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The Global/Local Tension in the History of Anthropology

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The Global/Local Tension in the History of Anthropology Journal of Global History (2019), 14: 3, 375–394 doi:10.1017/S1740022819000172 ARTICLE The global/local tension in the history of anthropology Gustavo Lins Ribeiro Department of Cultural Studies, Universidad Aut´onoma Metropolitana, Lerma, Mexico Corresponding author. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract In the early days of anthropology as a discipline in the nineteenth century, evolutionism and diffusionism supplied anthropologists with ‘global’ visions. Anthropologists have always been involved with all-encompassing cosmopolitan notions such as humankind and culture. Many have thus endeavoured to explain the world as a whole, and how humans have developed in different historical moments. In the 1980s and 1990s, when the new label ‘globalization’ generated a field of scholarly preoccupations, anthropologists started to contribute to this growing body of literature. Their most valuable contributions are related to the tensions between local and global forces, and between forces of heterogeneity and homo- geneity, as well as to the use of ethnography as a methodological tool. Anthropologists have borrowed notions from other related disciplines such as sociology, history, and geography. This paper situates the anthropological production on ‘the global’ within this diverse history of borrowings, internal disciplin- ary debates, and wider historical junctures. Keywords: diffusionism; ethnography; evolutionism; local/global; Marxism This article aims to explore the different ways in which anthropologists have dealt with ‘globali- zation’. To understand anthropology’s contribution to this large field of debate and theoretical discussion, I start by introducing a brief statement of what globalization and anthropology are. Since globalization is a historical process, I focus first on the beginning of anthropology as a discipline in order to present the transformations of some of its continuing preoccupations that are related to the larger field of global studies: the tensions between local and distant supra- local forces, and the tensions between heterogeneity and homogeneity. Globalization can be defined as the increase of the influence of supra-local agents and agencies in a myriad of locales making up webs of planetary scope. The noun ‘increase’ points to a process that unfolds over time, the ground zero of which is the beginning of the world capitalist system in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Although some authors such as Andre Gunder Frank have argued that there were other world systems before the European one, I take the his- torical expansion of Europe to the Americas, Africa, and Asia to be the beginning of the existence of the ‘modern world-system’, to use Immanuel Wallerstein’s well-known term.1 This expansion signals the building of interconnections and exchanges among loci and peoples on a truly plane- tary scale. The term ‘globalization’ was popularized in the 1980s and 1990s. Before it became another buzzword, within and without academia, it was discussed by scholars interested in the political economy of capitalist expansion, and in colonialism, imperialism, international relations, modernization, and development. 1Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: global economy in the Asian age, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998; Immanuel Wallerstein, The modern world-system: capitalist agriculture and the origins of the European world economy in the sixteenth century, New York: Academic Press, 1974. © Cambridge University Press 2019. 2679CC 423:86 846 .026 /4C2CD364CCC96,23:86,6C67D622:2362C 9CC 423:86 846C6 9CC: 8 1 376 Gustavo Lins Ribeiro These brief introductory remarks are needed to avoid considering globalization as a new epoch that started in the late twentieth century. If we keep a historical perspective in mind, we will see that what is truly at stake in this area of studies is the expansion and differentiation of Eurocentric capitalism, and the changes and articulations they brought worldwide. Globalization is, thus, a term coined a few decades ago to refer to the deepening of historical processes that were highly potentiated by the end of the bipolar world in 1989–91, and by the new possibilities of intercon- nections, assemblages, and discourses that were caused by the economic, political, technological, social, and cultural changes that happened in the late twentieth century. I will mention just some of the most significant ones. The end of the Cold War prompted the existence of triumphant flexible capitalist planetary worldviews, consolidating neoliberal and global financial capital hege- mony. Technological advances in the transportation, information, and communication industries affected the flows of people, commodities, and information on a global scale, and promoted another round of time–space compression, increasing the shrinking of the world, the full results of which are still to be seen.2 The construction of the European Union made possible new trans- national political ideologies and critiques of nationalist homogeneity. The growing influence of the environmental movement generated a new planetary awareness, which consolidated a global vision of shared destiny, and planted the seeds for the emergence of new transnational non-state agents and social movements and hopes for a global civil society. Finally, fears of cultural homog- enization coexisted with new experiences of heterogenization that created different ethnic segmentations and fragmented identities. Anthropology and the global In different ways, anthropologists have more often than not been involved with subjects related to what we call globalization today. A discipline that ambitiously sees itself as concerned with every- thing that is human, past and present, has been characterized by different efforts to understand interlocal relationships and to grasp what is universal and what is particular in a great quantity of human life-ways. It has depended on abstract notions such as humanity and culture(s) to make sense of humanity’s sameness and differences all over the planet. Its effort to encompass in a unique complex vision both the evolution of the species and its cultural diversity made anthro- pology, within the family of modern academic disciplines, the most elaborated research, method- ological, and theoretical effort dedicated to understanding alterity while keeping a single vision of what it means to be human. The interest in the different moments of the dynamics of biocultural evolution and in the worldwide diffusion of Homo sapiens and its culture(s) opened the anthropological imagination to different possibilities of the human experience in huge temporal and spatial scales, which propitiate a veritable comparative planetary history. The interest in understanding alterity also opened anthropology to distant others, led anthropologists to different interpretations of diverse human experiences, and turned them into travellers, into cosmopolitans who developed a cosmo- politics that envisaged the West as part of a much larger world of interconnections, exchanges, and power relations. I agree with Ulf Hannerz, who sees a true interest in, and engagement with, alter- ity as the core of cosmopolitanism.3 In fact, for me, anthropology is a Western cosmopolitics that is a set of ‘discourses and modes of doing politics concerned with their global reach and impact’ and of ‘discourses that attempt to make sense of human diversity and of alterity’.4 I also view 2David Harvey, The condition of postmodernity, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989. 3Ulf Hannerz, ‘Cosmopolitans and locals in world culture’, in Ulf Hannerz, Transnational connections: cultures, peoples, places, London: Routledge, 1996, pp. 102–11. 4Gustavo Lins Ribeiro, ‘World anthropologies: anthropological cosmopolitanisms and cosmopolitics’, Annual Review of Anthropology, 43, 2014, p. 483. 2679CC 423:86 846 .026 /4C2CD364CCC96,23:86,6C67D622:2362C 9CC 423:86 846C6 9CC: 8 1 Journal of Global History 377 ‘anthropology as a cosmopolitics ::: that pretends to be universal but that, at the same time, is highly sensitive to its own limitations and to the efficacy of other cosmopolitics’.5 In this perspective, anthropology is the Western cosmopolitics specialized in alterity and in the importance of diversity for humankind that became a formal academic discipline in the North Atlantic by the end of the nineteenth century. It is no coincidence that some of the most inter- esting works on the history of anthropology – that by Ángel Palerm, for instance6 – include pre- cursors such as the Arab scholar Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406), who studied world history, and Friar Bernardino de Sahagún (1500–90), who wrote on ancient Mexico. These precursors also formu- lated cosmopolitics and interpretations of alterity. Early involvements with the global Before proceeding, I want to avoid any anachronistic reading of what follows. Identifying anthro- pology’s early days with an interest in issues of global scope does not amount to saying that nineteenth-century anthropologists were studying globalization. But it does mean that their unit of analysis was the globe, and that they inscribed in the discipline an interest in planetary issues, and in questions that went far beyond anthropologists’ own Western ways of life. This is a heu- ristic characteristic that distinguishes anthropological thought. It is not by chance that evolutionism was the first great theory that anthropologists formally developed and embraced. It was in tune with larger visions of progress, which dominated
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