shift the topic of specificallyrequired that no footage be shown conversation to his more moderate-sounding of him in Klan robes and that there be no campaign platform were met with mention whatsoever of quotes from his past Donaldson's repeated interruptions. Once which might conflict with his newer, more again cool under pressure. Duke calmly told moderate positions.®' Duke was constantly his interviewer that hewas "really not being soughtafter as an interview subject on a great fair."" Many viewers saw the host as a bully number of national television programs; and the candidate as the victim. Donaldson meanwhile, each ofhis appearances on shows and many other experienced journalists did like Good Morning America, Nightwatch, not take into account the fact that Duke had Larry King Live, and Crossfire inevitably had a lifetime of practice facing off against prompted thousands of viewers to contribute hostile interviewers' questions about his past. to the candidate's campaign coffers. Duke By this point, the candidate was virtually an almost always performed extremely well on expert in the craft of televised image television. Not only was he an old hand at manipulation. Television's dependence on evading hostile questions, many interviewers high ratings also helped Duke shape his own were frequently unprepared; as broadcast TV image. News programs and talk shows journalists, they often did not have the time actively sought the candidate as an interview or resources necessary to completely subject because of his potential for familiarize themselves with the candidate's controversy. Duke exploited this demand for past activities and bis extremist notions. him, and made sure that his critics would not Therefore, they often allowed Duke to skirt have a forum on the programs in which he the issues surrounding his racist past and

"Tyler Bridges, "Rubber Duke?: As Long as the GOP Keeps Ignoring Him. He'll Keep Bouncing Back," Washington Post, December 8, 1991. Berry 1991. ''Bridges 1994, 168. Bridges 1991. Peter Applebome, "On the Past and Future ofa Politician: Was Duke Made for TV, or Made by It?" New York Times, November 20, 1991. POUTICA ♦ Spring 1995

failed to rebuthimwithexamples of his recent bid for the presidency in 1992. His campaign extremism. for the White House was widely reported to The local print media, too, had a difficult have lost steam because ultraconservative time dealing with Duke, but for different pundit-turned-candidate reasons. The only daily newspaper in New absorbed most of Duke's issues and Orleans, -Picayune, made an early supporters; indeed, Buchanan often sounded editorial decision in 1989 to leave coverage like a David Duke clone. The two candidates' of Duke's campaign for the state legislature quotes were often indistinguishable.®*Duke's to the bureau reporters assigned to the hardcore racist backers stuck with him, but candidate'sdistrict.® Thatdecision precluded many of those who had only supported his any in-depth investigation into Duke's past, conservative political views gravitated to which would have required a free reporter Buchanan because he did not have the stigma with time enough to conduct a massive amount of a notorious past. Strong evidence of of research; a suburban bureau simply could Duke's racism and extremism had been not handle the task. Then, after Times- revealed by a number of his opponents, which Picayune reporter Tyler Bridges spent close considerably weakened his post-1989 to two years digging up Duke's skeletons, campaigns. It was discovered that Duke had the newspaper could not decide whether or sold Nazi literature from his legislative not to run Bridges' pieces, fearing a violation offices in Metairie®^ and that his closest of the journalistic aim for objectivity. friends and advisors were Klansmen and Nazi Ultimately, the Times-Picayune resolved to sympathizers. Duke's military record was keep Duke from the governor's mansion and found to be a sham, and clear instances of launched a series of election-week editorials racism in his interviews and statements urging voters to reject him at the polls." returned to haunt him. Certainly, the national press corps in 1992 held Duke under more scrutiny than the local media did in previous Limited Dukedom years. Duke was exposed, and with a national audience glaring at him, he had nowhere to Duke was relatively successful in his local hide. He could only achieve so much efforts to mask his extremism with a politically on the strength of his pragmatism moderated image, coded messages, and and remarkable image-bending skills. television manipulation. After all, he won a seat in the Louisiana State House, and had better-than-expected showings in his bids for When It Rains, It Pours U.S. Senate in 1990 and the governorship in 1991. But Duke could only advance so far Duke's political career has taken a sharp politically because of the stigma attached to nosedive since his ill-fated run for the his racist past; he has lost every political race presidency in 1992. Once described as a "self- he entered after 1989, including his dismal employed career fundraiser,''®® Duke has been

Esolen, 142. "Jim Amoss, "The David Duke Story Pushed One Newspaper Into a 'Battle fortheSoulofthe Electorate'," Bulletinfor the American SocietyofNewspaper Editors (ASNE), March 1992. " Bridges 1994,245. Try to identify whetherDukeor Buchanan utteredthisstatement; "Does this First World nationwant to become a Third World country? Because that is our if we do not build a sea wall against the waves of immigration rolling over our shores." (Answer: Buchanan) "Rickey, 66. "Berry 1991. Media Manipulation in Electoral Campaigns

unable to find a steady source of income: his shrewd and effective competitor, but his once highly-sought-after autobiography was outrageous beliefs and personal history turned down by every publisher he emerged publiclyand exposed him as a world- approached, and he lost a job selling class and racist. The ability to insurance. Heavily in debt. Duke found no manipulate the media is not onethat is unique takers for a college lecture tour, and was sued to Duke; surely it is conceivable that all by the state for accepting improper campaign politicians use, to some degree, a knowledge contributions. In October of 1992, Duke was of the workings of broadcast and print spotted among displays of plumbing fixtures Journalism for their own advantage. Buteven and car alarms at a home show as hepeddled in an era where sound bites, wire releases baseball caps, T-shirts, and buttons left over and leaks to the press are often used to from his failed presidential campaign. One influence politics, the manipulation of media observer noted, "he looked sort of pitiful. can only be taken so far. Duke used all his No one was paying attention to him."®' In cleverness and experience to take advantage April of 1993, he applied for a position as a of the inherent qualities ofthe media in order radio talk-show host and got the Job; the to extend his base of political support, but it station manager, an orthodox Jew, felt that if eventually became all too obvious that even he did not hire Duke, "they'll say it's the his expertise in image modification could not Zionist media trying to block [him] out."®® hide his underlying extremism. Duke's radio program, which offered racially- To the American public, the name "David tinged right-wing insight into current political Duke" has now been reduced to acatch phrase issues, failed to post spectacular ratings and forracism, and hisfailed political campaigns was soon canceled. Desperate to stay in the have convinced political scientists that Duke public eye. Duke organized a group of has nochance of ever winningelective office investors and paid the station $300 an hour again. But even though his political future to allow him to stay on the air (until he looks extremely bleak at the moment. Duke voluntarily stopped broadcasting last is convinced that the sweeping Republican summer).®® Occasionally, the extremist still victory in the 1994 elections was a validation let down his guard and allowed his beliefs to of his views. He claims that the success of be seen; he once said that the existence of the party at the polls hinged on the issues different skin colors was compelling evidence that Duke himself had previously run on, that God had intended for different races to including immigration, welfare reform, and be segregated. the flat tax. He says he feels "flattered" by Duke's political career perfectly the GOP adoption of his political agenda: "I illustrates the limited political viability of think thecountry's moving in my direction."" extremist movements in American And what of Duke's future plans? Will he government. As a campaigner. Duke was a run for political office again? Tyler Bridges

"Tyler Bridges, "Once aWizard, David Duke Seems to Have Lost Magic Touch," Houston Chronicle, November 26 1992. On his radio program. Duke recently (4/13/94) said that South Africa's political direction is wrong: he argues that racial separation along geographic lines is valuable because "everyone deserves to live with his own kind." He went on to predict that will soon be necessary in the southern United States because "we need to keep the invading Mexican hordes from takingover our culture. ** Jim Mulvaney. "'Politically Incorrect' Radio: David Duke Takes Message to the Airwaves," , August 2, 1993. TylerBridges, in personal interview, April 26, 1994. " Charles R. Babcock and Dan Balz, "David Duke Says Republican Sweep Validates His Views," Washington Post, January 8, 1995. POLITICA ♦ Spring 1995

has speculated that thecontroversial politician The development of new—and easily will "run for governor again [in manipulated—technology has certainly 1995]—Duke feels that he is meant to become enabled political elites to use controlled president one day."*^ Not surprisingly. images to affect the viewing (and voting) Duke's answer is more subtle: "I think the public. But if politicians in the public eye sentiment of the country will swing my way like David Duke are allowed to "dominate in the next couple of years. People will look [the] media... we can expect their for people like me. manipulationof public opinion to become ever It remains to be seen how far politicians more successful."** People should be made can indeed influence the mass media in their more aware of overt attempts by politicians efforts to further their political goals. to influence what the public sees and hears; However, it can surely be said that the United voters must seek out and ponder "alternative States has entered an era in which realities to those derived from mass-mediated technological innovation enables politicians politics."'' Clearly, the emergence of political to appeal to their constituency much more media manipulation warrants greater public directly than ever before. Of course, there is attention. a limit to the success of manipulating the press: an examination of David Duke's Henry Fong is a third-year senior at the Uni political career certainly can attest to the fact versity of California at Berkeley, and expects that politicians cannot hide behind media- to complete a B.A. in Political Science in De created images forever. But in a political cember, 1995. This paper evolved from a environment inundated with television news shorterversion \vrittenfora course entitled "The programs and radio talk shows, it is necessary Politician" taught by lecturer Adrienne to take careful note of candidates' use of Jamieson in Spring, 1994. After graduation, media in attempts to advance their careers. Henryplans topursue a Ph.D. in PoliticalScience.

"Bridges, personalinterview, 1994. "Bridges 1992. Ina recent personal interview (April 13. 1995), Tyler Bridges reported that Duke is "95% sure" that he will commit to entering the next Louisiana gubernatorial election. But for now, "he's continuing to work on his autobiography." " Michael Margolis atxl Gary A. Mauser, Manipulating Public Opinion: Essays onPublic Opinion asa Dependent Variable, (Pacific Grove, CA.: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 1989), 379. "Dan Nunmo and James E. Combs, Mediated Political Realities, (New York: Longman), 1990. U-C-BERKEaaffl Cim00ti3b3