The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Feminism Some Food for Thought Daniel Meijers

Meijers, Daniel 1991: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Feminism. Some Food for Thought. - Ethnologia Europaea 21: 59-70.

A study of the development offeminism would probably lead us to the conclusion that the emancipation of women has taken place mainly in Protestant countries and cultures. In Roman Catholic cultures, for example, emancipation movements such as feminism have evolved much more slowly. In Islamic cultures, feminism has developed only recently. In this paper I will argue that it is the ethic of Protestantism which led to the "spirit of feminism".

Dr. Daniel Meijers, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, Department of Cultural An­ thropology/Sociology of Development, De Boelelaan 1105, NL-1081 HV Amster­ dam , The Netherlands

period as that in which feminism made its ap­ Introduction pearance in Protestant countries. A study of the development of feminism would This interesting phenomenon cannot be sim­ probably lead us to the conclusion that the ply explained in terms of cause and effect. In emancipation of women has taken place any case, it means that social change in Pro­ mainly in Protestant countries and cultures. In testant countries is different from that in Roman Catholic cultures, for example, emanci­ Catholic countries (since Max Weber this is an pation movements such as feminism have almost trivial observation). The feminist move­ evolved much more slowly. In Islamic cultures, ment is no exception. It is a well-known fact feminism has developed only recently. In this that modern capitalism developed earlier in paper I will argue that it is the ethic of Pro­ Protestant countries than in Catholic coun­ testantism which led to the "spirit of femi­ tries. The rise of the feminist movement which nism" .1 demanded equal rights for women can thus be viewed as an aspect of the development of cap­ italism in Protestant Western Europe. The Protestant culture - the cradle of the Dutch feminist Anja Meulenbelt confirms this women's emancipation movement view when she says "a great deal of women's It is remarkable that the women's emancipa­ oppression has to do with capitalism" (Meulen­ tion movement has developed primarily in belt 1976:23). She argues that together with countries which are predominantly Protestant, capitalism's penetration of the whole of West­ such as Germany, the United States and ern Europe women's emancipation was dissem­ England - that is, if one accepts England as inated on an international scale. This move­ being a Protestant country. The only exception ment is no longer a specific cultural item in the is France. An attempt to discover any kind of a possession of a number of Protestant cultures. similar development in countries like Spain, However, this does not mean that feminism is Portugal, Poland or even Italy, would be in the same everywhere. Within the movement vain; at least if one looks at the same historical all sorts of variations exist. In different coun-

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*Indicates your saving of at least 10% on the purchase of the complete Language series that have both monographs and periodicals. tries there are differing aims. Despite this fact, that the price of the total reprinting per coun­ feminism can be nominally defined as an ideol­ try must be based approximately on the num­ ogy which strives for women's rights. Since ber of publications as well as their size we can social circumstances differ from one society to obtain an impression about the quantity pub­ the other, the rights demanded by women will lished in every country during that period. also vary. As a result, the feminist movement The complete English language reprinting in various countries will differ too. Neverthe­ costs $19,500. The German edition costs less, when we compare Protestant and Catholic $7,900 and the French $6,900. The price of the countries, the significance of women's emanci­ Dutch reprinting is $2,000. This is a compara­ pation in Catholic countries lags far behind tively large amount of money for such a small that in Protestant countries. The amount of linguistic area. Publication in other languages, important political positions that have been especially in Arabic stands in stark contrast to assumed by women can be taken as an in­ the above. dication of the importance of women's emanci­ The Italian reprinting costs $575 and the pation in that country. In fact, we find this Spanish and Portuguese $220. This latter fig­ relationship in Protestant countries such as ure seems to represent the feminine interests Scandinavia and The Netherlands as against of the huge population of Latin America. In such typical Catholic countries as Spain and general, it would appear that women in Pro­ Portugal. It is evident from this that Protes­ testant countries had much more literature at tantism and feminism are linked to each other their disposal than their sisters in other coun­ without excluding a correlation with other so­ tries. cial phenomena. In other words, do Protestant I think that these figures speak for them­ values and attitudes lead to an earlier devel­ selves. Not every country with a large number opment offeminism than other values and atti­ of publications is Protestant, but what con­ tudes? cerns us here are the countries - with the ex­ Goode has made a suggestion in keeping ception of France - where the population is with this line of argument. He argues that the predominantly Protestant. 2 It might thus be Protestant ideas about the rights and respon­ argued that there is every reason to look for a sibilities of the individual in an earlier histor­ relationship between a concern for women and ical epoch led to the undermining of traditional Protestantism. ideas about the position of women (Goode 1970:56). Protestantism did not only stimulate individualism but it caused typical Protestant The traditional Protestant family values and attitudes including the Protestant The basis of Protestant culture has long been view of man to become part and parcel of West­ the nuclear family. The traditional Protestant ern culture. As we shall explain, it is precisely family was at the same time the main cultural this idea of man which is an integral part of unit in which the Protestant woman func­ modern feminism. tioned. It is, in fact, impossible to speak of a "traditional" Protestant family. There were not only all sorts of regional variations, with con­ The Gerritsen-Collection siderable differences between each other, there Long before the feminist movement existed, were also big differences between the Protes­ women as a separate group received much tant family in the various social classes. What more attention in Protestant cultures than in can be stated is that the urban upper middle­ other cultures. This is evident from the cata­ class family was culturally dominant. That logue of the Gerritsen Collection of Women's was true for the United States as well as for History, which has reprinted the books and Europe. In this social class the Protestant magazines published especially for women in woman at the turn of the century - the period the period 1543-1945. The number of pages which is most important for us - played a sup­ reprinted is not completely clear. Assuming portive and caring role in the family. Her posi-

61 p

tion was considered formally as subordinate to tural censor, the religious conscience, the aes­ that of her husband - a picture which Parsons thetic arbiter, and the teacher (1965:283). As has adequately portrayed as far as the Amer­ America became the proverbial melting-pot, it ican woman is concerned (Parsons, 1954). An­ was the Anglo-Saxon woman's determination other writer who has penetratingly described which assured that of all the ingredients the American as well as the German woman in mixed, puritanism - such as it then was - her psycho-social context is Erikson (1965). would be the most pervasive streak" Parsons and Erikson became acquainted with (1965:286). both German and American family life. Parsons describes the American woman I would like to summarize the above with what shortly after the turn of the century. The pic­ I would call the "moral status" of the Protes­ ture he paints is, in many ways, the exact tant woman. This status seems to be one of the opposite of Erikson's portrait. According to most universal characteristics of the Protes­ Parsons she was "docile" and "kind" (Parsons tant woman. Parson's emphasis on the "kind­ 1954:90). Erikson, in contrast, portrays anoth­ ness" of the American woman and Erikson's er kind of woman completely, one who did not description of her responsibilities both indicate possess any of this docile kindness. Moreover, in essence her importance as the conscience of she was the descendant of many generations of society. This is also apparent from Zaretsky. Protestant pioneer women who lived on the According to him, Christianity, through its em­ borders of Western civilization. She was com­ phasis on conscience, contributed greatly to pletely moulded by the responsibilities that she the rise of self-consciousness. In Europe and had to bear. She carried the whole family on America for most of the nineteenth century her shoulders. She was the pivot on which conscience remained "the most important kind everything hinged - the absence of her hus­ of subjective experience" (translated from Za­ band often gave her no choice in the matter retsky 1977:34). (Erikson 1965:279 ff.). Erikson's Mom is not at Unlike women, men could allow their con­ all "docile" and "kind", but, on the contrary, science to be confined to their profession. For highhanded and independent. However, ac­ women this professionalization of conscience cording to Parsons, only "pseudo"-professional extended much further. All of her household pursuits remained for the mother. The family's duties and the whole of her life as mother and status was determined by the father's occupa­ spouse were considered as her "calling". She tion (Parsons 1954:95). was the psychological and emotional focal However conflicting these two descriptions point of the family (Zaretsky 1977:25-26,35). appear to be, they do not necessarily exclude Her task was to sacrifice herself for the family. each other. It is quite possible that Parson's It was sufficient for her to know that due to her docile American woman shows only one side of self-sacrifice others prospered (Shorter 1975: her psycho-social self, whereas Erikson's ideal­ 81). In her biography of Max Weber, his wife typical sketch of the robust Mom shows the Marianne gives an illustration of the above. other side: She describes the Baumgarten family. Weber's aunt, Ida Baumgarten, emerges as the real­ "'Mom' is the unquestioned authority in mat­ ization of the ideal-type of the Protestant mar­ ters of mores and morals in her home, and ried woman in the urban German upper mid­ (through clubs) in the community; yet she per­ dle-class: mits herself to remain in her own way, vain in her appearance, egotistical in her demands, "In the cultural atmosphere of her household and infantile in her emotions (Erikson she sought to live the gospel, and often she 1965:282). The American woman in frontier suffered greatly because it was unrealizable. communities was the object of intense rivalries Was it really impossible to fashion an undi­ on the part of tough and often desperate men. vided world in accordance with the teachings of At the same time, she had to become the cul- the Sermon of the Mount? The ever-vigilant,

62 acute sense of social responsibility impelled her class family of the time. Nevertheless, there to make expenditures for needy persons that ar e a number of fairly general characteristics her husband often found most disquiting . How­ which can be distinguished. The mother is the ever, he loved Ida dearly and cherished her so upholder of humanitarian ideals, morality and much that she usually was free to follow the religion. She is the embodiment of the spiri­ voice of her conscience. In other ways, too, she tual , while the father embodies the material. often und ertook tasks which, in the opinion of Erikson describes the German father as an others , overtaxed her and her family. She lost exceptionally authoritarian personality: a dearly beloved daughter because she took into her house the sister of a child who was ill "When the father comes home from work, even with scarlet fever. For years she gave a home the walls seem to pull themselves together to an orphaned relative , although the child's ("nehmen sich zusammen"). The mother - al­ problem personality was a great burden on her though often the unofficial master of the house and her own children. Her strong soul , con­ - behaves differently enough to make a baby fined to a delicate body, was engaged in a aware of it. She hurries to fulfill the father's lonely strug gle with the demons of an unfath­ whims and to avoid angering him" (Erikson omable depression. But she did not make 1965:322). others suffer because of this ; to them she al­ ways appeared cheerful and composed. "Self­ He is not to be compared to the loving mother­ conquest" was her daily watchword. Later in figure. He is much more comparable to an offi­ life Ida realized that her husband lived by a cial inspecting his subordinates than to a ten­ law that differed from her own . She withdrew der father or an endearing husband . Although into hers elf and carried on her inner struggles he does assume both these roles from time to alone. She shared her religious and social in­ time , nevertheless he appears mostly in his terests with her son and younger friends" first role, which he also plays when he is at his (Weber 1975:83). work . There he is the entrepreneur, the politi­ cian or the bureaucrat. More generally, he is It is scarcely astonishing that Max Weber was the breadwinner who is primarily responsible not uncritical of this feat of moral gymnastics, for the material st atus of the family (cf. Weber because of which his aunt was constantly in a 1975:33 ff. for the Weber family) . state of great tension. Nevertheless he had be­ The features described here belonged princi­ come accustomed to this state of affairs espe­ pally to a certain type of family, but they were cially in connection with his mother and other not limited to it . What is striking in thi s period members of his family. Men were more flexible around the turn of the century is both the in matters of morality and religion, as is evi­ rebellion against the authority of the father as dent from what Marianne Weber wrote about well as the mor e general anti-authoritarian her husband : tendencies as be seen from a great many of the German theatre-play s of the time (Green "He shared his father's view that it was "eccen­ 1974:72). ~tis the period of the Freudian revo­ tric" to judge every action by a moral law and lution against the dominant moral and reli­ try to measure it by absolute standards. He gious ideas and at th e same time the period of rejected the rigorism that left no room for smil­ rebellion against parental authority. Without a ing tolerance of one's own weaknesses ... He doubt, this was a reaction against the family regarded this "overtension" as inimical to any relationships which existed in a dominant so­ form of unconstrained happiness ..." (Weber cial class . 1975:83). In this social class the Protestant woman was formally subordinate to her husband. Nev­ It is possible that this description of the Weber ertheless, she played a completely independent family conveys a somewhat exaggerated pic­ role as the interpreter and as the representa­ ture of the average Protestant upper middle- tive of the spiritu al. This could easily lead to

63 conflicts between husband and wife. In Max Catholic cultures were always involved in agri­ Weber's parental home deep tension arose be­ culture, and in Islamic cultures the men, one tween both parents which eventually led to would be inclined to seek a connection between Max being forced to take his mother's side. the economic and the religious division of la­ Max regretted the estrangement which ensued bor. However, there is not a hint of such a between father and son for the whole of his life relationship (Davis 1984:23). For this reason, (Gerth and Mills 1966:11). It would appear Davis wonders whether there are doctrinal dif­ from the account of the Weber family that the ferences between Islam and Roman Catholi­ Protestant woman's role cannot be strictly de­ cism concerning the spiritual status of women. fined as a subordinate one as illustrated by the Here too, he comes to the conclusion, that in description of her moral and emotional qual­ Catholicism even more than in Islam women ities. It is important to examine what share have a lower status than men (Davis 1984:25). Protestantism had in this picture. In order to Since the woman plays an extremely impor­ gain some insight into the above, I would like tant role in the day-to-day religious practice of to make a comparison between the Protestant Roman Catholicism, one would have expected woman and the woman in Mediterranean so­ otherwise. ciety. An important difference between Islam and Roman Catholicism is the worship of Mary. Thanks to Mary, the woman plays a key role in Christian symbolism. Historically, Mary cults have had a positive effect on the position of the Men and women in the Roman Catholic woman. In spite of this, femi­ Mediterranean area nist Christians have criticized this aspect of John Davis has highlighted the contrast be­ Catholicism (Davis 1984:26). A similar worship tween men and women in the Northern, does not exist in Islam. Subsequently, Davis mainly Roman Catholic region and the South­ wonders why the prominent position which ern, mainly Islamic region of the Mediterrane­ women have in Roman Catholicism dates an area (Davis, 1984). In the South the man is much further back than the second half of the ~he upholder of religion. Women do not have eighteenth century. In that case the explana­ active religious functions. In the North, the tion must be sought in the changing social con­ situation is completely different. There it is the ditions during the last two centuries. In a foot­ women who go regularly to church and who note he mentions an argument brought by play an active part in religious life. Men's in­ Christian. The latter considers the religious terest in religion is minimal. They consider the participation of Catholic women to be caused church as something for their wives and by the extra stimulus which Catholicism gives daughters. Strangely enough, however, it is to women and which has induced their excep­ the women in both cultures who play the prin­ tional religious achievements. This stimulus cipal role in what could be called unorthodox results from a reaction to her deprived reli­ and deviant religious practices (Davis 1984:18 gious status which is based on ideas about fe­ ff.). male impurity. She was the cause of Adam's Although Davis presents this picture with sin. Her religious activity is a result of her all the necessary nuances and exceptions, this continuous attempt to elude this status. Davis division of religious labor remains true. This correctly observes that this argument as well stands in marked contrast to the division of as that of the worship of Mary in no way ex­ labor in economics and politics. On both sides plains the less active religious role of the Mus­ of the Mediterranean it is the men who are the lim woman (Davis 1984:47). breadwinners and who are involved in politics. However, a much more important question If this was not the case, there would be an remains unanswered. Why does the worship of obvious explanation. For example: if women in Mary occupy such a prominent position in Ca-

64 tholicism? Can this positive attitude towards world of war and violence in order to devote women be understood by examining the chang­ themselves to an other-worldly life of ascet­ ing social conditions in these regions over the icism. Another well-known example of such a last two centuries? And were there never any group were the Essenes. They lived in isolated comparable developments in Muslim socie­ communities in places far from human hab­ ties?3 itation, propagating a monastic way oflife. It is It seems to me that we can find the answers not improbable that the first Christians were to these questions in Max Weber's sociology of influenced by Essenian ideas ofrenunciation of religion. An important theme in his work is, the world. In contrast to the Roman conquer­ that every religion was originally transmitted ers, they preached an ideology of non-violence by a definite social stratum. The lifestyle and (Epstein 1964:111). This anti-militaristic mes­ economic ethic of this stratum determined the sage, reappearing as it did in the views of the character of that religion. Whether that char­ early Christians, was an expression of their acter was retained or not depended on the protest against the established order. It was changing social conditions. only in a later period that this protest turned In order to compare Roman Catholicism with into a compromise with the state and with the Islam it is first of all necessary to ascertain if status quo (cf. Leach, 1972). such historical features are linked to the differ­ The bearers of early Christianity were not ence between both religions. According to only craftsmen who desired to renounce the Weber, Islam was originally a religion ofworld­ world, but also ordinary people who had to live conquering warriors. Christianity began its and work in that very same world. For this course as a doctrine of itinerant artisan jour­ reason, celibacy and other forms of asceticism, neymen (Gerth & Mills 1966:268-269). although they were recognised as praisewor­ If the assumption that Islam has its origin in thy, could not be imposed on all members of the military social strata is correct, then it is community. Nevertheless, both tendencies re­ highly probable that its most important values mained within Christianity. They reappear in and ideas would be more male than female Catholicism with its contrast between the focused. Even if we accept that no religious other-worldly oriented clergy, and the more system remains unchanged, it is still highly this-worldly oriented laity. The compromise unlikely that the most fundamental "ideolog­ between church and state, on the one hand, ical" aspects of a religion are completely lost. and the radical renunciation of the world on This could explain the masculine emphasis in the other, is still apparent in the contrast be­ Islam and also the fact that, at least in the tween the hierarchically stratified diocesan official version of Islam, the woman is assigned clergy, and the egalitarian, monastic clergy. to a secondary role. It would seem that in the The other-worldly ideal of the latter was ac­ "deviant" forms of Islam - and these are usu­ corded the highest spiritual status, and the ally remnants of older local forms of worship striving to renounce the world was considered which continued to exist after the arrival of the most suitable way to achieve perfection. Islam - it is, in fact, the women who are at the This is also evident in Paul's Epistle to the forefront. The autochthonous people's religion Corinthians. Although the marital state was Was not inherited by the invading military condoned, at the same time preference was groups who were bent on the conquest of land. given to celibacy (cf. Kooy 1970:33). Much lat­ In contrast, Christianity came into existence er, at the Council of Trent (1545-1563), came under completely different circumstances and further confirmation that abstinence was supe­ originated with social strata of a completely rior to marriage (Kooy 1970:46). different character than Islam. Many other Christian values, such as the The first Christian community developed high ideals about loving one's fellow, martyr­ during the Roman occupation of Judaea. This dom, humility and self-humiliation, mortifica­ community was perhaps one of those religious tion of the flesh and the glorification of pover­ groups which isolated themselves from the ty, can be superimposed on this basic struc-

5 Ethnologia Europaea 21:1 65 ture. These ideals leave no room for doubt that remain a layman, nonetheless loyal to his reli­ Christianity as a way of life was, and is, diffi­ gion.4 cult to bring into practice for a man with a The devotional character of Catholicism con­ normal daily occupation. It is easier for women tinued to be determined by other-worldliness. to conform to such a value system, especially In Mediterranean societies, where celibacy is as regards non-violence, than men. Although considered as conflicting with the masculine this may not be true for every value, it does ideal, religion has only a moderate appeal for apply to this way of life as a whole. For this men. The only exception is Malta where men reason, it is very possible that from its very do participate in religion . This fact could be beginnings, women have played a much more explained by the special nature of the Maltese prominent role in the Christian religion than is political situation (cf. Davis 1984:22). realised. This would also explain why feminine symbolism is so central to Christianity. It is possible that the other-worldly element is further intensified by ideas about' the tran­ Back to feminism in Protestant scendence of the supernatural. In Protestan­ countries tism especially, these ideas predominated. The In the Protestant countries of Northern-Eu­ natural and the supernatural were detached rope, an inner-worldly asceticism developed from each other to such an extent that the which had its origin, however, in other-worldly natural world became identical with the pro­ ideals . This monastic asceticism finally came fane, and the unattainable and unknowable to permeate the whole of daily life (Weber supernatural became identical with the sacred. 1958:181). The monks of yesterday entered the In Calvinism, these ideas led to the doctrine of world and their ethic appeared in its inner­ predestination . Man had to prove himself in worldly guise as common property for every­ this world. There was no way of knowing for a one.5 Now, possessing a religious legitimation believer whether he was chosen or eternally for their work, men as well as women could damned. Pastors recommended hard work in practise asceticism within the world. As a con­ an occupation as a means of overcoming this sequence, men turned their occupation into a often paralysing doubt (Weber 1958: 112). The calling and women did the same by supporting fact that there were no infallible criteria of their husbands and by seeking and finding a election led to the search for a sign that the calling in the sphere of morals. A woman was believer was chosen. Being successful in this supposed to be "kind". She had to bear children world came to be considered such a sign, as it for her husband, and to take care of them in would be highly unlikely that a person re­ order that her husband could follow his occupa­ warded in this world would have to suffer in tion unhindered by any worries . The support­ the afterlife. This resulted in the Calvinistic ive role of women was thus given a religious work-ethic in which the believer had to be in basis. In this way, a woman could also find a the world without being involved in it. His elec­ sign that she belonged to the elect. In partic­ tion could be deduced from every aspect of his ular, economic success could be explained as a daily life including his professional conduct favourable token : the bestowal of prosperity (Weber 1958:110 - 115; Hill 1973:121). In this was seen as a gift from heaven. It was also way an ethic came into existence of work as a man's task to perfect the world by being ac­ "calling". tively involved in it. Success in every field, An inner-worldly ethic such as this did not especially in the scientific and technical, where have to be proclaimed in Roman Catholicism, advances are more observable, acquired its because other-worldly asceticism was consid­ own intrinsic value . In Protestant countries ered as the highest path to salvation. Whoever this new work-ethic acquired a strong religious wished to follow this path could do so by enter­ connotation (Weber 1958:79). 6 ing a monastery. Whoever considered himself This latter is of great significance. Modern unsuitable for this ascetic way of life could feminism possesses certain fundamental ideas

66 concerning human "fulfilment". 7 An expression producer is not necessarily called into question . such as "a person should utilise all of his tal­ This is not only because of the absence of a ents" coming as it does from a Christian con­ Puritan work-ethic to compete with the text would not be at all out of place in feminist mother-role , but also because child-bearing in thought. In theory, human fulfilment is consid­ these societies always had a high value . ered to be dependent on the freedom of oppor­ In additon , there is a considerable differenc e tunity for everyone to develop his or her tal­ between Roman Catholic and Protestant ideas ents . In practice this means the possibility that about the supernatural. Roman Catholicism both men and women can exercise freedom of possesses ideas about the immanence of the choice concerning their occupations .8 supernatural as well as its transcendence. In­ This view of man - and we are concerned tervention in the realm of the supernatural is here with a certain idea about the nature of a possible through the performance of sacramen­ human being - is presented as if it were some­ tal actions . Man can be freed from his guilt thing self-evident. However, it is not so self­ feelings through the ritual granting of forgive­ evident as we assume it to be. It is just not true ness. As a result of the sacraments, conscience to say that in every period and in every culture in Catholicism is far less stimulated than in there exist ideas that man can attain perfec­ Protestantism . Apparently, the road to the sec­ tion through developing and utilising his or her ularised earth from the Roman Catholic hea­ own personal talents . There are innumerable ven is easier to tread than from the Protestant cultures where completely different aspects of one! The possibility ofleading a meaningful life life are considered self-fulfilling and can be in the South appears to be much less defined by seen as the basis for social status. 9 religion than in the North. To summarize, it However, this idea does exist in the Pro­ seems fairly clear that there exists an affinity testant view of the world and of man. 10 Even between the Protestant ethic and the spirit of now, when Western society has become by and feminism. 12 large secularised, this view of man has re­ Finally, there remains another question: mained because the work-ethic already existed could not the cause of the new relationship in its own right. The Protestant man could between men and women be secularization, or quite happily throw his religion overboard be­ is this new relationship completely uncon­ cause his most important values remained un­ nected with the ethical and religious past? damaged . He still maintained his occupational There is no definitive answer to this question. position in society. For the Protestant woman, Feminist ideas vary from society to society and however, it was very different . Religion lost its the same applies to secularization. In Protes­ meaning, but the ideas about self-development tant countries secularization has a completely did not disappear so easily. In spite of secular­ different meaning as in Roman Catholic coun­ ization, she remained the embodiment of mor­ tries. The differentiation between the religious ality . This moral hyper-sensitivity as a burden and other spheres of life is in general less than of the past, deeply internalised through ideas in Protestant countries. Spain and Portugal of transcendance and through the tendency to are perfect illustrations of this phenomenon . In world-renunciation inherited from Christian­ these countries, the church until recently exer­ ity, has remained steadfast until today.11 cised an almost unimaginable influence on al­ In the Roman Catholic countries of Southern most every social sphere . This is in contrast to Europe, where the work-ethic possessed a com­ the Northern countries, where church and pletely different function, the situation was dif­ state, and the church and other sectors of so­ ferent. In those countries with relatively little ciety, were separated much earlier (cf. Hill secularization, women could play an active role 1973:228 ff. and Robertson 1972:68- 69). For in religion. Where, the society became secular­ this reason, the effect of secularization cannot ised, the woman did not remain saddled with a be disassociated from the specific religion work-ethic that is difficult to put into practice which secularizes. as she did in the North . Also, her role as child- At the same time , it is difficult to accept that J__5* 67 all the originally religious, but now secularised city, Nur emberg , where more than one journal ideas would suddenly disappear. The "spirit of was published and there the figure is two. Swit­ zerland confirms this picture. There appear six capitalism", which was at one time connected Swiss place-names in the catalogue, of which to the Protestant ethic, now exists on its own. only Bellinzona is not Protestant (the Schweizer In every society there are social forces through Hauszeitung - the "Swiss Home Journal" - is which particular values and norms, together mentioned). In Austria the Catholic city of Vienna wins the prize with six titles and one with a particular view of man, are transmitted publication elsewhere. Vienna is similar in this from one generation to the next. Apparently, respect to Paris. The seven Dutch place-names this is the result of the long-term internal­ which appear are all situated in the Protestant isation of a specific lifestyle. Whenever the areas of Northern Holland. The United States is meaning underlying this lifestyle disappears, no exception. The majority are published in New York and Boston. This latter city is famous for its ethos tends to remain suspended in a vacu­ its Puritan background. It is interesting that not um as eternal truth. History offers many il­ a single Southern city is mentioned. In Canada lustrations of this phenomenon. 13 only Ottawa and Toronto appear. Of thes e cities the latter is mainly Protestant. Data about the publications in England are also given. Since I am not too familiar with the religious situation Notes in England and with the distribution of Catho­ 1. I am very grateful to Mr. A.M.Goldberg B.A. lics and Protestants in the cities, I did not ana­ who translated this paper into English and to lyse this data. those who commented on an earlier version ofit: To counter the interjection that the quantity Edien Bartels, Mart Bax, Ina Keuper , the late of English language production has little signif­ Professor Lemmen , Matthew Schoffeleers, Hans icance because of the fact that English is a more Tennekes, Bonno Thaden van Velzen, Ineke van international language than the others, it re­ Wetering, Peter van der Veer, Jojada Verrips mains true that a huge amount is published in and the women's study-group offeminist anthro­ German. Moreover, the Gerritsen catalogue cov­ pology at the Vrije Universiteit of Amsterdam. ers a period of four centuries during which 2. There is much more information to be gleaned French was much more important than English from the data supplied by the Gerritsen Collec­ as an international language. tion Catalogue. 265 journals are mentioned with 3. What Lindskog writes is interesting. He also the place and date of publication. It is striking distinguish es between the different roles which that only a small amount of these publications women can assume within the family. He consid­ have anything to do with feminism. The major­ ers the Western mother to be "a caretaker and ity are directed at women in a very general way, consoler, the emotional center of most families". at least that is the conclusion one has to make He also specifies the influence of the Roman after a superficial examination of the titles. In Catholic Church: "In passing, the Catholic any case, this collection indicates a special con­ churches here have more adequate psychological cern for "women" and this is the subject of my weapons, with the Maria-cult, which can corre­ article. late deep "feminine" aspects of human life with There would appear to be huge differences religion" (Lindskog 1974:25). Although I agree betw een France and Germany. Almost all the with his conclusion, I have my doubts about the French journals give Paris as the place of publi­ importance of the Maria-cult. This latter should cation. The only exceptions are the two journals be viewed as a result rather than as a cause of published in Brussels, one in Geneva, one in the "feminine aspects". Neuchatel and one in 'l\ibingen. The last three 4. In Roman Catholicism other-worldly asceticism cities are overwhelmingly Protestant (although has not only determined the way to salvation for 'l\ibingen less so). Paris, a city with its own spe­ the clergy but also the layman's ethic : "Paul, cial character, is the only place of publication from mystical motivations ... esteemed absolute given for France. The principle reason for this is abstinence as the purely personal charisma of undoubtedly that all the big publishers are con­ religious virtuosi. The lay ethic of Catholicism centrated in Paris. Approximately half of the also followed this point of view. Further, this was German journals come from Berlin and about also the attitude of Luther, who regarded sexual 1/5 from Leipzig, both cities possessing a pre­ expression within marriage simply as a lesser dominantly Protestant population. The total ar­ evil enjoyed for the avoidance of whoredom .... ea where the journals are disseminated extends This notion, ...partly accounts for Luther's rela­ over thirteen German cities. Of these, three are tively weak opposition to monasticism at first" predominantly Roman Catholic and the rest are (Weber 1965:241). Protestant. There is only one Roman Catholic 5. "Although the codes ofliving in Catholic monas-

68 tic orders are dominated by the same purposes Her husband Max gave her his support (Green and tasks, the Puritan form of asceticism is in 1974:128). one respect radically different from that of the 11. In a secularised society, the moral significance of monks: it was obligatory for every believer and an occupation has not been diminished but was supposed to be brought into practice "in the rather increased. Economic values are the real world". The monk, however, as a member of a values of modern capitalist society. Bringing religious elite, escaped from the world as a result children into the world is not considered a moral of his ascetic ideal" (translated from Tennekes and religious achievement. Due to modern de­ 1969:36). velopments in medicine, it is not only possible to 6. Weber points out that the German Beruf as well prevent pregnancy but it is implied that having as the English calling both possess a religious children is not a "must" in any meaningful sense. connotation. More generally he writes: "That With the mechanization of labour and the this moral justification of worldly activity was world's overpopulation, child bearing as a value one of the most important results of the Refor­ no longer possesses a potential economic impor­ mation, especially of Luther's part in it is beyond tance. At the same time, the delegation of all the doubt, and may even be considered a platitude" traditional family functions to other institutions (1958:81). No further mention of Luther's influ­ has further reduced the importance of the family ence on German Protestantism is necessary for education and socialisation. As a result of the here. secularization process the traditional division 7. I have chosen two feminist books more or less at between men and women has almost completely random. These books (Melgert, 1975 and Roose­ disappeared. The idea no longer exists that both laar, 1975) consist of articles from a large sexes are necessary to bring the creation closer amount of writers. I examined these books for to its destiny. This all contributes to the fact that the number of times the word self-fulfilment the place which the woman always occupied and (ontplooiing in Dutch) was used in one way or which was legitimised by religion now became a another. In the first book I found this term 23 subject of discussion. This appears in the uni-sex times in 116 pages. In the second book an article clothing for both men and women, which, never­ by Rooselaar from the Radikaal Feministisch theless, resembles men's clothes more than Maandblad (1974, 3:10-11 and 16-18) is re­ women's. The original religiously-based ideas printed in which the following quotation appears about the importance of one's occupation did not "work is done in order to give a person an oppor­ come under attack and indeed cannot, because of tunity to fulfill himself completely" (translated the necessity of earning a living. Women in from Rooselaar 1975:103). It seems to be not so Western society remained saddled with the idea well understood, that the vision of man and the of "occupation as a calling" whilst their previous vision of work which is stated here is not at all as "occupation", as a result of social change, lost its self-evident as implied. intrinsic value. 8. Tennekes' sketch of the Calvinist (in Dutch: ge­ 12. Rooselaar (1975), quotes a study of the Dutch reformeerde) is very apt here: "man is called to woman which was done in 1974. From this study develop the earth as he sees fit, his work be­ it appears that the opponents of emancipation in comes a part of the Divine plan. The Calvinist the family and in the social sphere are mostly have in general not resisted vaccination, artifi­ Catholic. The women who support the integra­ cial manure or insurance and the striving to tion of women into society but who oppose eman­ better themselves materially is an important re­ cipation in the family are mostly Calvinist or ligious obligation: man has a duty to utilise all Protestant. Those who support both kinds of his talents. The Calvinist should regard his occu­ emancipation are not too involved with any pation as a Divine calling. A roadbuilder can also church (Rooselaar 1975:16). fulfil his role in the Divine plan when he does his 13. Compare Weber (1958:181-182): "To-day the work well and with dedication" (translated from spirit of religious asceticism - whether finally Tennekes 1969:380). who knows? - has escaped from the cage. But 9. An observation of Paula Wassen-van Schaveren, victorious capitalism, since it rests on mechani­ President of the Commission for the emancipa­ cal foundations, needs its support no longer. The tion of women in Holland, illustrates this point: rosy blush of its laughing heir, the Enlightment, "There are only a few women who manage to seems also to be irretrievably fading, and the acquire the highly rated positions" (translated idea of duty in one's calling prowls about in our from Melgert 1975:26). Such a view would not lives like the ghost of dead religious beliefs". win acceptance in a great many cultures. Cf. Me ijer 1989:78, for orthodox Judai sm's view. l0. 'lb retur n once more to my earlier iUustrat .ion of a Protestant family by looking at the Weber References family, it is interesting to note that Marianne Davis, John 1984: The sexual division of labor in the Weber was a prominent feminist of the period. Mediterranean. In: Eric R. Wolf ed.: Religion,

69 power and protest in local communities. The Melgert, W. e.a. 1975: Het jaar van de vrouw ... Wat Northern shore of the Mediterranean. pp.17-50. nou? Amsterdam, Antwerpen: Boekenuitgeverij Berlin: Mouton Publishers. Keesing B.V. Epstein, Isidore 1964: Geschiedenis van het Joden­ Meulenbelt, Anja 1976: Feminisme en socialisme. dom. Utrecht, Antwerpen: Het Spectrum. Een inleiding. Amsterdam: Kritiese Bibliotheek Erikson, Erik H. 1965: Childhood and society. Har­ Van Gennep. mondsworth: Penguin Books. Parsons, Talcott 1954: Age and sex in the social Gerth, H.H. & Mills, C. Wright 1966: From Max structure of the United States. In: Talcott Parsons: Weber: essays in sociology. New York: Oxford Uni­ Essays in sociological theory, pp.89-103. Glencoe, versity Press. Ill.: The Free Press. Goode, William J. 1970: World revolution and family Robertson, Roland 1972: The sociological interpreta­ patterns. New York: The Free Press. tion of religion. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Green, Martin 1974: The van Richthofen sisters. The Rooselaar, Anneke 1975: In: Bevrijding van de triumphant and the tragic modes of love. London: vrouw. Hoe moet dat nou? Dicmap 52. Amersfoort: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Documentatie- en informatiecentrale De Horstink. Hill, Michael 1973: A sociology of religion. London: Shorter, Edward 1975: De wording van het moderne Heinemann. gezin. Baarn: Ambo. Kooy, G.A. 1970: Het modern-Westers gezin. Hilver­ Tennekes, J. 1969: De "Oud-gereformeerden". In: sum: Paul Brand. Mens en Maatschappij 44: 365-385. Leach, Edmund 1972: Melchisedech and the empe­ Weber, Marianne 1975: Max Weber. A biography. ror: icons of subversion and orthodoxy. In: Pro­ Translated from the German and edited by Harry ceedings of the R.A.I. of Great Britain and Ireland, Zohn. New York, London, Sydney, Toronto: John pp.5-14. Wiley & Sons. Lindskog, Birger 1974: The sacred family order. In: Weber, Max 1958: The Protestant ethic and the spirit Journal of Comparative Family Studies 5,2:17-26. of capitalism. Translated by Talcott Parsons. New Meijers, Daniel 1989: De revolutie der vromen. Ont­ York: Charles Scribner's Sons. staan en ontwikkeling van het chassidisme. Waar­ Weber, Max 1965: The sociology of religion. London: in is opgenomen het verslag van reb Dan Isj-Toms Methuen & Co. reis door de eeuwigheid . Hilversum: Gooi en Zaretsky, Eli 1977: Gezin en priveleven in het kapi­ Sticht. talisme. Nijmegen: SUN/ Socialistiese Uitgeverij.

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