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Ůğɛɛƶƌğɛ ŶŽŶ Đŝđăƚƌŝɛġğɛ Hŷśğăůğě Tžƶŷěɛ Hŷőğśğŝůƚğ DĂƐƚĞƌĂƌďĞŝƚͬͬDĠŵŽŝƌĞĚĞŵĂƐƚĞƌ DĞĚŝĞŶͲƵŶĚ<ƵůƚƵƌĂŶĂůLJƐĞͲdŚĞĂƚĞƌƵŶĚDĞĚŝĞŶŬƵůƚƵƌĞŶŝŵ ƚƌĂŶƐŶĂƚŝŽŶĂůĞŶZĂƵŵͬͬŶĂůLJƐĞĚĞƐWƌĂƚŝƋƵĞƐƵůƚƵƌĞůůĞƐ hŶŐĞŚĞŝůƚĞtƵŶĚĞŶ ƌŝŶŶĞƌƵŶŐƐŬƵůƚƵƌnjƵŵsƂůŬĞƌŵŽƌĚĂŶĚĞŶ,ĞƌĞƌŽ ƵŶĚEĂŵĂŝŶEĂŵŝďŝĂ ůĞƐƐƵƌĞƐŶŽŶĐŝĐĂƚƌŝƐĠĞƐ >ĂĐƵůƚƵƌĞĚĞůĂŵĠŵŽŝƌĞĚƵŐĠŶŽĐŝĚĞĚĞƐ,ĠƌĠƌŽƐĞƚ ĚĞƐEĂŵĂƐĞŶEĂŵŝďŝĞ hŶŚĞĂůĞĚtŽƵŶĚƐ ƵůƚƵƌĞŽĨZĞŵĞŵďƌĂŶĐĞŽĨƚŚĞ,ĞƌĞƌŽĂŶĚEĂŵĂ 'ĞŶŽĐŝĚĞŝŶEĂŵŝďŝĂ >ŽƵŝƐĞĚĂŵƐ ϮϬϭϯϴϱϵͬͬϭϱϯϱϴ^ ƌƐƚŐƵƚĂĐŚƚĞƌŝŶͬͬϭğƌĞĚŝƌĞĐƚƌŝĐĞĚĞŵĠŵŽŝƌĞ͗ :ƵŶ͘ͲWƌŽĨ͘ƌ͘DĂƌĞŶƵƚƚĞ ǁĞŝƚŐƵƚĂĐŚƚĞƌŝŶͬͬϮğŵĞĚŝƌĞĐƚƌŝĐĞĚĞŵĠŵŽŝƌĞ͗ ƌ͘ůŝƐĂďĞƚŚ<ĂƌŐů ϭϱ͘Ϭϲ͘ϮϬϮϬ INHALTSVERZEICHNIS I. RÉSUMÉ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..I 1. KOLONIALE HEIMSUCHUNG ................................................................................................... 1 1.1. ERINNERUNGSKULTUR IN (POST-)KOLONIALEN KONTEXTEN ........................................................ 4 2. (POST-)KOLONIALE VERHÄLTNISSE IN NAMIBIA ........................................................................15 2.1 KOLONIALE FORTSETZUNGEN IM VERERBTEN LAND ...................................................................1ϱ 2.2 „GLORIFYING THE GERMAN SOLDIERS“ - SPUREN DER DEUTSCHEN KOLONIALZEIT ...........................20 2.3 „THEIR BLOOD WATERS OUR FREEDOM“ – NATIONALE ERINNERUNGSPOLITIK................................30 3. „NOT ABOUT US WITHOUT US“ – ERINNERUNGSPRAKTIKEN DER HERERO UND NAMA .....................41 3.1 „WE HAVE PUT UP OUR OWN MEMORIALS “ – GEGENDENKMÄLER ..............................................44 3.1.1 SWAKOPMUND - GEDENKSTEIN AM MASSENGRAB ................................................................44 3.1.2 SHARK ISLAND - GEDENKSTEIN AM EHEMALIGEN KONZENTRATIONSLAGER ..................................49 3.2 PERFORMATIVE DENKMÄLER – GEDENKRITUALE ......................................................................57 3.2.1 „BUILDING A NATION FROM SCRATCH“ - HERERO DAY IN OKAHANDJA .......................................59 3.2.2 „THEY CHEATED DEATH FOR US TO BE HERE TODAY“ – GEDENKTAG IN KATUTURA ........................68 3.2.3 OZOMBU ZOVINDIMBA UND NGAUZEPO - GEDENKFEIER AN TRAUMATISCHEN ORTEN ...................73 4. ANEIGNUNG KOLONIALER FOTOGRAFIEN .................................................................................85 5. OVIZIRE · SOMGU: FROM WHERE DO WE SPEAK? - KÜNSTLERISCHE ARBEITEN ZUM VÖLKERMORD ...91 5.1 TO BREAK FREE OF THE GAZE – VITJITUA NDJIHARINE ................................................................96 5.2 CHANGING HISTORIES – NICOLA BRANDT ...............................................................................99 5.3 THE PAST IS NOT BURIED - ISABEL KATJAVIVI .........................................................................102 5.4 THE MOURNING CITIZEN – TRIXIE MUNYAMA .......................................................................106 6. „HEALING THE MEMORIES“ - UNGEHEILTE WUNDEN ..............................................................111 7. QUELLENVERZEICHNIS .......................................................................................................118 8. EIDESTATTLICHE ERKLÄRUNG ..............................................................................................124 I. Résumé Blessures non cicatrisées – La culture de la mémoire du génocide des Héréros et des Namas en Namibie Dans les années 1904–1908, le premier génocide du XXe siècle a eu lieu dans la colonie allemande « Deutsch-Südwestafrika ». Bien que les effets et les conséquences de cette histoire coloniale soient toujours ressentis par les communautés affectées aujourd'hui, les crimes coloniaux allemands doivent encore être traités en Allemagne. Les ossements humains des Héréros et des Namas qui ont été envoyés en Allemagne à des fins de recherche raciste et qui se trouvent encore là-bas dans des instituts ou des musées anthropologiques font référence à cette histoire traumatisante. Ce fait hantant nous amène à porter un regard critique sur le passé et à le confronter. Comment pouvons-nous traiter de manière responsable cet héritage colonial ? Basé sur la thèse que ces événements traumatisants sont toujours très présents en Namibie, que les structures coloniales continuent d'exister et que la prise de conscience en Allemagne est encore faible, ce mémoire de recherche traite des médiations et pratiques culturelles de commémoration des communautés, des processus d'historiographie, de la production de connaissances ainsi que de la responsabilité qui va de pair avec cette histoire partagée. Afin d'aborder une partie de la culture de la mémoire du génocide, ce travail se concentre sur les différents porteurs de la mémoire culturelle sur le génocide, notamment des lieux de mémoire, tels que des monuments, des sites historiques, des commémorations, des rituels, des traditions orales ainsi que du matériel d'archives et des œuvres artistiques que j'ai pu examiner de plus près lors d'un séjour de recherche en Namibie. Dans le cadre de cette recherche, j'ai également mené des entretiens d'experts avec les activistes Ida Hoffmann (présidente du Nama Genocide Technical Committee), Paul Thomas (secrétaire du Nama Genocide Technical Committee), Nokokure Kambanda Veii (directrice du Riruako Centre for Genocide and Memory Studies et secrétaire générale de la OvaHerero Genocide Foundation) et Uruanaani Scara Matundu (chercheur en droit). Par-dessus tout, les conversations et les entretiens d'experts avec des activistes de la mémoire m'ont permis d'apprendre les obstacles de la culture de mémoire en Namibie et la manière dont les groupes de population affectés sont profondément marqués par cette injustice du passé. La première partie (1.1.), en accord avec la nécessité de décoloniser les études sur la mémoire et sur les traumatismes, aborde le discours de la mémoire culturelle dans les I contextes postcoloniaux. Les notions traditionnelles de la mémoire culturelle tendent à accorder plus d'importance au patrimoine écrit en tant que réalisation qu'aux rituels et traditions orales (cf. Kößler 2015 : 182). Cependant, rien qu'en ce qui concerne le canon et l’écrit, la question se pose de savoir qui a écrit pour qui, ou plutôt quels sont les pouvoirs et les rapports de force qui se cachent derrière. En fait, le canon lui-même faisait partie du processus de colonisation (cf. Said 2009 : 53). Il existe une multitude de rapports écrits de la période coloniale. Pourtant, ils représentent exclusivement la perspective de la puissance coloniale. En conséquence, pour comprendre les réalités coloniales et postcoloniales, comme le soutient l'historien Michael Rothberg, il ne suffit pas de se concentrer sur la force formatrice du présent et l'accumulation d'une mémoire chargée de pouvoir dans les canons de la mémoire nationale et civilisationnelle. Compte tenu des traumatismes et des ruptures provoqués par la conquête, l'occupation et le génocide, il est donc également nécessaire de comprendre la relation entre mémoire, identité et violence, ainsi que les techniques de récupération des traces d'un passé non dominant (cf. Rothberg 2013 : 364). Ce chapitre propose alors d'établir des liens entre les théories des études postcoloniales, la recherche sur les traumatismes et les études sur la mémoire afin de contribuer à la recherche sur la mémoire transnationale et transculturelle. La deuxième partie (2.1) examine le contexte de la terre en Namibie et commence par le poème « This Land » du Prince K. Marenga, un poète héréro qui parle des souvenirs traumatisants qui font partie du paysage et du manque de considération pour le passé ainsi que la politique foncière. L'expropriation des terres et le génocide des Héréros et des Namas ont permis la remise à grande échelle de terres agricoles aux colons allemands et, aujourd'hui encore, elles sont principalement aux mains de fermiers blancs, dont certains sont d'origine allemande. Cet héritage colonial est toujours présent dans le paysage et la situation foncière actuelle de la Namibie. Les conséquences du génocide n’appartiennent pas seulement au passé, puisque la répartition actuelle des terres en Namibie est un rappel constant pour les Héréros et les Namas des pertes traumatisantes et des expropriations causées par la période coloniale (cf. Kößler 2015 : 100). En fait, les descendants des colons continuent à bénéficier de ce passé par l'héritage de la terre et les descendants des communautés victimes ne sont souvent autorisés à visiter leurs terres et leurs tombes ancestrales qu'avec la permission des propriétaires blancs. De plus, le système d'apartheid a également laissé des traces II et a conduit à des expropriations et des expulsions forcées. La réforme foncière qui a suivi l'indépendance de la Namibie en 1990 n'a cependant pas conduit à la restitution d'une partie des terres ancestrales expropriées ni à une compensation pour ce vol de terres comme l'illustrent les graphiques de l'Agence Statistique de Namibie1. Cela montre que les droits de propriété coloniaux ont été protégés sans tenir compte des droits fonciers précoloniaux des communautés. Outre cela, il y a beaucoup de sans- terres en Namibie et selon les estimations de l'indice Gini de la Banque mondiale, la Namibie est l'un des pays les plus inégaux au monde en termes de répartition des revenus. Ainsi, les discours sur les terres ancestrales évoquent les inégalités, les conséquences de la violence et des déplacements ainsi qu'une identification profonde avec la terre ; tant d'éléments qui expliquent pourquoi cette dernière joue un rôle si important en Namibie. La partie suivante (2.2) porte sur les vestiges de la colonisation allemande en Namibie.
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