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Aspects of the Morphophonology of the Verb in Latin and in German and English Morris Halle

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Aspects of the Morphophonology of the Verb in Latin and in German and English Morris Halle Aspects of the Morphophonology of the Verb in Latin and in German and English Morris Halle 1/I/ as an Abstract (Nonsurfacing) Vowel of Latin An interesting body of data worth discussing in elementary phonology classes begins with the examples of the finite forms of the Latin verbs in (1).1 (1) ‘carry’ ‘destroy’ ‘hear’ ‘take’ ‘read’ a. port-a:-mus de:l-e:-mus aud-i:-mus cap-i-mus leg-i-mus 1Pl b. port-o: de:l-e-o: aud-i-o: cap-i-o: leg-o: 1Sg a: e: i: i I As shown by the 1st person plural examples in (1a), the present tense forms consist of a Verb Stem followed by a Theme vowel and end with the 1st person plural Agr(eement) morpheme /-mus/. In the contrasting 1st person singular forms, shown in (1b), although the Theme vowel appears in /de:l-e-o:, aud-i-o:, cap-i-o:/, it does not appear in /port-o:, leg-o:/. How does one formally account for this difference? In traditional treatments of Latin grammar—for example, the summary of Latin grammar appended to The Pocket Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford University Press 1994) or to be found in Barron’s Latin Grammar (Maidhoff 2009)—the verbs are assigned to the same classes as in On July 23, 2013, Morris Halle celebrated his 90th birthday. To honor that occasion, a two-day conference was held at MIT on September 20–21 of the same year. Morris gave a brilliant talk on Latin morphology, a topic that has been investigated in depth for too long to remember. Astonishingly, Morris made some surprising new discoveries, and in the style that he pioneered over many years of outstanding work, the discoveries enabled him to provide a deep explanation for phenomena that had, basically, been listed. And as an aside, he provided important new insight into one of the earliest syntactic problems addressed in modern generative grammar 65 years ago. Working together with Jay Keyser, Morris prepared successive drafts of a paper to be submitted for publication, with steady improvements. Tragically, he was unable to bring this work to a conclusion. The latest draft, virtually complete, is presented here—a fitting testimonial to the distinguished career of a remarkable person, whose legacy is an inspiration for all of those who seek to follow in his footsteps. In his letters, Isaac Newton famously wrote that “[i]f I have seen further it is by standing on the shoulders of Giants.” Morris’s colleagues, students, grand-students, and others who aspire to extend his legacy will be able to say the same. Editor’s note: Thanks to Noam Chomsky for contributing this footnote. 1 This note is best construed as an addendum to Embick and Halle 2005. Linguistic Inquiry, Volume 50, Number 1, Winter 2019 3–12 ᭧ 2018 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology doi: 10.1162/ling_a_00313 3 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/ling_a_00313 by guest on 30 September 2021 4 MORRIS HALLE (1). The first three classes are classified by their long Theme vowel, and the last two are analyzed here as having the short Theme vowels /i/ and /I/. (Barron’s Grammar calls the /i/-verbs the mixed conjugation and the /I/-verbs the consonantal conjugation.) In the examples in (1), the Theme vowel /e:/ is never deleted (/de:l-e-o:/). By contrast, the Theme vowel /a:/ always deletes (/port-a:-o: N port-o:/) and /i/ varies: it deletes in /leg-o: L leg-i-o:/, but not in /aud-i-o:, cap-i-o:/. At this point, it is essential to recall that phonemes are not further unanalyzable atoms; rather, they are clusters of phonetic features as illustrated in (2). (2) aeiouI back ϩ Ϫ Ϫ ϩ ϩ ϩ round Ϫ Ϫ Ϫ ϩ ϩ Ϫ high Ϫ Ϫ ϩ Ϫ ϩ ϩ The insight that phonemes are distinctive feature complexes of the kind illustrated in (2) requires us to state the deletion rule as shown in (3), where the deleted phonemes are represented as distinctive feature complexes. (V(owel ם .high] in envמ ,roundמ ,backם] a. Delete (3) -V (in the verbs in Barron’s conson ם .high] in envם ,roundמ ,backמ] b. Delete antal conjugation (List L)) At this point, it is worth remarking that this idea is taken with complete seriousness below and that whenever phonemes are mentioned in the exposition, this is due to lapsing into informal language. In the representation that appears in actual computations of the pronunciation of words and utterances, phonemes are always understood as complexes of features, never as anything else. An important principle governing scientific accounts of all kinds is that they must be concise. Since the accounts proposed here are formulated in terms of feature complexes, conciseness in the present context implies that the accounts must use as few features as possible. From this perspective, rule (3b) would be especially problematic because it would require a very large number of features to represent the different words in List L. By contrast, rule (3a) is unproblem- atic, as it uses only three features. In accounts of actual languages, we expect to encounter rules like (3a), but not rules like (3b). One way of avoiding the need for a rule such as (3b) in Latin is by representing the Theme vowel /i/ that deletes (e.g., in /leg-o: ϳ leg-i-mus/) with a different feature set than the vowel that does not delete (e.g., in /cap-i-o: ϳ cap-i-mus/). In particular, it is assumed here that the vowel high], which distinguish itם ,roundמ ,backם] that deletes prevocalically is assigned the features high]. Once thisם ,roundמ ,backמ] from the nondeleting vowel, which is assigned the features is done, we assume that phonological theory requires us to restate the deletion rule (3a) in the (featurally more parsimonious) form shown in (4). V ם .round] in envמ ,backם] Delete (4) Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/ling_a_00313 by guest on 30 September 2021 ASPECTS OF THE MORPHOPHONOLOGY OF THE VERB IN LATIN 5 The solution just sketched has a cost: it requires that we add a rule to account for the fact that when not deleted, /I/ surfaces as /i/. The additional rule, which mentions four features, is stated in (5). [highם ,roundמ , ] .back] in envמ] back] Nם] (5) In view of the economies noted above, the extra cost of rule (5) can readily be borne. A crucial aspect of the account just presented is that rules were applied in a specific order; in particular, the fronting rule (5) was ordered after the deletion rule (4). To see that rule ordering is essential, recall that rule (5) turns /I/ into /i/. Therefore, if rule (5) had applied before rule (4), [roundמ ,backם] it would have fronted all underlying /I/ segments. There would have remained no vowels to be deleted by rule (4). Since we know that underlying /I/ is not deleted by rule (4) in /leg-I-mus N leg-i-mus/, for example, we conclude that rule (4) must be ordered before rule (5), and from this we draw the further general inference that rules apply in a specific order. 2 The Constituent Structure of the Latin Verb The perfect active forms of six verbs are given in (6a,c), along with their present forms in (6b,d) (all in 1st person plural). (6) a. port-a:-v-i-mus ‘carry’ de:l-e:-v-i-mus ‘destroy’ aud-i:-v-i-mus ‘hear’ b. port-a:-mus de:l-e:-mus aud-i:-mus c. sec-u-i-mus ‘cut’ mon-u-i-mus ‘warn’ aper-u-i-mus ‘open’ d. sec-a:-mus mon-e:-mus aper-i:-mus The verbs in (6a) preserve the Theme vowel in the perfect (cf. (6b)), whereas those in (6c) systematically fail to preserve the Theme vowel (cf. (6d)). To account for this fact, let us examine the abstract constituent structure of the perfect forms of two of the verbs in (6). (7) VbSt Theme Perf Agr VbSt Theme Perf Agr port a: u i mus sec a: u i mus As shown graphically in (7), we assume that the form on the right is subject to a transformation that links the /u/ to the Theme constituent and simultaneously delinks /a:/ from it, and that this is accompanied by the deletion of /a:/. We also assume that the sequence /u-i/ and its postvocalic alternant /v-i/ are reflexes of the Perfect morpheme. As illustrated in (8), the same formal delinking treatment accounts for the remaining perfects of the Latin verbal system. (8) a. VbSt Theme Perf Agr Surface form Gloss aug e: s i mus aug-si-mus ‘grow’ man e: s i mus man-si-mus ‘remain’ saep i: s i mus saep-si-mus ‘surround’ Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/ling_a_00313 by guest on 30 September 2021 6 MORRIS HALLE b. VbSt Theme Perf Agr sec a: u i mus sec-u-i-mus ‘cut’ port a: u i mus port-a:-v-i-mus ‘carry’ c. VbSt Theme Perf Agr ce:p I i musce:p-i-mus ‘take’ d. VbSt Theme Perf Agr minu I i mus minu-i-mus ‘decrease’ metu I i mus metu-i-mus ‘fear’ The s-perfects in (8a) all undergo the linking transformation illustrated in (7). The examples in (8b) demonstrate what we have already seen in (7): when the perfect takes the form /ui/, sometimes it undergoes a linking transformation as in /secuimus/, causing the Theme vowel to delete, and sometimes it does not, as in /porta:vimus/.
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