Naaman's Healing and Gehazi's Affliction

Vetus Testamentum 68 (2018) 540-555 Vetus Testamentum brill.com/vt

Naaman’s Healing and Gehazi’s Affliction: The Magical Background of 2 Kgs 5

Isabel Cranz University of Pennsylvania [email protected]

Abstract

Scholars tend to view the healing of Naaman and the subsequent affliction of Gehazi in 2 Kgs 5 as polemic against magic and non-Israelite ideas about disease and healing. as literary device it can be demonstrated that צרעת However, in analyzing the motif of 2 Kgs 5 is not opposed to magic. My paper will show instead how the consultation between the Aramean and the Israelite kings, the depiction of Naaman’s healing, as well as the circumstances of Gehazi’s affliction draw from generic ideas about magic to bring into sharper focus the power of the prophet and the presence of Yahweh in the land of Israel.

Keywords

Naaman – Gehazi – Elisha – miracle stories – comparative – תערצ – healing – affliction approach – magic

1 Introduction

The first half of 2 Kgs 5 informs us how the prophet Elisha heals the Aramean Shortly 1.צרעת general Naaman from a disfiguring skin condition referred to as

is often translated as ‘leprosy’ (Hansen’s disease) based on Greek λεπρός צרעת The term 1 which is consistently used in the LXX. However, this translation is most likely incorrect because Hansen’s disease is not recorded in the ancient Near East before Hellenistic times. -ṣāra‘at,ˮ TDOT 12 (2003): pp. 473-474. Although critics have tried to pin-צרעת“ ,See T. Seidl point other disorders such as psoriasis or vitiligo, none of these diagnoses are particularly

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/15685330-12341335Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 11:06:45AM via free access Naaman’s Healing and Gehazi’s Affliction 541 thereafter we learn that Elisha’s servant, Gehazi, is afflicted with the same disorder as punishment for embezzling gifts the Aramean had offered to Elisha. The fact that an Israelite prophet heals an Aramean who subsequently converts to Yahwism has led many scholars to suspect either an underlying critique of non-Yahwistic traditions and/or magic. However, as this paper will show, the account of healing and affliction as presented in 2 Kgs 5 not only betrays its ancient Near Eastern setting, but also utilizes principles that fall under the rubric of magic. Therefore, it can be shown that 2 Kgs 5 draws from generic ancient Near Eastern ideas about magic as it is utilized in the acts of healing and affliction to bring into sharper focus the power of the prophet and the presence of Yahweh in the land of Israel. To demonstrate these points, my essay proceeds in four steps. After providing an overview of current scholarly opinions and summarizing the events of the prophetic miracle story, I will explore the magical background of the consultation between the kings of Aram and Israel. This will be followed by an evaluation of Naaman’s bath in the Jordan and its links to similar practices in Assyro-Babylonian culture. Finally, I will examine how relates to ancient Near Eastern curse literature צרעת Gehazi’s punishment with and its biblical counterparts. The analysis of these episodes will show how the healing of Naaman and the affliction of Gehazi operate from within practices that qualify as magic to highlight the power of Yahweh and his prophet.

2 Healing, Affliction and the Ancient Near East

The notion that 2 Kgs 5 denigrates non-Israelites forms of healing and magic is widespread. Hugo Gressman was among the first scholars to formulate this view when he observed that: “obscure, magical and mysterious [elements] are removed. All the incomprehensible formulas and rites that usually define ma- gicians and healing specialists are missing […]. Instead [one finds] a simple

is merely an צרעת convincing. Consequently, as scholars increasingly acknowledge that -be trans צרעת umbrella term for an indistinct skin condition, it has been suggested that lated as ‘skin disease,’ or ‘scale disease.’ See J. Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 3; New York, 1991), pp. 775-776. Yet, many scholars and mainstream translations retain the term “leprosy” simply because it has the same jarring ,would have had in ancient cultures. See K. van der Toorn צרעת effect on modern readers as Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia: A Comparative Study (SSN 22; Assen, 1985), -wherever pos צרעת p. 73. For the purpose of the present study, I will retain the Hebrew sible. Alternatively, I will refer to ‘skin condition’ or ‘skin disorder.’ For a similar approach, see D. P. Wright. The Disposal of Impurity. Elimination Rites in the Bible and in Hittite and Mesopotamian Literature (SBLDS 101; Scholar Press, 1987), p. 75.

Vetus Testamentum 68 (2018) 540-555 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 11:06:45AM via free access 542 Cranz and clear act without drama that can be carried out with playful ease.”2 This notion is carried over into later research where the simplicity of Naaman’s cure has inspired statements such as “The encounter with Elisha […] [is] narrated from the standpoint of spiritual and religious superiority of Israel which requires no mantic practices (2 Kg 5 11f) for healing.”3 Similar thoughts have been voiced by Alexander Rofé who observes that “Naaman was cured not through magic, as practiced by the pagan nations, but through contact with the Lord’s holy land.”4 Scholars applying a medical anthropological model to 2 Kgs 5 have followed a comparable path in suspecting an attempt to denigrate magical or non-Yahwistic customs. Thus, Hector Avalos believes that “[…] the story aims to prove Yahweh’s power to neighboring religions and socio-political entities.”5 Finally, a similar conclusion is reached by Laura Zucconi who claims that: “[t]he Jordan, not the Abanah and Pharpar, is symbolically significant to the community of Yahweh; its power comes directly from Yahweh rather than from a magical incantation.”6

2 “Alles Undurchsichtige, Magische, Rätselhafte ist abgestreift, alle unverständliche Formeln und Riten fehlen, die sonst den Zauber- und Heilkünstler auszeichnen, statt ihrer eine ein- fache, klare, nüchterne Handlung, die mit spielender Leichtigkeit zu vollziehen ist […].” H. Gressman, Die älteste Geschichtschreibung und Prophetie Israels (Göttingen, 1910), p. 297. The translation is mine. 3 “Die Begennung mit Elisa und weitere Einzelheiten werden unter dem Gesichtspunkt geis- tiger und religiöser Überlegenheit Israels erzählt, dass nicht mantischer Praktiken (2 Kg 5 11f) zur Heilung bedarf.” See H. Bardtke, “Naeman,” in Bo Reicke (ed.), Biblisch-Historisches Handwörterbuch vol. 2 (Göttingen, 1964): p. 1279. The translation is mine. Bardtke’s view has been followed by H. C. Schmitt, Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur vorklassisch- en nordisraelitischen Prophetie (Göttingen, 1972), p. 78. Likewise, Gerhard von Rad believes that this account polemicizes against magic in general. See idem, “Naaman: Eine kritische Nacherzählung,” in Gottes Wirken in Israel: Vorträge zum Alten Testament (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1974), pp. 56-57. 4 See A. Rofé, Prophetical Stories: The Narratives about the Prophets in the Hebrew Bible, Their Literary Types and History (Jerusalem, 1988), p. 128. For similar views, see R. L. Cohn, “Form and Perspective in 2 Kings V,” VT (1983): 183; L. L. E. Ngan, “2 Kings 5,” Review and Expositor 94 (1997): p. 595. 5 See H. Avalos, Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East: The Role of the Temple in Greece, Mesopotamia, and Israel (HSM 54; Atlanta, 1995), p. 263. It should be noted that Avalos still acknowledges the broader message of the account by ascribing to it “socio-political,” “socio- geographic,” and “socio-religious” functions in its attempt to stress the power of Yahweh and his prophet. See ibid., p. 263-265. 6 See L. M. Zucconi, “Aramean Skin Care: New Perspective on Naaman’s Leprosy,” in S. Dolansky (ed.) Sacred History, Sacred Literature: Essays on Ancient Israel, the Bible and Religion in Honor of R. E. Friedman on his Sixtieth Birthday (Winona Lake, 2008), p. 174.

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Although not all scholars accept this interpretation, there is a clear tenden- cy to view certain elements of 2 Kgs 5 in contrast to magical and non-Israelite traditions.7 Nevertheless, it is worth reconsidering these views for several rea- sons. While 2 Kgs 5 might have been aimed at exulting Yahweh as the main deity of Israel, it remains uncertain whether this message was meant for a non-Israelite audience.8 The account may just as well have been aimed at an Israelite audience as the archaeological evidence suggests that Israelite religion was relatively diverse and not focused on Yahweh alone.9 Likewise, recent research on ancient Near Eastern incantation literature and ritual texts pro- vide us with new vantage points for evaluating accounts of healing and affliction as they are depicted both in the Bible and in the ancient Near East.10 In the context of renewed interest concerning these texts, the principle of ‘magic’ has also undergone a general overhaul such that scholars no longer assume a strict distinction between religious and magical practices in the ancient world.11 This change in the perceived relationship between magic and religion has necessitated a redefinition of the concept of magic. While magic was once considered a coercion of the gods, scholars increasingly acknowledge that the performance of magic requires a considerable degree of divine consent.12 In this study, it will therefore be assumed that magic is best defined as an attempt

7 For a scholar who does not view this episode as deriding Aramean forms of healing and/ or magic, see R. Schmitt, Magie im Alten Testament, (AOAT 313; Münster, 2004), p. 226. 8 This is claimed particularly by Avalos. 9 For this observation, see the volume of collected essays edited by F. Stavrakopoulou and J. Barton, Religious Diversity in Ancient Israel and Judah (New York, 2010). Another publica- tion dealing with the various expressions of religion in ancient Israel is B. Schmidt, The Materiality of Power: Explorations in the Social History of Ancient Israelite Magic (FAT 105; Tübingen, 2016). 10 In an unpublished dissertation, N. Rudik, for example, concludes that incantations should be considered ‘magisch-religös.’ See idem, Die Entwicklung der keilschriftlichen sum- erischen Beschwörungsliteratur von den Anfängen bis zur Ur III Zeit (Ph.D. diss., Friedrich- Schiller-Universität Jena, 2011), 7-9. Similarly, D. Schwemer and E. Robson have observed that ancient Near Eastern texts display an overlap between the categories of magic and medicine in Mesopotamian sources. See D. Schwemer, Akkadische Rituale aus Ḫattuša: Die Sammeltafel KBO XXXVI 29 und verwandte Fragmente (Heidelberg, 1998), pp. 1-4 and E. Robson, “Mesopotamian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New Perspectives,” Religion Compass 2.4 (2008): pp. 455-483. 11 For studies addressing the differentiation between magic and religion in biblical texts, see R. Schmitt, Magie, pp. 1-29 and S. Dolansky, Now You See it, Now you Don’t: Biblical Perspectives on the Relationship between Magic and Religion (Winona Lake, 2008). 12 The notion that magic is a form of coercion goes probably back to J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough (New York, 1950), pp. 59-60.

Vetus Testamentum 68 (2018) 540-555 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 11:06:45AM via free access 544 Cranz to secure divine support by utilizing words, acts and objects which are directly or indirectly associated with the supernatural world.13 Keeping this definition in mind, my essay will trace how 2 Kgs 5 employs popular magical motifs to construct a narrative in which the abstract theological principles of Yahweh’s presence in Israel, along with the power of his prophet, are written out on the bodies of the protagonists.14

3 The Events of 2 Kings 515

Scholars commonly divide the account into three parts.16 Verses 1-7 recount how the Aramean general travels to Israel to be healed by the prophet Elisha. In the second part of the narrative, Naaman is initially disappointed by the simplicity of the prophet’s instruction. Thanks to intervention of his servants, however, the Aramean follows Elisha’s advice, is promptly healed and declares Yahweh to be the only God. Prior to his departure, Naaman unsuccessfully

13 This understanding of magic is loosely based on Rüdiger Schmitt’s definition, see idem, Magie, p. 93. 14 A similar approach has been applied by C. Strimple and O. Creangă with the difference that they use Naaman’s ailment to seek a deeper understanding of Deuteronomistic concepts of masculinity. See idem, “Masculinity, Disability and the Healing of Naaman,” pp. 110-126. 15 The length and complexity of 2 Kgs 5 has prompted many critics to detect several layers of growth within this chapter. Going through every possibility would go beyond the scope of this paper. For different ideas concerning the compositional history of 2 Kgs 5, see H.-J. Stipp, Elischa—Propheten—Gottesmänner: Die Komposition des Elischazyklus und verwandter Texte (Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 24; St. Otilien, 1987), pp. 315-319; A. Rofé, The Prophetical Stories, p. 126; W. Thiel, “Das Land in den Elia-und Elisa-Überlieferungen,” in Landgabe: Festschrift fur Jan Heller zum 70. Geburtstag (Prague, 1995), pp. 72-73. 16 A tripartite division is employed by many scholars although the way they distinguish the single episodes differs. See H.-C. Schmitt, Elisa, pp. 78-79; R. L. Cohn, “Form and Perspective,” p. 171; E.Würthwein, Die Bücher der Könige: 1. Kön. 17-2.Kön. 25: Übersetzt und Erklärt (ATD 11.2; Göttingen, 1984), pp. 298-299. G. Hens-Piazza, G. Hens-Piazza, 1-2 Kings (Nashville, 2006), pp. 257-258 and Rachelle Gilmour, Juxtaposition and the Elisha Cycle (London, 2014), p. 145. Other scholars divide this chapter into four parts. See J. K. Kim, “Reading and Retelling Naaman’s Story (2 Kings 5),” JSOT (2005): pp. 51-52; K. Schöpflin, “Naaman. Seine Heilung und Bekehrung im Alten und im Neuen Testament,” BN (2009): pp. 35-36. Still others detect two distinct units. See J. Werlitz, Die Bücher der Könige (NSKAT 8; Stuttgart, 2002), p. 219; R. Schmitt, Magie im Alten Testament, p. 222; M. Sweeney, I & II Kings: A Commentary (OTL; Louisville, 2007), p. 295.

Vetus TestamentumDownloaded from 68 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2018) 540-555 11:06:45AM via free access Naaman’s Healing and Gehazi’s Affliction 545 urges Elisha to accept his gifts, then requests two loads of earth to worship Yahweh in Aram and asks for permission to accompany his master to the temple of the god Rimmon (vv. 8-19).17 In the last part of this chapter, Elisha’s servant Gehazi follows Naaman for the purpose of taking some of the gifts Elisha had refused to accept. However, when Gehazi returns with the goods, Elisha already knows about his servant’s betrayal and declares that Naaman’s affliction will now cling onto Gehazi and his offspring. As Gehazi leaves, he is like snow (vv. 20-27). Although this overview צרעת immediately covered with is brief, it becomes apparent that the concept of affliction and healing is the guiding principle which weaves itself through this particular chapter from be- ginning to end. Inspired by the centrality of this motif, I will focus my analysis on generic ancient Near Eastern motifs of magic, healing and affliction and how they are used in this chapter to emphasize the power of the prophet and Yahweh in the land of Israel.

4 Ancient Near Eastern Elements in 2 Kings 5

4.1 The Court and Medicine Three aspects are of particular interest regarding the ancient Near Eastern and magical background of 2 Kgs 5. These include the consultation between kings concerning medical issues, the prophet’s instructions, the healing of Naaman It will be .צרעת and Gehazi’s subsequent trespass leading to his affliction with shown that the account of 2 Kgs 5 arises from within a shared ancient Near Eastern cultural ethos that allows for the construction of a unique message about Yahweh’s presence in the land of Israel. Nonetheless, as might be ex- pected from a prophetic miracle story, this message is framed by the portrayal of Elisha as the only true mediator between the God Yahweh and the rest of humanity. To begin, the correspondence between the King of Aram and the King of Israel can be shown to draw on traditional ideas about healing and healthcare

17 It is unclear whether the soil will be used for building an altar, or whether Naaman will place an altar on the soil. See G. Hens-Piazza, 1-2 Kings, 262 R. L. Cohn, 2 Kings, p. 38; T. E. Fretheim, First and Second Kings, p. 153. The notion that the soil of Israel can be transported may point to an exilic origin of this account. See E. Würthwein, Die Bücher der Könige, p. 301. Because this paper focuses on healing and affliction rather than worship, further discussion of the subject would go beyond the scope of the present study.

Vetus Testamentum 68 (2018) 540-555 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 11:06:45AM via free access 546 Cranz to set the stage for Yahweh and his prophet.18 Following Naaman’s request to travel to Israel, the King of Aram dispatches a letter to the Israelite King ex- plaining that he is sending his servant Naaman to be healed from his affliction (vv. 6). As a reaction to this letter, the King of Israel rends his clothes and states: Am I God, to kill and“ ,האלהם אני להמית ולחיות כי־זה שלח אלי לאסף איש מצרעתו make alive? For he sends to me to heal a man of his affliction!” Three factors are of interest here. For one, scholars have suggested that in 2 Kgs 5:1-7 we are dealing with a polemic against the ancient Near Eastern notion that kings have the magical power to heal. Yet, this notion is not foreign to the biblical corpus as the healing power of kings is implied in Isa 3:7-8 where the rejection of leadership is justified by an inability or unwillingness to bind wounds. Comparable views on leadership and healing are expressed in Zech 11:16 which describes an inefficient king as one who cannot heal his subjects. The second point of interest is the observation that the process of healing was not inherently bound to the persona of the king, but rather promulgated through his administra- tive and bureaucratic apparatus. We know from extra-biblical sources that it was common courtesy between rulers of the ancient Near East to collaborate and consult about the health of their people especially their family members.19 One letter of the Amarna Correspondence informs us, for example, that the King of Ugarit requested a physician (asû) from the Egyptian court (EA 49).20

18 Neither the identity of the Israelite or the Aramean king is revealed. Some scholars believe that we are dealing with Jehoram. See G. Hens-Piazza, 1-2 Kings, p. 260. However, this is not convincing and it is likely that the identity of the king is purposefully left vague as the main purpose of the account is literary. 19 See C. Grotantanelli, “Healers and Saviours of the Eastern Mediterranean in Pre-Classical Times, “La Soteriologia Dei Culti Orientali Nell’Impero Roman (Leiden, 1982), pp. 652-653; L. Zucconi, “Aramean Skin Care,” p. 172; H. Bardtke, “Naeman,” p. 1279; H.-C. Schmitt, Elisa, p. 78 and E. Würthwein, Die Bücher der Könige, p. 301. However, such a polemical background for 2 Kgs 5:6-7 is rather unlikely especially since supporting sources in the ancient Near East are scarce. Thus, for instance, J. Gray is forced to refer to examples from ancient Rome and eighteenth century England when dealing with the healing power of kings. See idem, I & II Kings, p. 454. G. Hentschel, by contrast, assumes that the King’s statement was meant to underscore God’s role in healing over and against the activity of the prophet. See idem, 2 Könige: Kommentar zum Alten Testament (Würzburg, 1985), p. 24. 20 At least that is the impression we receive from a letter in which the Babylonian Kadashman-Enlil asks Muwatalli’s brother and successor Hattusili III to allow for the return of medical experts to Babylon. For a transliteration and translation of this letter, see J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln mit Einleitung und Erläuterung vol 1. (Leipzig, 1915), pp. 179-180 and W. L. Moran, The Amarna Letters: edited and Translated (Baltimore, 1992), pp. 120-121. Some scholars also posit that EA 23 informs us how Tušratta sent a statue of Šauška (Ištar) to Egypt for the purpose of healing the king. See Ilse Wegner, Gestalt und

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Similarly, Hittite rulers are documented as asking for support from both Egyptian and Babylonian healers. We know, for instance, that King Muwatalli invited Babylonian physicians and exorcists to his court whom he later failed to release.21 In this sense, the consultation between the King of Israel and the King of Aram, as well as the exchange of gifts, mark this account as a familiar occurrence in the ancient Near East. At the same time, however, 2 Kgs 5 is different in crucial ways. Thus, it is Naaman who travels to Elisha, not the other way around. This observation implies the importance of being in the land of Israel for healing, which comes to have additional relevance later in the narrative of 2 Kgs 5. Likewise, the frantic declaration of the Israelite King suggests the notion that healing Naaman is possible only with divine support.22 The significance of both the land and divine intervention are further developed in the second part of the narrative.

4.2 Water, Bathing and Healing While the first section of 2 Kgs 5 introduces the prophet Elisha and anticipates the importance of land and God, the next section uses the concept of disease and healing to shift the focus from the prophet as healer to the presence of Yahweh in the land of Israel since Elisha neither comes out to receive Naaman nor accompanies him to the Jordan. Scholars have often interpreted Naaman’s healing in the Jordan either as a polemic against magic or as an implicit depre- ciation of foreign customs.23 Yet, as can be demonstrated, Naaman’s immersion and recovery are not directed against foreign customs and magic, but are

Kult der Ištar-Šawuška in Kleinasien (AOAT 36; Kevelaer, 1981), p. 65. For more authors who believe that the statue was sent for healing, see T. Bryce, Life and Society in the Hittite World (Oxford, 2002), p. 168 and John Gray, I & II Kings, pp. 453-454. However, the phras- ing of this letter does not allow this conclusion; and as such the statue might have been sent for a different purpose as, for example, a royal wedding. See W. L. Moran, The Amarna Letters, p. 62. 21 See N. P. Heeßel, “The Babylonian Physician Rabâ-Ša-Marduk,” in Advances in Mesopotamian Medicine from Hammurabi to Hippocrates (CM 37; Brill, 2009), pp. 13-15. For more information concerning the Hittite rulers and their need for foreign physicians, see Trevor Bryce, Hittite World, pp. 163-175. 22 This view is also expressed in Gen 30:2 in regards of infertility. 23 See H. Bardtke, “Naeman,” p. 1279; H.-C. Schmitt, Elisa, p. 78; G. von Rad, “Naaman: Eine kritische Nacherzählung,” Gottes Wirken in Israel: Vorträge zum Alten Testament (Neukirchen- Vluyn, 1974), pp. 56-57; A. Rofé, Prophetical Stories, p. 128. L. Zucconi “Aramean Skin Care,” p. 174; R. L. Cohn, “Form and Perspective,” p. 183; L. L. E. Ngan, “2 Kings 5,” Review and Expositor 94.4 (1997): p. 595.

Vetus Testamentum 68 (2018) 540-555 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 11:06:45AM via free access 548 Cranz rather based on the same principles by appealing to the power of sacred space and proximity to the divine. The process of healing begins in verse 8 with the following statement by Elisha: “May he come to me that he will know that there is a prophet in Israel,” This verse continues the theme that the 24.(יבא־נא אלי וידע כי יש נביא בישראל) prophet will heal Naaman. Surprisingly, Elisha does not make an appearance. Instead an unnamed servant provides the following instruction (verse 10): “Go and wash yourself in the Jordan seven times and your flesh will return, and Naaman 25.(הלוך ורחצת שבע־פעמים בירדן וישב בשרך לך וטהר( ”,you will be pure is clearly unimpressed by these instructions and gives voice to his disappoint- ment in verses 11-12 by declaring: “I said to myself, he will surely come out (to me), stand and call on the name of Yahweh his God and wave his hand over the place and the affliction would subside: Are the Abanah and Parpar, the rivers of Damascus, not better than all the waters of Israel? Should I not wash הנה אמרתי אלי יצא יצוא ועמד וקרא בשם־יהוה אלהיו ”,?in them and become pure והניף ידו אל־המקום ואסף המצרע: הלא טוב אבנה ופרפר נהרות דמשק מכל מימי ישראל Up to this point in the account, the spotlight has been 26.הלא־ארחץ בהם וטהרתי focused on the prophet. Even as Naaman concedes and descends to the Jordan the narrative still refers to “the word of the man of God” (vv. 13-14). Yet, after Naaman realizes that he is healed, the role of the prophet recedes into the background as the Aramean declares (vv. 15): “Behold, I know there is no god הנה־נא ידעתי כי אין אלהים בכל־הארץ כי אם־) ”,in the world except for in Israel This statement is central in that it redirects attention to Yahweh by 27.(בישראל

24 For the importance of Elisha’s role, see T. R. Hobbs, 2 Kings, p. 68; T. E. Fretheim, First and Second Kings, pp. 152-153; R. L. Cohn, 2 Kings (Berit Olam; Collegeville, 2000), p. 37. 25 Although Naaman still places emphasis on the word of the prophet prior to his healing, some scholars speculate that Elisha is purposefully absent here to lend greater authority to God’s role. See G. Hentschel, 2 Könige, p. 23 and A. Rofé, Prophetical Stories, p. 127. In either case, this view is not accepted by all scholars. T. R. Hobbs, for example, suspects that the real lesson is the affirmation of Elisha as prophet. See idem, 2 Kings, p. 68. Similarly, W. B. Aucker, “A Prophet in King’s Clothes: Kingly and Divine Representation in 2 Kings 4 and 5,” JANES (2007): p. 13. 26 For the possible identity and geographic location of the rivers, see Mordechai Cogan and Hayim Tadmor, II Kings, p. 64. Some commentators believe that the verb used for healing, derives from Akkadian and may be linked to the exorcist āšipu. See J. Gray, I & II ,אסף Kings, p. 453. Unfortunately, this is unlikely given that no Akkadian verb of this type exists and the root for āšipu is contested. See M. Cogan and H. Tadmor, II Kings, p. 64. 27 For the observation that the focus has shifted now from prophet to Yahweh, see T. E. Fretheim, First and Second Kings, p. 153; W. Thiel, “Land,” p. 74; M. Sweeney, I & II Kings, p. 296. Some scholars have speculated that the references to Yahweh were added by

Vetus TestamentumDownloaded from 68 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2018) 540-555 11:06:45AM via free access Naaman’s Healing and Gehazi’s Affliction 549 linking the efficacy of the Jordan waters to the divine presence in the sacred land of Israel.28 The Jordan plays an important role, not only in the career of Elisha, but also in biblical literature and in ancient Israelite religion in general. Thus, the banks of this river figures as the locale of Elisha’s appointment as successor of Elijah before the latter is carried off by a fiery chariot (2 Kgs 2).29 Furthermore, the Jordan serves both as boundary marker and as mythological body of water. In Joshua 3-4, the entry of the Israelites into Canaan is marked by their crossing of the Jordan which is modelled after the crossing of the Reed Sea in Exodus—an event which can be likened to the primeval struggle against chaos.30 Also, in ancient Israelite religion, the Jordan river figures prominently, as can be illustrated archaeologically through the sanctuary at Dan, which was located at the headwaters of the Jordan.31 Hence, Naaman’s healing through his immersion in the Jordan is linked to the river’s association with sacred

a later redactor to clarify that Naaman was healed by God. See E. Würthwein, Die Bücher der Könige, pp. 298-299 and R. Sauerwein, Elischa: Eine redaktions- und religionsgeschichtli- che Studie (BZAW 465; Berlin, 2013), pp. 56-59. However, since Elisha is clearly identified as prophet of God, this addition would be unnecessary. In a similar vein, scholars have ques- tioned whether Naaman’s declaration in verse 15 can be considered purely monotheistic. On the one hand, scholars assuming a post-exilic date for this account align his statement with the monotheism of Deutero-Isaiah. See H.-C. Schmitt, Elisa, p. 128; E. Würthwein, Die Bücher der Könige, p. 302; A. Rofé, Prophetical Stories, pp. 127-128; K. Schöpflin, “Naaman,” p. 42; R. Sauerwein, Elischa, p. 60. On the other hand, the circumstance of the account at large, point to a more monolatric attitude of Naaman since he is still involved in the worship of other gods, albeit indirectly. See Winfried Thiel, “Land,” p. 75; S. Lasine, “‘Go in Peace’ or ‘Go to Hell’? Elisha, Naaman and the Meaning of Monotheism in 2 Kings 5,” SJOT (2011): p. 15. See also S. Otto, Jehu, p. 232. 28 This suggestion was first brought forth by R. C. Thompson. See idem, Semitic Magic: Its Origin and Development (London, 1908), p. liv. However, he links the custom of bathing in rivers to the worship of “river-gods”. Unfortunately, this type of worship cannot be con- firmed in the textual material available to us today. For further problems with the suggestion that ritual immersion is tied to river-gods, see T. R. Hobbs, 2 Kings, p. 64. 29 For the significance of these events, see J. Hutton, The Transjordanian Palimpsest: The Overwritten Texts of Personal Exile and Transformation in the Deuteronomistic History (BZAW 396; Berlin, 2009), pp. 375-376. 30 See S. C. Russell, Images of Egypt in Early Biblical Literature: Cisjordan-Israelite, Transjordan-Israelite, and Judahite Portrayals (BZAW 403; Berlin, 2009), p. 18; N. Wazana, All the Boundaries of the Land: The Promised Land in Biblical Thought in Light of the Ancient Near East (Winona Lakes, 2013), p. 112. For the concept of the Jordan as porous boundary marker, see R. Havrelock, River Jordan: The Mythology of a Dividing Line (Chicago, 2011), pp. 181-182. 31 For details about this site, see A. R. Davis, Tel Dan in its Northern Cultic Context (SBLABS 20; Atlanta, 2013), pp. 17-113.

Vetus Testamentum 68 (2018) 540-555 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 11:06:45AM via free access 550 Cranz space, which is reinforced through Naaman’s statement that Yahweh in Israel is the only true god. Once again, this understanding of the Jordan’s role in the process of healing is a common trope in magical traditions where the efficacy of objects and substances is frequently traced to their contact with sacred space and the divine.32 After establishing how Naaman’s bath in the Jordan elevates the importance of Israel and its God in 2 Kgs 5, we can address the claim that this episode is also used to denigrate non-Israelite and magical concepts of healing.33As the comparative material will illustrate, the water of the Jordan attains its power through the same principles as water used in Assyro-Babylonian rituals which also draws its efficacy from sacred space and proximity to the gods. To sub- stantiate this claim, I turn to a Standard Babylonian cultic commentary which states that an individual suffering from skin disease is to be immersed in the river.34 Apart from this reference, the custom of bathing and washing is less often prescribed for the healing of skin disorders, but rather for treating health problems caused by the appearance of evil omens, ghosts or demons.35 Similar to 2 Kgs 5, the water used in these procedures is linked to deities and sacred space. This is the case, for example, in a Namburbi, which is a Neo-Assyrian ritual carried out in response to an evil omen.36 The Namburbi in question

32 For this principle and some non-biblical examples, see J. Sørensen, A Cognitive Theory of Magic (Plymouth, 2007), pp. 69-77. -is not completely foreign to biblical litera צרעת the utilization of water in rituals against 33 is sprinkled seven times מצרע ture. The Priestly writings also specify that the recovered with a mixture of water and blood before being readmitted into the camp (Lev 14:1-7). For scholars who make that connection, see T. E. Fretheim, First and Second Kings (Louisville, 1999), p. 152; G. Hens-Piazza, 1-2 Kings, pp. 260-261; Rachelle Gilmour, Juxtaposition, p. 146. Yet, as T. Raymond Hobbs, points out that the Priestly procedure is, in fact, quite different as the sprinkling of water in Leviticus is presented as a custom that follows the healing of the patient. Naaman, by contrast, is healed only after the sevenfold immersion. See idem, 2 Kings, p. 64. 34 See Alasdair Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (Winona Lake, 2007), p. 126. Furthermore, we know of one example from Emar in which a disorder of the skin, referred to as saḫaršubbu, is healed by rubbing an individual with the blood of a slaughtered bird. See Y. Feder, “Behind the Scenes of a Priestly Polemic: Leviticus 14 and its Extra-Biblical Parallels,” JHS 15.4 (2015): pp. 6-9. 35 Ancient Near Eastern sources usually make no clear distinction between physical and mental disorders such that both could be treated with rituals that were aimed at healing. For the overlap between physical and mental health in the ancient Near East, see M. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine: Theory and Practice (Chichester, 2010), pp. 164-167. 36 Evil omens were understood as indicators of divine wrath. Leaving this omen unad- dressed not only caused anxiety, but lead to divine punishment in form of illness and

Vetus TestamentumDownloaded from 68 Brill.com09/26/2021 (2018) 540-555 11:06:45AM via free access Naaman’s Healing and Gehazi’s Affliction 551 advises an individual who has seen a snake to bathe himself in water that has been exposed to the stars overnight in the hopes of warding off the impend- ing doom announced by the reptile. It is likely that exposing the water to the stars established a link between the water and the gods with the exposure to the circumpolar stars serving to transfer their nature of permanence onto the water. It is also possible that the stars functioned as divine messengers who were entrusted with communicating between the supplicants and the gods.37 Another Namburbi against various types of evil requires the supplicant to im- merse himself six times in the river. The river is addressed in the hopes that it may carry the evil away.38 After this procedure, the supplicant bathes again and recites a short prayer to the god Ea who is associated with wisdom, spells and the subterranean sweet water horizon apsû.39 A comparable practice can be observed in the canonical series against demons referred to as Udug-Hul.40 Here river water also plays an important role albeit only for handwashing and ritual sprinkling. Of particular interest is the first tablet of this series which informs us how “Marduk (asarlim-nunna), foremost son of Eridu, [will] sprinkle, cleanse and purify [the supplicant] seven times seven times with pure water of the Tigris and Euphrates” (Tablet I 38’).41 The reference to Tigris and Euphrates informs us that the water had to be taken from a specific source. The source

eventually death. Consequently, treating an evil omen can be viewed as a form of pre- ventative health measure since it healed a rupture in the divine human relationship. See S. Maul, Zukunftsbewältigung: Eine Untersuchung altorientalischen Denkens anhand der babylonisch-assyrischen Löserituale (Namburbi) (BaF 18; Mainz, 1994), pp. 3-4. For more information on this type of ritual, see R. I. Caplice The Akkadian Namburbi Texts: An Introduction (SANE 1; Los Angeles: Udenda, 1974); S. Maul, “How the Babylonians Protected Themselves against Calamities Announced by Omens,” in T. Abusch et al. (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic: Textual, Historical and Interpretative Perspectives (AMD 1; Groningen, 1999), pp. 123-130. 37 See S. Maul, Zukunftsbewältigung, p. 45. For more examples that call for the exposure of water to the night sky, see ibid., 279 line 12’; 292 line 30; 130 line 25; 134 line 88. See also, E. Reiner, “The Uses of Astrology,” JAOS 105.4 (1985): p. 594. 38 See S. Maul, Zukunftsbewältigung, p. 489 and p. 493 lines 65-71. For general information regarding the custom of bathing in rivers, see ibid, pp. 88-89. 39 For additional information about this deity, see J. Bottéro, “Intelligence and the Technical Function of Power: Ea/Enki,” in Mesopotamia: Writing, Reasoning and the Gods (Chicago, 1995), pp. 232-250. 40 Udug-hul consists of 16 tablets which contain a range of different incantations against demonic possession and the presence of ghosts. For a history of the text as well as a com- plete translation and transliteration, see M. J. Geller, Healing Magic and Evil Demons: Canonical Udug-hul incantations with the Assistance of Luděk Vacín (Berlin, 2016). 41 For this translation, see M. J. Geller, Healing Magic, p. 49.

Vetus Testamentum 68 (2018) 540-555 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 11:06:45AM via free access 552 Cranz under discussion could either be the actual rivers, or it could refer to wells located within temples which were also known under the name Tigris and Euphrates.42 In sum, all three examples create a link between water and various deities that are addressed as part of the ritual activity. In light of the above evidence, it becomes clear that the custom of immersion for Naaman’s healing in 2 Kgs 5 is comparable to the custom as it is described in Assyro-Babylonian sources. Both in 2 Kgs 5 and in the Assyro- Babylonian sources water becomes efficacious through sacred space and proximity to the gods. It can, therefore, be concluded that 2 Kgs 5 uses commonly employed motifs of magic and healing to bring Israel’s main deity into the fore- ground. However, as we shall see, in the third and last part of this account, the spotlight is placed back on Elisha.

צרעת Gehazi’s Affliction with 4.3 Scholars who analyze 2 Kgs 5 from the perspective of disease and healing tend to disregard the account about Gehazi’s disobedience and subsequent affliction.43 Perhaps this has to do with the notion that this last section of 2 Kgs 5 is a secondary expansion of the narrative about Naaman’s healing.44 An additional reason for neglecting the affliction of Gehazi is the observation that Elisha does not heal, but rather figures as the cause for his servant’s skin condition. Taken together, this might seem to make this account less relevant for studies concerning healing and healthcare. Nonetheless, these verses are still of importance; not only because they situate 2 Kgs 5 within the broader context of biblical and ancient Near Eastern curse literature, but also because they direct the attention back to Elisha who is portrayed as directly responsible for .צרעת Gehazi’s A brief look at the ancient Near Eastern sources will prove helpful in ex- is used to highlight Elisha’s vital role צרעת amining how the motif of Gehazi’s in this account. Ancient Near Eastern sources present us with a broad array of skin disorders which are subsumed under terms such as saḫaršubbu, epqu,

42 A. Zgoll, “Königslauf und Götterrat: Struktur und Deutung des babylonischen Neujahrsfestes,” in Festtraditionen in Israel und im Alten Orient (VWGTh 28; Gütersloh, 2006), p. 25. For textual reference to the wells and their significance, see A. R. George, Babylonian Topographical Texts (OLA 40; Leuven, 1992), p. 46, p. 278. 43 See, for example, H. Avalos, Illness and Health Care, pp. 263-266; L. M. Zucconi, “Aramean Skin Care,” p. 169; K. Schöpflin, “Naaman,” pp. 35-36; C. Strimple and O. Creangă, “The Healing of Naaman,” pp. 110-126. 44 See H.-C. Schmitt, Elisa, p. 78; E. Würthwein, Die Bücher der Könige, p. 298; W. Thiel, “Land,” p. 73; S. Otto, Jehu, p. 230 n. 345; R. Schmitt, Magie, pp. 223-224; Ruth Sauerwein, Elischa, p. 58.

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in the Priestly צרעת epqennu, garābu, qummarûtu, and ṣennetu.45 Similar to Source, individuals affected by such disorders had to be isolated both in life and in death.46 More often than not, the cause for skin disorders is portrayed as the result of divine wrath, particularly in the context of perjury. A Middle Babylonian boundary stone (kudurru), for example, appeals to the moon god Sîn who is called upon to fill potential violators with saḫaršubbu which will drive them into isolation. This threat is quite clearly expressed in the following statement: “May Sîn, great lord, fill him with leprosy and may he bed down like a wild ass outside the city.”47 A comparable threat is found in Esarhaddon’s Vassal Treaty which also appears to appeal to the moon god Sîn to clothe the offending party with saḫaršubbu “like a cloak.”48 The notion that the gods are the cause of skin disorders is not reserved for curse literature, as similar themes can be observed in an astronomical omen which specifies that “Enlil will bring epilepsy and leprosy (epqu) onto the people.”49 Although these are but a few examples, they are sufficient to demonstrate that ancient Near Eastern texts typically view deities as causal factors for skin disorder. The attribution of skin disorders to divine activity is not limited to ancient Near Eastern literature, but can also be encountered in the Bible. For almost all instances recounted in the Bible, it may be assumed that Yahweh is the main

Korot 21 ”,צרעת (See C. Cohen, “Literary and Philological Aspects of Biblical Hebrew (BH 45 (2011-2012): p. 266 n. 19. Ironically, most assyriologists choose to translate these terms as “leprosy,” possibly, in order to create a link to the Hebrew Bible. 46 That afflicted individuals had to be isolated during their life time is suggested by a physi- ognomic omen text. See F. Köcher and A. L. Oppenheim, “The Babylonian Omen Text VAT 7525,” AfO 18 (1957-1958): p. 66. For more references to texts that inform us of the isolation of individuals who suffer from skin conditions, see K. van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction, p. 73. The notion that people suffering from saḫaršubbu have to remain in isolation even in death appears in UET 658. For transliteration and translation of this text, see http:// etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section1/tr1814.htm. 47 For a translation and transliteration of this text, see K. Slanski, The Babylonian Entitle- ment Narûs (Kudurrus): A Study in their Form and Function (ASOR Books 9; Boston, 2003), p. 71, p. 73. 48 For a transliteration and translation of the vassal treaty, see S. Parpola and K. Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths (SAA 2; Helsinki, 1988), p. 11. See also S. M. Olyan, Disability, pp. 55-56; K. van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction, pp. 72-75. Various theories on the between link between the moon god and skin conditions exist. However, none of them move beyond speculation. On tracing disorders like saḫaršubbu to the moon god, see K. van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction, p. 73 and M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia (CM 2; Gronningen, 1993), pp. 127-130. 49 For transliteration and translation of the text, see E. Reiner, Babylonian Planetary Omens Part Two Enūma Anu Enlil, Tablets 50-51 (Malibu, 1985), pp. 44-45.

Vetus Testamentum 68 (2018) 540-555 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 11:06:45AM via free access 554 Cranz cause for skin disorders. Yet, some passages are more direct than others when attributing skin disorders to divine volition. Deut 28:27, for example, is quite clear in stating: “May Yahweh smite you with the scab of Egypt, with boils, rash יככה יהוה בשחין מצרים ובעפלים ובגרב ובחרס) ”,and itch which cannot be healed to appear on a house צרעת In a similar vein, God causes .(אשר לא־תוכל להרפא in Lev 14:34 and on the arm of Moses in Exod 4:6-7. Yahweh’s involvement is somewhat more implicit in 2 Sam 3:28-29 where David affirms his innocence before Yahweh and curses the house of Joab for killing Abner. Likewise, God’s role does not directly cause Uzziah’s and Miriam’s affliction in Num 12:1-13 in these instances צרעת and 2 Chr 26:16-21 respectively since it appears that is caused by defiance, not by God. In either case, the events in 2 Kgs 5:27 contrast both with these passages and with the ancient Near Eastern examples. Not only is Elisha depicted as the one who causes his servant to become afflict- but the prophet’s imprecation is immediately effective; Gehazi ,צרעת ed with leaves Elisha’s presence completely covered with this skin condition. Elisha as prophet implements the divine wrath against Gehazi. Elisha’s mastery over fits well with his control over life and death צרעת natural phenomena such as as demonstrated in 2 Kgs 4:8-41 and 2 Kgs 13:20 and also forms an inclusio with the first part of the account in which the king declares himself unable to kill or bring back to life.50 As such, this last episode underscores Elisha’s role as ef- fectively mediating the will of Yahweh and draws on the popular notion of sin as the primary cause of skin disorders.

5 Conclusion

This paper has examined how the motifs of healing and affliction in 2 Kgs 5 emerge from within a shared cultural ethos of the ancient Near East to give shape to abstract principles such as the power of the prophet and Yahweh’s presence in the land. Contrary to frequently repeated scholarly opinions that the account in 2 Kgs 5 denigrates magical and non-Israelite ideas about disease and healing it was demonstrated that this prophetic miracle story is not opposed to non-Israelite customs or magic. Instead, all three parts of the account can be closely linked to common ancient Near Eastern motifs of magic, healing and affliction. The cross-cultural consultation concerning the health and wellness of members of the court in 2 Kgs 5:1-7 is also attested in Hittite,

and death, see Num 12:12. For the role of Elisha and Elijah as צרעת For the link between 50 life-bringing prophets, see S. Lasine, “Matters of Life and Death: The Story of Elijah and the Widow’s Son in Comparative Perspective,” BI 12.2 (2004): pp. 117-144.

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Babylonian and Egyptian sources. Furthermore, it was shown how this part of 2 Kgs 5 focuses on the prophet while already anticipating the importance of Israel as a land and Yahweh as the only god in existence. As the events unfold, is utilized to direct the attention to the צרעת the healing of the skin condition role of Yahweh and his ties to the land of Israel. Naaman directly compares the Jordan river to the rivers of Aram. Yet, only after his bath in the Jordan does Naaman come to realize that the only God of the cosmos is inextricably bound to Israel. In other words, based on the order of events, Naaman’s healing is directly associated with the presence of Yahweh in Israel. A similar association between bodies of water, gods and healing can be postulated for Neo-Assyrian and Standard Babylonian sources. Finally, a link to the ancient Near East could be observed for the last part of the miracle story when the focus shifts back for embezzling צרעת to the prophet Elisha as he afflicts his own servant with Naaman’s gifts. Infections with skin disorders are generally considered a sign of disobedience and result of divine wrath. However, for the particular case of 2 Kgs 5, it is the prophet who metes out punishment and as such the narrative ends with an assertion of Elisha’s supernatural powers. To conclude, rather than opposing ancient Near Eastern ideas about magic, healing and affliction 2 Kgs 5 utilizes these notions in order to stress the importance of the prophet Elisha as mediator of the god Yahweh in Israel.

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