DOCSLIB.ORG

The Atlantic Crisis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Atlantic Crisis U.S. Naval War College U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons Newport Papers Special Collections 5-2005 The Atlantic Crisis William Hopkinson Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/usnwc-newport-papers Recommended Citation Hopkinson, William, "The Atlantic Crisis" (2005). Newport Papers. 23. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/usnwc-newport-papers/23 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Special Collections at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Newport Papers by an authorized administrator of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NAVAL WAR COLLEGE NEWPORT PAPERS 23 N A The Atlantic Crises V AL Britain, Europe, and Parting from the United States W AR COLLEGE NE WPOR T P AP ERS N ES AV T A A L T W S A D R E C T I O N L L U E E G H E T R I VI IBU OR A S CT MARI VI 23 William Hopkinson Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen Cover The Naval War College campus on Coasters Harbor Island—a view from the south. The buildings are, from left to right, Pringle Hall, Luce Hall, McCarty Little Hall, and Founders Hall (the origi- nal home of the College, now containing the Museum and offices of the Maritime History Department and of the Naval War College Press). Above Luce Hall, to the right of the cupola, is a portion of Conolly Hall. In the foreground is Dewey Field, site of June graduation exercises and summer Navy Band concerts. T:\Academic\Newport Papers\Newport Paper 23\Ventura\NP23.vp Wednesday, May 18, 2005 8:18:01 AM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen The Atlantic Crises Britain, Europe, and Parting from the United States William Hopkinson © 2005 by William Hopkinson NAVAL WAR COLLEGE PRESS Newport, Rhode Island T:\Academic\Newport Papers\Newport Paper 23\Ventura\NP23.vp Wednesday, May 18, 2005 8:18:03 AM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen Naval War College The Newport Papers are extended research projects that the Newport, Rhode Island editor, the dean of Naval Warfare Studies, and the President Center for Naval Warfare Studies of the Naval War College consider of particular interest to Newport Paper Twenty-three policy makers, scholars, and analysts. May 2005 The views expressed in the Newport Papers are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the President, Naval War College Naval War College or the Department of the Navy. Rear Admiral Jacob L. Shuford, U.S. Navy Correspondence concerning the Newport Papers may be Provost/Dean of Academics addressed to the editor of the Naval War College Press. To Professor James F. Giblin, Jr. request additional copies, back copies, or subscriptions to Dean of Naval Warfare Studies the series, please either write the President (Code 32S), Dr. Kenneth H. Watman Naval War College, 686 Cushing Road, Newport, RI Naval War College Press 02841-1207, or contact the Press staff at the telephone, fax, or e-mail addresses given. Editor: Dr. Peter Dombrowski Managing Editor: Pelham G. Boyer Telephone: 401.841.2236 Fax: 401.841.1071 DSN exchange: 948 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.nwc.navy.mil/press Printed in the United States of America ISSN 1544-6824 T:\Academic\Newport Papers\Newport Paper 23\Ventura\NP23.vp Wednesday, May 18, 2005 8:18:03 AM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen Contents Foreword, by Peter Dombrowski v Introduction: Why Another Book? 1 CHAPTER ONE The Beginning: The United States and Britain to 1940 9 CHAPTER TWO The Special Relationship Grows and Ends, 1940–1946 15 CHAPTER THREE The American Half Century, and European Contrasts 23 CHAPTER FOUR The United States and Europe in the Twenty-first Century 35 CHAPTER FIVE Whither Britain? 59 CHAPTER SIX New Relationships for Old 77 Notes 89 Abbreviations 93 Further Reading 95 About the Author 97 The Newport Papers 99 T:\Academic\Newport Papers\Newport Paper 23\Ventura\NP23.vp Wednesday, May 18, 2005 8:18:03 AM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen T:\Academic\Newport Papers\Newport Paper 23\Ventura\NP23.vp Wednesday, May 18, 2005 8:18:03 AM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen Foreword The transatlantic relationship has come under enormous stress from both sides of the ocean since the end of the Cold War and, especially, the election of President George W. Bush. The collapse of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union threw American and European strategic thought into disarray as scholars and policy makers alike scrambled to formulate new rationales for Cold War institutions like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the much-ballyhooed “special relationship” between the United States and the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, no one with the clear vision of the late George F. Kennan emerged to soften transatlantic squabbles over the Balkans, the post- Soviet space, and emerging security challenges in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. Bush administration officials and like-minded pundits miffed many Europeans with their causal unilateralist rhetoric and apparent willingness to abandon long-standing multilateral initiatives like the Kyoto Treaty. After a brief warming of relations follow- ing the horrific attacks of 11 September, American-European interactions turned sour once again as France and Germany led the effort to prevent the UN Security Council from passing a resolution authorizing the Iraq invasion. Of the major European powers only Great Britain offered substantial assistance to the American-led coalition, an arti- fact of Prime Minister Blair’s personal commitments and perhaps of the special rela- tionship. Today, the gradual disengagement of other European coalition members from Iraq and the reluctance of NATO to play a more active role there further fuels discon- tent in Washington policy circles. The 2003 announcement by Javier Solana of the Eu- ropean Union of a European Security Strategy rekindled American fears that the EU would either emerge as a challenger to U.S. primacy or, paradoxically, remain too weak to support American global initiatives. Aside from the ebbs and flows of politics, the fate of the transatlantic alliance remains a major strategic question for both the United States and its various European partners. A serious, long-term breach of the close security cooperation that characterized most of the Cold and post–Cold War periods would force both sides to rethink their defense policies. From a naval perspective, the transatlantic relationship remains one of the strategic touchstones for the American navy, even as the geostrategic focus of the United States has shifted from Europe to the Middle East and Asia. European navies—not only those of Great Britain but of France and Germany, and others as well—support American- led operations across the globe. In the Indian Ocean, for example, Europe provided T:\Academic\Newport Papers\Newport Paper 23\Ventura\NP23.vp Wednesday, May 18, 2005 8:18:03 AM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen vi THE NEWPORT PAPERS ships and aircraft to enforce embargoes on material destined for Afghanistan and Iraq prior to the campaigns of 2002 and 2003. Across the globe, European allies have partic- ipated in exercises associated with the Proliferation Security Initiative. With The Atlantic Crises: Britain, Europe, and Parting from the United States, Mr. William Hopkinson weighs in with a commonsensical and timely overview of the origins and evolution of the transatlantic relationship since the Second World War. He pays partic- ular attention to the U.S. relationship with Great Britain and its impact upon intra- European debates. He reminds us that while the transatlantic relationship has never been as smooth as some would have us believe, common interests and values have al- lowed all parties to adjust, and readjust, to changes in the security environment and particular national goals. However, and perhaps most importantly, Hopkinson recog- nizes that the current breach may be far more serious than those of the past and thus that greater efforts may be required to reach accommodations in the future. Mr. Hopkinson is especially well placed to comment wisely on transatlantic relations. He served at senior levels in the British Ministry of Defence navigating the shoals between Great Britain, the United States, and the Continent. Since leaving government he has thought and written extensively at several of the finest think tanks in Europe, including Chatham House and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, publishing a series of well-thought-of analyses of contemporary security issues. We at the Naval War College Press are pleased to be able to publish this important look at the past, present, and future of one of the most important strategic issues facing the United States. PETER DOMBROWSKI Editor, Naval War College Press Newport, Rhode Island T:\Academic\Newport Papers\Newport Paper 23\Ventura\NP23.vp Wednesday, May 18, 2005 8:18:04 AM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen Introduction: Why Another Book? Europa, meantime, could see no end to this crazy sea crossing. But she guessed what would happen to her when they hit land again....The bull knelt down in front of her, offering her his back. And the moment she climbed up, he made a dash for the sea. It would in any case have been desirable to review the transatlantic relationship more than a decade after the end of the Cold War, taking account of the interlinked processes of globalization and a changing security agenda. The events of 11 September 2001 and the publication of the U.S. national security strategy in September 2002 reinforced the need. A review was made imperative by the fissures opened up within Western alliance and security structures, as well as globally, by the action of the United States and United Kingdom against Iraq, and arguably the requirement was further reinforced by the reelection of President George W.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • U.S.-Turkish Relations: a Review at the Beginning of the Third Decade of the Post-Cold War
    U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-759-6 Ë|xHSKITCy067596zv*:+:!:+:! Blank U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive officer in 2000.
    [Show full text]
  • {Download PDF} Britain, America, and the Special Relationship Since
    BRITAIN, AMERICA, AND THE SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP SINCE 1941 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK B J C McKercher | 9781138800007 | | | | | Britain, America, and the Special Relationship since 1941 1st edition PDF Book Bush came out of this encounter asking, "Why does she have any doubt that we feel this way on this issue? Eden, in poor health, was forced to retire. After the U. Live TV. Such a course would not be in the moral or economic interests of either of our countries. For other uses, see Special Relationship disambiguation. The Lebanon War also exposed some minor differences in attitudes over the Middle East. It was left to the Tories who took office in to cut back the rearmament program to 10 percent, though even this imposed an intolerable burden. The UK and US have a close and valuable relationship not only in terms of intelligence and security but also in terms of our profound and historic cultural and trading links and commitment to freedom, democracy and the rule of law. Americans can never forget how the very roots of our democratic political system and of our concepts of liberty and government are to be found in Britain. Illustrated with maps and photographs and supplemented by a chronology of events and list of key figures, this is an essential introductory resource for students of the political history and foreign policies of Britain and the United States in the twentieth century. We therefore here in Britain stand shoulder to shoulder with our American friends in this hour of tragedy, and we, like them, will not rest until this evil is driven from our world.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of the American Invasion of Grenada on Anglo- American Relations and the Deployment of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces in Britain
    Clemson University TigerPrints All Theses Theses 5-2014 The mpI act of the American Invasion of Grenada on Anglo-American Relations and the Deployment of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces in Britain Timothy Anglea Clemson University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses Part of the European History Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Anglea, Timothy, "The mpI act of the American Invasion of Grenada on Anglo-American Relations and the Deployment of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces in Britain" (2014). All Theses. 1979. https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses/1979 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE IMPACT OF THE AMERICAN INVASION OF GRENADA ON ANGLO- AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THE DEPLOYMENT OF INTERMEDIATE-RANGE NUCLEAR FORCES IN BRITAIN A Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of Clemson University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts History by Timothy Robert Anglea May 2014 Accepted by: Dr. Michael Silvestri, Committee Chair Dr. Stephanie Barczewski Dr. Edwin Moise ABSTRACT This thesis studies the impact the American invasion of Grenada in 1983 had on Anglo-American relations and the deployment of cruise missiles in Britain. Anglo- American nuclear relations were dependent on a strong level of trust between the two governments. The deception employed by President Reagan’s government in concealing American intentions concerning Grenada from the British government broke that trust.
    [Show full text]
  • Germany and Russia: a Special Relationship
    Alexander Rahr Germany and Russia: A Special Relationship For historical reasons, Germany and Russia are destined to have a special relationship. The success of the policy of reconciliation between the former World War II foes in the past 15 years has helped, in turn, to recon- cile post–Cold War Europe. During the crucial years of Germany’s reunifica- tion, German policymakers enthusiastically applauded the constructive role played by the last Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, and the first Russian president, Boris Yeltsin. This goodwill continues today. Opinion polls indicate that Russian elites regard Germany as a true friend and advocate in the West. Moscow does not consider Germany, a nonnuclear state, to be a geopolitical rival in the post- Soviet space as it does, for instance, the United States. Germany is Russia’s most important foreign trading partner. The German business lobby enthusi- astically applauds the new opportunities in the Russian market. Industrialists want Germany to become Russia’s main modernization partner. Having con- ducted business with the Kremlin and through the state apparatus since the 1970s, they welcome the strengthening of the role of the state in Russian do- mestic politics, which could lead to more law and order and less criminality and corruption. Correspondingly, German elites enjoy their country’s role as an advocate of European interests with Russia, particularly in the economic field and often as mediator between Russia and the United States. A powerful second school of thought in German intellectual circles, how- ever, views recent developments in Russia with increased skepticism. Al- though the political and economic relations between Russia and Germany Alexander Rahr is director of the Körber Centre for Russian and CIS affairs at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins and Development of the Truman Doctrine
    A Reluctant Call to Arms: The Origins and Development of the Truman Doctrine By: Samuel C. LaSala A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY University of Central Oklahoma Spring 2016 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………i Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………..ii Chapter One Historiography and Methodology…………..………………………..………1 Chapter Two From Allies to Adversaries: The Origins of the Cold War………………….22 Chapter Three A Failure to Communicate: Truman’s Public Statements and American Foreign Policy in 1946…….………………………………………………...59 Chapter Four Overstating His Case: Proclaiming the Truman Doctrine……………………86 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………120 Appendix……………………………………………………………………………………...127 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………….136 Acknowledgements No endeavor worth taking could be achieved without the support of one’s family, friends, and mentors. With this in mind, I want to thank the University of Central Oklahoma’s faculty for helping me become a better student. Their classes have deepened my fascination and love for history. I especially want to thank Dr. Xiaobing Li, Dr. Patricia Loughlin, and Dr. Jeffrey Plaks for their guidance, insights, and valuable feedback. Their participation on my thesis committee is greatly appreciated. I also want to thank my friends, who not only tolerated my many musings and rants, but also provided much needed morale boosts along the way. I want to express my gratitude to my family without whom none of this would be possible. To my Mom, Dad, and brother: thank you for sparking my love of history so very long ago. To my children: thank you for being patient with your Dad and just, in general, being awesome kids.
    [Show full text]
  • Pacific Partners: Forging the US-Japan Special Relationship
    Pacific Partners: Forging the U.S.-Japan Special Relationship 太平洋のパートナー：アメリカと日本の特別な関係の構築 Arthur Herman December 2017 Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute Research Report Pacific Partners: Forging the U.S.-Japan Special Relationship 太平洋のパートナー：アメリカと日本の特別な関係の構築 Arthur Herman Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute © 2017 Hudson Institute, Inc. All rights reserved. For more information about obtaining additional copies of this or other Hudson Institute publications, please visit Hudson’s website, www.hudson.org Hudson is grateful for the support of the Smith Richardson Foundation in funding the research and completion of this report. ABOUT HUDSON INSTITUTE Hudson Institute is a research organization promoting American leadership and global engagement for a secure, free, and prosperous future. Founded in 1961 by strategist Herman Kahn, Hudson Institute challenges conventional thinking and helps manage strategic transitions to the future through interdisciplinary studies in defense, international relations, economics, health care, technology, culture, and law. Hudson seeks to guide public policy makers and global leaders in government and business through a vigorous program of publications, conferences, policy briefings and recommendations. Visit www.hudson.org for more information. Hudson Institute 1201 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Suite 400 Washington, D.C. 20004 P: 202.974.2400 [email protected] www.hudson.org Table of Contents Introduction （イントロダクション） 3 Part I: “Allies of a Kind”: The US-UK Special Relationship in 15 Retrospect（パート I：「同盟の一形態」：米英の特別な関係は過去どうだったの
    [Show full text]
  • Great Britain's Relationship with the United States Has Long
    ThYounge Origins of Anglo-American Nuclear Strike Planning A Most Special Relationship The Origins of Anglo-American Nuclear Strike Planning ✣ Ken Young Great Britain’s relationship with the United States has long been described as “special,” though whether this characterization is fair or meaningful remains a subject of heated debate.1 For John Charmley, the rela- tionship “had its uses, but for many years...hadbeen more useful to the Americans than it had to the British.”2 Henry Kissinger echoed this judg- ment, acknowledging that “the relationship was not particularly special in my day” but that Britain was important to the United States because “it made it- self so useful.”3 The idea of a special relationship seems a distinctively Churchillian conception, a mythic invocation of a common interest to which Harold Macmillan was happy to subscribe. Both of these British prime minis- ters, of course, had American mothers. Waning (during Edward Heath’s pre- miership) and waxing again (during Margaret Thatcher’s and Tony Blair’s times in ofªce), the special relationship is something that continues to be expressed in the politics of gesture, sentiment, and self-ascribed historic missions. Politicians employ rhetoric, whereas diplomats are more at home with practicalities. Oliver Franks, writing in 1990 about his service as British am- 1. Jeffrey D. McCausland and Douglas T. Stuart, eds., US-UK Relations at the Start of the 21st Century (Carlisle Barracks, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2006). More generally, the transatlantic relationship nowadays “is interesting again; and not just to academics and politicians, but onthestreetaswell....[It]isnolonger to be taken for granted.
    [Show full text]
  • Before It Was Special: the Gradual Shift in US-Israel Relations in The
    Before It Was Special The Gradual Shift in US-Israel Relations in the Final Years of Eisenhower’s Presidency Amber Taylor Introduction Much has been made of President John F. Kennedy’s private December 1962 statement to Israeli Foreign Minister Golda Meir that “The United States has a special relationship with Israel in the Middle East really comparable only to what it has with Britain over a wide range of world affairs.”1 Scholars from both countries, as well as others from around the world, have nearly exhausted the topic of America’s “special relationship” with Israel, questioning the prudence of an alliance with such a disputed little state,2 or, more often, attempting to elucidate just when and how that relationship developed. Some, like David Schoenbaum and Salim Yaqub, portray a fundamental continuity in the “special relationship” from the very conception of the State in 1947 during the Truman presidency, through the Eisenhower years, and * This article began in 2013 as a term paper for a course co-taught by Professors Ilan Troen and Tuvia Friling, entitled “Israel: Conflicts and Controversies”, at Brandeis University. Taylor is currently pursuing her PhD in the history of the State of Israel in the Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Department of Brandeis University. 1 FRUS 1961-1963, Near East, 1962-1963, 5, 18; Warren Bass, Support Any Friend: Kennedy’s Middle East and the Making of the U.S.-Israel Alliance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 183. 2 See, for example, Stephen Green’s accusatory but insightful Taking Sides: America’s Secret Relations with a Militant Israel (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1984).
    [Show full text]
  • A 'Special Relationship'?
    A ‘special relationship’? prelims.p65 1 08/06/2004, 14:37 To Karin prelims.p65 2 08/06/2004, 14:37 A ‘special relationship’? Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo- American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68 Jonathan Colman Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave prelims.p65 3 08/06/2004, 14:37 Copyright © Jonathan Colman 2004 The right of Jonathan Colman to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Published by Manchester University Press Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9NR, UK and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk Distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA Distributed exclusively in Canada by UBC Press, University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for ISBN 0 7190 7010 4 hardback EAN 978 0 7190 7010 5 First published 2004 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Typeset by Freelance Publishing Services, Brinscall www.freelancepublishingservices.co.uk Printed in Great Britain by Biddles Ltd, King’s Lynn prelims.p65 4 08/06/2004, 14:37 Contents Acknowledgements page vi Abbreviations vii Introduction 1 1 The approach to the summit 20 2 The Washington summit, 7–9 December 1964 37 3 From discord to cordiality, January–April 1965 53 4 ‘A battalion would be worth a billion’? May–December 1965 75 5 Dissociation, January–July 1966 100 6 A declining relationship, August 1966–September 1967 121 7 One ally among many, October 1967–December 1968 147 Conclusion: Harold Wilson and Lyndon B.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of European Integration on the Special Relationship, 1969-1973
    University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK Theses and Dissertations 5-2014 Integrated Relationships: The mpI act of European Integration on the Special Relationship, 1969-1973 Benjamin Jared Pack University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Pack, Benjamin Jared, "Integrated Relationships: The mpI act of European Integration on the Special Relationship, 1969-1973" (2014). Theses and Dissertations. 2257. http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd/2257 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Integrated Relationships: The Impact of European Integration on the Special Relationship, 1969– 1973 Integrated Relationships: The Impact of European Integration on the Special Relationship, 1969– 1973 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by Benjamin Jared Pack Freed-Hardeman University Bachelor of Arts in History and Biblical Studies, 2012 May 2014 University of Arkansas This thesis is approved for recommendation to the Graduate Council. ______________________________________ Dr. Alessandro Brogi Thesis Director ______________________________________ ____________________________________ Dr. Randall Woods Dr. Benjamin Grob-Fitzgibbon Committee Member Committee Member ABSTRACT The special relationship has long been a topic of interest to historians of US foreign relations. The general consensus has been that the years 1969–1973 were a low point for Anglo- American relations, and have therefore been dismissed as largely insignificant.
    [Show full text]
  • Repairing US-Russian Relations: a Long Road Ahead
    REPAI R ING U.S.-Russ IAN RELATION S : A LONG ROAD AHEAD by Eugene B. Rumer and Angela E. Stent April 2009 REPAI R ING U.S.-Russ IAN RELATION S : A LONG ROAD AHEAD REPAI R ING U.S.-Russ IAN RELATION S : A LONG ROAD AHEAD by Eugene B. Rumer Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University and Angela E. Stent Center for Eurasian, Russian and East European Studies School of Foreign Service Georgetown University April 2009 Contents Executive Summary 1 Introduction 3 The Legacy of the Nineties 7 Russia Redux 9 Diverging Values, Competing Interests 11 Russia’s Uncertain Recovery 15 Plumbing American Interests 19 A U.S.-European-Russian Special Relationship 23 Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy 27 About the Authors 33 Working Group Participants 35 Executive Summary At the end of the Bush administration, relations between the United States and Russia had reached their lowest point since the Cold War. The promise of a new direction in U.S.-Russian relations since President Barak Obama’s London meeting with President Dmitry Medvedev has led to expectations on both sides of the Atlantic that bilateral ties will improve substantially. Such a change would be highly desirable, for it would enhance the odds of success for many U.S. initiatives from the Middle East and Southwest Asia to the Far East and the Pacific. But that improvement will not come easily or quickly. It took years to reach the current nadir in the relationship between Washington and Moscow, and there are still questions remaining on their diverging values and competing interests that have to be resolved.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anglo-American ‘Special Relationship’ During the Second World War: a Selective Guide to Materials in the British Library
    THE BRITISH LIBRARY THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ‘SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP’ DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR: A SELECTIVE GUIDE TO MATERIALS IN THE BRITISH LIBRARY by ANNE SHARP WELLS THE ECCLES CENTRE FOR AMERICAN STUDIES INTRODUCTION I. BIBLIOGRAPHIES, REFERENCE WORKS AND GENERAL STUDIES A. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL WORKS B. BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARIES C. ATLASES D. REFERENCE WORKS E. GENERAL STUDIES II. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONSHIP A. GENERAL WORKS B. CHURCHILL AND ROOSEVELT [SEE ALSO III.B.2. WINSTON S. CHURCHILL; IV.B.1. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT] C. CONFERENCES AND DECLARATIONS D. MILITARY 1. GENERAL WORKS 2. LEND-LEASE AND LOGISTICS 3. STRATEGY E. INTELLIGENCE F. ECONOMY AND RAW MATERIALS G. SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 1. GENERAL STUDIES 2. ATOMIC ENERGY H. PUBLIC OPINION, PROPAGANDA AND MEDIA I. HOLOCAUST [SEE ALSO VI.C. MIDDLE EAST] III. UNITED KINGDOM A. GENERAL WORKS B. PRIME MINISTERS 1. NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN 2. WINSTON S. CHURCHILL [SEE ALSO II.B. CHURCHILL AND ROOSEVELT] 3. CLEMENT R. ATTLEE C. GOVERNMENT, EXCLUDING MILITARY 1. MISCELLANEOUS STUDIES 2. ANTHONY EDEN 3. PHILIP HENRY KERR (LORD LOTHIAN) 4. EDWARD FREDERICK LINDLEY WOOD (EARL OF HALIFAX) D. MILITARY IV. UNITED STATES A. GENERAL WORKS B. PRESIDENTS 1. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT [SEE ALSO II.B. CHURCHILL AND ROOSEVELT] 2. HARRY S. TRUMAN C. GOVERNMENT, EXCLUDING MILITARY 1. MISCELLANEOUS WORKS 2. JAMES F. BYRNES 3. CORDELL HULL 4. W. AVERELL HARRIMAN 5. HARRY HOPKINS 6. JOSEPH P. KENNEDY 7. EDWARD R. STETTINIUS 8. SUMNER WELLES 9. JOHN G. WINANT D. MILITARY 1. GENERAL WORKS 2. CIVILIAN ADMINISTRATION 3. OFFICERS a. MISCELLANEOUS STUDIES b. GEORGE C. MARSHALL c. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER E.
    [Show full text]