Human Remains in Society
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The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
Namaqualand and Challenges to the Law Community Resource
•' **• • v ^ WiKSHOr'IMPOLITICIALT ... , , AWD POLICY ANALYSi • ; ' st9K«onTHp^n»< '" •wJ^B^W-'EP.SrTY NAMAQUALAND AND CHALLENGES TO THE LAW: COMMUNITY RESOURCE MANAGEMENT AND LEGAL FRAMEWORKS Henk Smith Land reform in the arid Namaqualand region of South Africa offers unique challenges. Most of the land is owned by large mining companies and white commercial farmers. The government's restitution programme which addresses dispossession under post 1913 Apartheid land laws, will not be the major instrument for land reform in Namaqualand. Most dispossession of indigenous Nama people occurred during the previous century or the State was not directly involved. Redistribution and land acquisition for those in need of land based income opportunities and qualifying for State assistance will to some extent deal with unequal land distribution pattern. Surface use of mining land, and small mining compatible with large-scale mining may provide new opportunities for redistribution purposes. The most dramatic land reform measures in Namaqualand will be in the field of tenure reform, and specifically of communal tenure systems. Namaqualand features eight large reserves (1 200 OOOha covering 25% of the area) set aside for the local communities. These reserves have a history which is unique in South Africa. During the 1800's as the interior of South Africa was being colonised, the rights of Nama descendant communities were recognised through State issued "tickets of occupation". Subsequent legislation designed to administer these exclusively Coloured areas, confirmed that the communities' interests in land predating the legislation. A statutory trust of this sort creates obligations for the State in public law. Furthermore, the new constitution insists on appropriate respect for the fundamental principles of non-discrimination and freedom of movement. -
IPPR Briefing Paper NO 44 Political Party Life in Namibia
Institute for Public Policy Research Political Party Life in Namibia: Dominant Party with Democratic Consolidation * Briefing Paper No. 44, February 2009 By André du Pisani and William A. Lindeke Abstract This paper assesses the established dominant-party system in Namibia since independence. Despite the proliferation of parties and changes in personalities at the top, three features have structured this system: 1) the extended independence honeymoon that benefits and is sustained by the ruling SWAPO Party of Namibia, 2) the relatively effective governance of Namibia by the ruling party, and 3) the policy choices and political behaviours of both the ruling and opposition politicians. The paper was funded in part by the Danish government through Wits University in an as yet unpublished form. This version will soon be published by Praeger Publishers in the USA under Series Editor Kay Lawson. “...an emergent literature on African party systems points to low levels of party institutionalization, high levels of electoral volatility, and the revival of dominant parties.” 1 Introduction Political reform, democracy, and governance are centre stage in Africa at present. African analysts frequently point to the foreign nature of modern party systems compared to the pre-colonial political cultures that partially survive in the traditional arenas especially of rural politics. However, over the past two decades multi-party elections became the clarion call by civil society (not to mention international forces) for the reintroduction of democratic political systems. This reinvigoration of reform peaked just as Namibia gained its independence under provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) and the supervision of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). -
NAM \ BIAN Ll BE RATION
NAM \ BIAN Ll BE RATION: 5EL~· D£/FRM!NATIO ~ LAW MD POLITICS ELIZA8ET~ S. LANDIS EPISCOPAL CHUR&liMEN for SOUTH Room 1005 • 853 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 10003 • Phone: (212) 477·0066 -For A Free S1111tbem Alritll- NOVEMBER 1982 NAMIBIAN LIBERATION Independence for Namibia is one of the forenost issues of today's world that cries for solution. The Namibian people have been subjected to bru tal foreign rule and their land exploited by co lonial powers for a century. Their thrust for freedom has intensified since 1966 when SWAPO launched its armed struggle against the illegal South African occupiers of its country. Their cause has been on the agendas of the League of Nations and the United Nations for m:>re than six decades . NCM, after five-and-a-half years of 'delicate negotiations 1 managed by five Western powers , Namibia is no nearer independence. Pretoria is m:>re repressively in oontrol of the Terri torY and uses it as a staging ground for its militarY encroaclunents into Angola and as a fulcrum for its attempt to reverse the tide of liberation in Southern Africa. Yet the talks conducted by the Western Contact Group are dragged on, with the United States gov ernment insisting that Angola denude itself of its CUban allies as a pre-condition for a 1 Namibian settlement" . There is widespread confusion on just where the matter of Namibia stands. This report is designed to penetrate the tangle. This clear, succinct and timely analysis of the Namibian issue by Elizabeth S. landis comes out of the author's yearn of work in the African field and her dedication to the cause of freedom in Southern Africa. -
The Ovaherero/Nama Genocide: a Case for an Apology and Reparations
European Scientific Journal June 2017 /SPECIAL/ edition ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Ovaherero/Nama Genocide: A Case for an Apology and Reparations Nick Sprenger Robert G. Rodriguez, PhD Texas A&M University-Commerce Ngondi A. Kamaṱuka, PhD University of Kansas Abstract This research examines the consequences of the Ovaherero and Nama massacres occurring in modern Namibia from 1904-08 and perpetuated by Imperial Germany. Recent political advances made by, among other groups, the Association of the Ovaherero Genocide in the United States of America, toward mutual understanding with the Federal Republic of Germany necessitates a comprehensive study about the event itself, its long-term implications, and the more current vocalization toward an apology and reparations for the Ovaherero and Nama peoples. Resulting from the Extermination Orders of 1904 and 1905 as articulated by Kaiser Wilhelm II’s Imperial Germany, over 65,000 Ovaherero and 10,000 Nama peoples perished in what was the first systematic genocide of the twentieth century. This study assesses the historical circumstances surrounding these genocidal policies carried out by Imperial Germany, and seeks to place the devastating loss of life, culture, and property within its proper historical context. The question of restorative justice also receives analysis, as this research evaluates the case made by the Ovaherero and Nama peoples in their petitions for compensation. Beyond the history of the event itself and its long-term effects, the paper adopts a comparative approach by which to integrate the Ovaherero and Nama calls for reparations into an established precedent. Keywords: Ovaherero, Herero, Nama, Namibia, Southwest Africa, Germany, genocide, Lothar von Trotha, Kaiser Wilhelm II Introduction In 2006, the Honorable Kuaima Riruako, then the Paramount Chief of the Ovaherero people, delivered an address before the Namibian Parliament. -
The Ovaherero/Nama Genocide: a Case for an Apology and Reparations
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by European Scientific Journal (European Scientific Institute) European Scientific Journal June 2017 /SPECIAL/ edition ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Ovaherero/Nama Genocide: A Case for an Apology and Reparations Nick Sprenger Robert G. Rodriguez, PhD Texas A&M University-Commerce Ngondi A. Kamaṱuka, PhD University of Kansas Abstract This research examines the consequences of the Ovaherero and Nama massacres occurring in modern Namibia from 1904-08 and perpetuated by Imperial Germany. Recent political advances made by, among other groups, the Association of the Ovaherero Genocide in the United States of America, toward mutual understanding with the Federal Republic of Germany necessitates a comprehensive study about the event itself, its long-term implications, and the more current vocalization toward an apology and reparations for the Ovaherero and Nama peoples. Resulting from the Extermination Orders of 1904 and 1905 as articulated by Kaiser Wilhelm II’s Imperial Germany, over 65,000 Ovaherero and 10,000 Nama peoples perished in what was the first systematic genocide of the twentieth century. This study assesses the historical circumstances surrounding these genocidal policies carried out by Imperial Germany, and seeks to place the devastating loss of life, culture, and property within its proper historical context. The question of restorative justice also receives analysis, as this research evaluates the case made by the Ovaherero and Nama peoples in their petitions for compensation. Beyond the history of the event itself and its long-term effects, the paper adopts a comparative approach by which to integrate the Ovaherero and Nama calls for reparations into an established precedent. -
Maltahöhe, Namibia
WORDS UNWRITTEN: A HISTORY OF MALTAHÖHE Sponsored by: The Namibia Development Trust Daniel Hartman Meghan Linskey Allyson Stoyle Faculty Code: SNZ Project Sequence: 0010 IQP Division: 49B WORDS UNWRITTEN: A HISTORY OF MALTAHÖHE An Interactive Qualifying Project submitted to the Faculty of WORCESTER POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science Submitted by: _______________________________ Daniel Hartman _______________________________ Meghan Linskey _______________________________ Allyson Stoyle Date: 7th May 2010 Report Submitted to: Ronny Dempers and Sylvanie Beukes Namibia Development Trust Sima Mpoyi Polytechnic of Namibia Moses Gariseb Maltahöhe Khâidāko Group Professors Svetlana Nikitina and Reinhold Ludwig Worcester Polytechnic Institute ABSTRACT This report, submitted to the Namibia Development Trust, focuses on the implementation of a community-based visual display to increase tourism in Maltahöhe, Namibia. After spending time researching the history of the area and conducting interviews with local elders to obtain detailed oral history and culture of the town, we were able to construct a visual representation inside the newly constructed tourist center. We also made recommendations on how the community members will be able to maintain the displays over time. i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to thank all those individuals who dedicated their time and effort to the research, development, and application stages for our project as well as our sponsor, the Namibia Development -
13 Understanding Damara / ‡Nūkhoen and ||Ubun Indigeneity
13 • Understanding Damara / ‡Nūkhoen and ||Ubun indigeneity and marginalisation in Namibia Sian Sullivan and Welhemina Suro Ganuses1 • 1 Introduction In historical and ethnographic texts for Namibia, Damara / ‡N khoen peoples are usually understood to be amongst the territory’s “oldest” or “original” inhabitants.2 Similarly, histories written or narrated by Damara / ‡N khoen peoples include their self-identification as original inhabitants of large swathes of Namibia’s 1 Contribution statement: Sian Sullivan has drafted the text of this chapter and carried out the literature review, with all field research and Khoekhoegowab-English translations and interpretations being carried out with Welhemina Suro Ganuses from Sesfontein / !Nani|aus. We have worked together on and off since meeting in 1994. The authors’ stipend for this work is being directed to support the Future Pasts Trust, currently being established with local trustees to support heritage activities in Sesfontein / !Nani|aus and surrounding areas, particularly by the Hoanib Cultural Group (see https://www.futurepasts.net/future-pasts-trust). 2 See, for example, Goldblatt, Isaak, South West Africa From the Beginning of the 19th Century, Juta & Co. Ltd, Cape Town, 1971; Lau, Brigitte, A Critique of the Historical Sources and Historiography Relating to the ‘Damaras’ in Precolonial Namibia, BA History Dissertation, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, 1979; Fuller, Ben, Institutional Appropriation and Social Change Among Agropastoralists in Central Namibia 1916–1988, PhD Dissertation, -
Promoting Democracy and Good Governance
State Formation in Namibia: Promoting Democracy and Good Governance By Hage Gottfried Geingob Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies March 2004 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. encourage good governance, to promote a culture of human rights, and to build state institutions to support these policies have also been examined with a view to determining the nature of the state that evolved in Namibia. Finally, the study carries out a democratic audit of Namibia using Swedish normative tools. 1 Acknowledgements The last few years have been tumultuous but exciting. Now, the academic atmosphere that provided a valuable anchor, too, must be hauled up for journeys beyond. The end of this most enjoyable academic challenge has arrived, but I cannot look back without a sense of loss - loss of continuous joys of discovery and academic enrichment. I would like to thank my supervisor, Lionel Cliffe, for his incredible support. In addition to going through many drafts and making valuable suggestions, Lionel helped me endure this long journey with his sustained encouragement. I also thank Ray Bush for going through many drafts and making valuable comments. He has an uncanny ability to visualize the final outcome of research effort. -
Bushman Genocides of Namibia
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 4 Issue 1 Article 4 April 2009 Hiding in Full View: The “Forgotten” Bushman Genocides of Namibia Robert J. Gordon Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Gordon, Robert J. (2009) "Hiding in Full View: The “Forgotten” Bushman Genocides of Namibia," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 4: Iss. 1: Article 4. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol4/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hiding in Full View: The ‘‘Forgotten’’ Bushman Genocides of Namibia Robert J. Gordon Department of Anthropology, University of Vermont This article examines the Bushman genocide of 1912–1915 which, despite overwhelming evidence of its having occurred, has been largely ignored by both scholars and the local population. It invokes the Durkheimian distinction between necessary and sufficient conditions. Necessary conditions are akin to Marxian notions of ‘‘primitive accumulation’’ or Weberian ‘‘booty capitalism,’’ but in addition, the author emphasizes the demographics of the settlers, largely (aspiring) middle-class single men, and suggests that notions of the Rechtsstaat—code-based rather than case-based rule of law—represented an important, if not distinctive, sufficient condition in facilitating genocide, especially in tandem with the legitimation activities of turn-of-the-century scholars. The article concludes with a brief examination of the ‘‘bureaucratization’’ thesis. -
Remembering Genocide in Namibia
www.ssoar.info Remembering Genocide in Namibia Reitz, Núrel Bahí; Mannitz, Sabine Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Reitz, N. B., & Mannitz, S. (2021). Remembering Genocide in Namibia. (PRIF Working Papers, 53). Frankfurt am Main: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-73450-7 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
National Assembly Performance
Institute for Public Policy Research Not Speaking Out: Measuring National Assembly Performance By Ellison Tjirera and Graham Hopwood IPPR Comment No. 4 September 2009 This paper analyses the amount of contributions that members of the National Assembly made to parliamentary debate from September 2005 to October 2007 as one indicator of parliamentary performance. Although it has been speculated that some members of the National Assembly contribute very little to debates on bills and motions, as far as the IPPR is aware no research since independence has actually sought to quantify how much MPs contribute to debates in the House. The principal measure used for this research paper was the number of lines each MP contributed to debate in the Hansard – the official record of parliament. Originally, the IPPR had hoped to examine Hansard from the inception of the current parliament in 2005 until mid-2009. However, this has proved impossible because Hansard is not available from October 2007 onwards since editions have not been published since then. For this reason this analysis is based on a two-year period from September 2005 to early October 2007, which was felt to be a long enough period to make an assessment of how much MPs contributed to debate. The methodology used by this research paper is restricted solely to the amount of lines that MPs have contributed to the official record of parliamentary proceedings. No attempt is made to assess the quality of those contributions as this would involve highly subjective value judgements. This paper also does not attempt to assess how MPs may contribute to other aspects of parliamentary life, for example the committee system.