Introduction

CHAPTER ONE Introduction 1.1. Background to the Study Theatre and the market are two areas that have attracted substantial attention from researchers, scholars, government planners, policy implementers, theatre producers and consumers. But no specific study has had its prime objective as the analysis of the relationship existing between theatre and the market in Uganda, and in particular the impact socio-cultural elements and various government policies have had on theatre as an a form of art, as a profession, and as a social service. Further, there is need to be aware of the larger contexts, particularly economic and political, within which Uganda's theatre has had to develop and grow. No community, however homogeneous it is, ever succeeds to develop as a uniform entity, even within the same nation.' Likewise, no nation or economy can successfully close itself to external influences, especially in this age of massive technological developments that have made the world look smaller than it actually is. What is more, the world is now being described as "a global village", particularly an electronic one, where, with satellite communications, one can effortlessly access and/or transmit loads of information within a matter of seconds from one end of the globe to another. For example, a social or political event of particular relevance to a village in America is easily relayed elsewhere within a matter of seconds, &en to some of the remotest places on earth, irrespective of its relevance to the social, cultural, or political set-ups among the recipients. In this culture of global consumerism, being cultivated by technologically -advanced societies and imbibed by developing markets that indiscriminately hunger after anything in this North-South transmission, lies the danger of consequential annihilation of artistic forms and values in recipient societies by the new world order. In theatre, such consumerism, mostly dressed as inter-cutturalism, For example, the impact of colonialim in Africa is very apparent Western education and 'civilisation' might now be integral parts of the "new" sodeties but they still act as agents of imperialist conquests and cultural imposition. The idea is qundedon variously throughout the research. has contributed to diversification of the industry and proliferation of markets thus the erosion of the theatre's formally recognised goals and roles in society. Surprisingly, the transmissions are not always forced onto unwilling consumers. Many are able and willing to buy the information and other unique experiences, including the most personal ones, at market prices; mainly because that is what is sehng the world over. Unfortunately, global consumption habits ensure that nothing much sells, in material terms at least, from consumer societies in the developing world, except for the perpetual images of chaos, war, depravation, disease, and ignorance. The theatre art and profession are also victims of Western ideology and culture and their impact on indigenous societies and social structure. Western world ideologies and culture can be positively appraised, but only with respect to the significant levels of development they have afforded their respective societies. Otherwise, the role played by colonialism among present-day developing societies is not wholly commendable. Many countries were held under colonial rule for at least a century, and through political manipulation and social coercion, whole nations were conquered and subdued to deny their very existence in exchange for "new" civilisation and social order. Mamadou Dia notes that, During pre-colonial times Africa generally comprised either large empires -West, Center, and South -binding different ethnic groups under one hegemony, or smaller states idenMylng with a single ethnie - such as the Ibo and Yoruba in Eastern and Western Nigeria. Despite the hierarchical system of traditional governments most of these entities were democratically governed through group representation at the center and village councils at the local level. The key operative concept for decision-making was consensus. The rulers had authority but shared the power. .. Most hiiorical monarchies in Africa, whether great or small, old or new, belonged to this basic type. They were political and therefore human, as well as ritual and therefore spiritual. .. The differences in Afnca remained generally of form and not substance. 'Ritual' and 'politics' marched hand in hand.2 After years of plundering and divisive rule, Africa was declared lost, a dark continent where the human specie was not just irredeemably backward and inferior but could easily be sub-human as wek3 Unfortunately, such constrictive images still attend the African in much of the Western world, and continue to define all nature of relations between Africa and Western world s~cieties.~Consequently, 2 Mamadou Dia, "Indigenous Management Practices Lessons for Africa's Management in the '90s" in World Decade for Cultural Development 1988-1997 Series, Paris: UN &UNESCO, 1993 p. 83. The same article appears in The Cultural Dimension of Development in Africa: Decision- Making, Participation, Enterprises, Abidjan: AD6 Headquarters, 1992. See also Elikia M'Bokolo, "African Cultures and the Crisis of Contemporary Africa" in The Future of Cukure%& Paris: UNESCO Publishing, 1994, pp 139-149 & I.Scott Kennedy, h Seard, ofAfican Theak, New Yo& Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973, pp 145-149 3 Fredrick D. Lugard, fie Rire of Our E&Alh'cdn Empie: Ea* in h@dandand Uganda VuL I, Frank Cass & Co. Ltd: London, 1968, pp 309-310 & 471-479. See also language use in Charles W. Meister, Dramatic lhkkm, Jefferson, North Carolina, & London: McFarland & Company Inc., Publishers, 1985, pp 1-4 4 See Elizabeth Nyabongo, El/zabet%of Toro: fie LbtsseyofanMdnPnhcs, New York Simon & Schuster Inc., 1989, pp 126-130; Elikia M'Bokolo, "African Cultures and the Crisis of Contemporary Africa" in fie Future of hhreSenb Ibid., pp 139-149; Mahmood Mamdhani, hpenh/!mdndF&m 1i.lUganda, London: Macrnillan, 1983, p. 1 5 African societies have struggled with, and often psychologically settled, to inferior positions to become parasitic on Western ideals, in total disregard of their own social realities and cultural contexts. Ironically, it was likewise no guarantee that the age-old social systems on the continent would have consolidated Africa's growth and development or secured for it a respectable place in the new world order.5 Hence, colonialism and Western imperialism only acted as a catalyst to the ensuing crisis and not its architect. Nonetheless, a host of development and economic recovery packages recommended by Western economies for the developing societies over the years have tended to push recipient societies in worse situations than previously. Elikia M'Bokolo notes: Since the l98Os, the experts of the international finance institutions have stopped talking about escaping from the logic of the 'world economy' and the 'market economy'. Their only ambition is to rationalize the management of the African economies so that they may more easily be integrated into the world economy. &It this rationalization, in turn, is at a prohibitive social cost and further intensifies social polari~ation.~ Most recently, and often at the prompting of First World economies, there has developed a 'consciousness' among societies in the developing world to sell their social and cultural worthiness to the inquisitive, and mostly tourist, eye of the West. For the cultural items, the presentations are strictly maintained as 'cultural', ethnic, and mystic in their selection, intent, and form, with no progressive social ideology or significant political import from the countries of origin. This packaging in mixtures of the very traditional or local with modern artistic forms makes the items artistically acceptable and easily consumable to the selected market, but it kills their cultural import and authenticity. Where performing troupes could not always physically export 'culture' to international markets, they have sought to selltheir re-packaged 'culture' on the local market through cultural association or traditional dance troupes available for hire as entertainers. Other local theatre producers, like Ndere Troupe and SAMAMU Group, hold annual culturalltheatre festivals that are in themselves organised as private economic enterprises that must make good business and valuea7Claims of "promotion of African culture" are also prevalent in "beauty contests", with their attendant dehumanising tendencies of 5 See, for example, Mahmood Mamdhani, Ibid., pp 20.21; Elikia M'Bokolo, Ibid., pp 139-141; Thomas Patrick Melady, Profles ofman Leade~s,New Yok The Macmillan Company, 1961, pp 167-178; John D. Hargreaves, Decohnizatton tin Af& 2nd Edition, London: Longman, 1996, p.78, pp 21 1-264; Dan Wadada Nabudere, hpen;?/& and kdubbn in Uganda, Dar-es-Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1980, pp 267-268 6 Elikia M'Bokolo, Ibid., p. 142 7 Ndere Troupe organises the Uganda Development Theatre association (UDTA) festival and SAMAMU Troupe the International Anti- Cormption Theatre Movement (IATM) festival. The two projects are attractively funded by the Austrian Embassy and MS International, a Danish Development Agency, respectively. Details appear in the relevant sections of Chapter Four. nudity and sex exhibitionism that are imported from Western societies where sex is often portrayed as common and cheap and the female body as a mere sexual object for the pleasure of the male consumer and/or customer. All

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