Volume 4, Number 2, 2004 Electoral Systems, Constitutionalism and Conflict Management in Southern Africa The Need for Electoral Reform in Botswana Electoral Reform and Political Stability in Lesotho Towards Stable Electoral Laws in Mozambique Elections, Constitutionalism and Political Stability in South Africa Electoral Violence, Political Stability and the Union in Tanzania Constitutionalism, the Electoral System and Challenges for Governance and Stability in Zimbabwe Contents Foreword 7 Jannie Malan Electoral Systems, Constitutionalism and Conflict Management in Southern Africa 11 Khabele Matlosa The Need for Electoral Reform in Botswana 55 Mpho G. Molomo Electoral Reform and Political Stability in Lesotho 79 Francis Kopano Makoa Towards Stable Electoral Laws in Mozambique 97 Iraê Baptista Lundin Elections, Constitutionalism and Political Stability in South Africa 119 Dren Nupen Electoral Violence, Political Stability and the Union in Tanzania 145 Hassan O. Kaya Constitutionalism, the Electoral System and Challenges for Governance and Stability in Zimbabwe 171 Lloyd Sachikonye Editors Prof Jakes Gerwel Chairperson, Board of Trustees, ACCORD Prof Jannie Malan Senior Researcher, ACCORD Guest Editors Dr Khabele Matlosa Manager of Research, Electoral Institute of Southern Africa Senzo Ngubane Head of Research, ACCORD Advisory Board Dr Alejandro Bendana Centro de Estudios Internacionales, Managua Mr Vasu Gounden Executive Director, ACCORD, Durban Ms Phyllis Johnson Director, Southern African Research and Documentation Centre, Harare Prof Mahmood Mamdani Department of Anthropology, Columbia University, New York Prof Tandeka Nkiwane Senior Fellow, Centre for Urban and Built Environment Studies, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg Prof Jane Parpart International Development Studies, Dalhousie University, Halifax Dr Alioune Sall Regional Co-ordinator, UNDP, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire Dr Meena Singh Common Security Forum, Centre for History and Economics, Kings College, Cambridge Design & Layout Angela Thomas ACCORD: Communications Foreword Jannie Malan More than once we have discussed the possibility and feasibility of an occasional special, thematic edition of this journal. Usually our conclusion was that it was a good idea, but that a few provisos were inevitably attached to it. Firstly, in each case the theme would have to be a very relevant one, and would have to be acknowledged by the readers as relevant indeed. Secondly, the planning of and preparations for such a special edition would have to begin well ahead of the envisaged publication date. Thirdly, such special editions should be relatively few and far between, since most of our readers might perhaps prefer the variety of topics in our regular editions. Our work with regard to the journal therefore tended to proceed along two lines. On the one hand, we were welcoming incoming articles with their typical diversity of topics and approaches. On the other hand, we kept harbouring the idea of a first special edition, and wondering when a preparatory start should be made. Then something just happened suddenly. With the generous support of the Regional Centre for Southern Africa (RCSA) Office of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) ACCORD had run a Programme on Electoral Systems, Elections and Conflict Mitigation in Southern Africa. The objectives of this programme included the following: • Strengthening early warning mechanisms in the area of elections • Increasing capacity of Regional Organisations to mitigate elections- related conflicts 7 Jannie Malan • Reflecting on and appraising the democratic and multi-party elections process which emerged in Southern Africa almost a decade ago • Reflecting on the challenges faced by countries in the region to deal with issues of multi-party elections • Exploring the reasons why in most Southern African states elections almost always lead to conflict • Reflecting on the nature of conflicts experienced and the extent to which the countries in the region have found means and ways of dealing with them • Sharing lessons from different Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, especially with regard to dealing with conflicts that are related to elections • Providing technical assistance and training to USAID bi-lateral missions. The idea was to conclude this programme with a publication, and preferably with a special edition of the journal. Thorough research work had formed an important part of the project and articles produced by a panel of academics were ready for publication. In this way, the first two conditions mentioned above had indeed been fulfilled by this programme. All the planning and organising had been done by the programme team and those involved in implementing the plans. Even guest editors were enlisted! All that we as editors of the journal had to do, was to add a few finishing touches. We therefore wish to express our great and sincere thanks to all the participants and contributors: USAID as funder of the programme, Dr Khabele Matlosa as external guest editor, the authors of all the articles, Ms Titi Pitso as Regional Programme Manager, all the members of ACCORD’s team, and contributors from the various countries. We genuinely appreciate your commitment, the time and energy you have devoted to the project, and the experience and expertise you have shared with all who will benefit from the work you have been doing. So, here is our first special edition – on Electoral Systems, Elections and Conflict Mitigation in Southern Africa. What we find particularly satisfying from our editorial perspective, is that the theme of this first special edition is such a people-related theme. Everything about elections has to do with huge numbers of real people. Any change in an electoral system can make the voice of the people either more audible or less audible, either more influential or less influential. With regard to constitutions, which are also referred to more than once, something similar may be added: Any amendment to a 8 Foreword constitution can either improve or worsen the situation of the people with regard to human rights and democratic rights. The descriptions, discussions and recommendations found in this edition are therefore no academic abstractions; they deal with political realities which affect the lives of millions and billions of people. Precisely this tremendously wide- and far-reaching significance of our special theme, however, places a great responsibility on all of us who will read and use this material. We have to remember that these articles, in an academic journal, will not reach the masses of people who live as citizens in their countries, and exercise their right to vote. This means that we are reading on behalf of them, and that we are making use of this material on behalf of them. We therefore have to explore ways in which the recommendations about duly people-oriented constitutions and electoral systems can be communicated to the political leaders and opinion formers. We have to develop the commitment, courage and perseverance to do, and keep doing, the bits we may be able to do. Some of our opportunities may seem to be more significant, while others may appear to be rather insignificant. Still, there is always the possibility of a seed thought growing into a deed that brings about real transformation. Moreover, we should remember that we find ourselves at the beginning of the stimulating era of the African Renaissance. Is this not an appropriate time to be frankly realistic about the short- comings of electoral systems and procedures in various countries? In fact, there may be no single country that can boast about a perfect system or flawless elections. The six articles dealing with electoral systems and elections in six countries – Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania and Zimbabwe – should serve a useful purpose in this regard. Positive aspects are duly appraised, but where necessary, criticism and recommendations are added. In the leading article, election results and details of these and other Southern African Development Community countries are also discussed. We do trust, therefore, that this special package of articles will communicate and spread the message of free, fair and democratic elections, and inspire leaders and followers to introduce all possible improvements. 9 Electoral Systems, Constitutionalism and Conflict Management in Southern Africa Khabele Matlosa* Abstract Since the onset of the democratisation process in Southern Africa in the 1990s, democracy discourses in both academic and policy-making circles have become more robust and invigorated. Although much of the attention has been largely on elections and their value to democracy, this article attempts to broaden both the theoretical and factual terrain of this interesting epistemological exchange among intellectuals and policy makers on democratisation in Southern Africa. It does this by attempting to discover the possible linkages between elections, electoral systems, constitutionalism and conflict management and show precisely how these phenomena then either enhance or undermine democratic governance. If, indeed, the theoretical and *Dr. Khabele Matlosa is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at the National University of Lesotho, and former Director, Research and Policy Studies, of the Southern African Political Economy Series (SAPES). Currently he is the Manager of Research at the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa. 11
Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline.
The Discourse of Tribalism in Botswana's 2019 General Elections
The Discourse of Tribalism in Botswana’s 2019 General Elections Christian John Makgala ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5984-5153 Andy Chebanne ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5393-1771 Boga Thura Manatsha ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5573-7796 Leonard L. Sesa ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6406-5378 Abstract Botswana’s much touted peaceful Presidential succession experienced uncertainty after the transition on 1 April 2019 as a result of former President Ian Khama’s public fallout with his ‘handpicked’ successor, President Mokgweetsi Masisi. Khama spearheaded a robust campaign to dislodge Masisi and the long-time ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) from power. He actively assisted in the formation of a new political party, the Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF). Khama also mobilised the country’s most populous Central District, the Bangwato tribal territory, of which he is kgosi (paramount chief), for the hotly contested 2019 general elections. Two perspectives emerged on Khama’s approach, which was labelled loosely as ‘tribalism’. One school of thought was that the Westernised and bi-racial Khama was not socialised sufficiently into Tswana culture and tribal life to be a tribalist. Therefore, he was said to be using cunningly a colonial-style strategy of divide- and-rule to achieve his agenda. The second school of thought opined that Khama was a ‘shameless tribalist’ hell-bent on stoking ‘tribalism’ among the ‘Bangwato’ in order to bring Masisi’s government to its knees. This article, Alternation Special Edition 36 (2020) 210 - 249 210 Print ISSN 1023-1757; Electronic ISSN: 2519-5476; DOI https://doi.org/10.29086/2519-5476/2020/sp36a10 The Discourse of Tribalism in Botswana’s 2019 General Elections however, observes that Khama’s approach was not entirely new in Botswana’s politics, but only bigger in scale, and instigated by a paramount chief and former President.
REPUBLIC OF BOTSWANA FIRST PERIODIC REPORT TO THE AFRICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES’ RIGHTS IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AFRICAN CHARTER ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES RIGHTS 1 CONTENTS PAGE NO I. PART I. a. History 5 b. Geography 8 c. Population 9 d. Economy 10 e. Constitutional structure 17 f. Administrative structure 20 II. PART II. ARTICLE 1 25 Recognition by States of rights duties and freedoms under the Charter; and ARTICLE 2- Entitlement to Rights and Freedoms under the Charter ARTICLE 3 28 (a) Equality before the law; and (b) equal protection of the law ARTICLE 4 34 Respect of one‟s life and integrity ARTICLE 5 37 Rights to respect of human dignity, prohibition of slavery; slave trade; torture cruel inhuman and degrading treatment ARTICLE 6 50 Right to Liberty and security ARTICLE 7 61 Right to a hearing; right to appeal; right to presumption of innocence; right to be defended by counsel of choice; right to be tried within a reasonable time 2 ARTICLE 8 66 Freedom of religion and conscience ARTICLE 9 70 Right to receive information; right to express opinion ARTICLE 10 74 Right to free association ARTICLE 11 76 Right to freedom of assembly ARTICLE 12 77 Freedom of movement and right to seek and obtain asylum ARTICLE 13 81 Right to participate freely in government; right to equal access to the public service of ones country; right to access public property ARTICLE 14 83 Right to property ARTICLE 15 85 Right to work under equitable and satisfactory conditions and to receive equal pay for equal work ARTICLE 16 87 Right to health - physical and
SPECIAL REPORT SERIES THE CARTER CENTER WAGING PEACE ◆ FIGHTING DISEASE ◆ BUILDING HOPE OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS THE CARTER CENTER STRIVES TO RELIEVE SUFFERING BY ADVANCING PEACE AND HEALTH WORLDWIDE; IT SEEKS TO PREVENT AND RESOLVE CONFLICTS, ENHANCE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY, AND PROTECT AND PROMOTE HUMAN RIGHTS WORLDWIDE. THE CARTER CENTER NDINDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS FINAL REPORT THE CARTER CENTER The Democracy Program One Copenhill Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5188 FAX (404) 420-5196 WWW.CARTERCENTER.ORG OCTOBER 2002 1 THE CARTER CENTER NDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS 2 THE CARTER CENTER NDINDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS TABLE OF CONTENTS Carter Center Election Observation Delegation and Staff ............................................................... 5 Terms and Abbreviations ................................................................................................................. 7 Foreword ......................................................................................................................................... 8 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................... 10 Acknowledgments............................................................................................................................. 15 Background ......................................................................................................................................
UNITED NATIONS A Distr. General Assembly GENERAL A/HRC/WG.6/3/BWA/1 5 September 2008 Original: ENGLISH HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review Third session Geneva, 1-15 December 2008 NATIONAL REPORT SUBMITTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH PARAGRAPH 15 (A) OF THE ANNEX TO HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL RESOLUTION 5/1 * Botswana _________________________ * The present document was not edited before being sent to the United Nations translation services. GE.08- A/HRC/WG.6/3/BWA/1 Page 2 I. METHODOLOGY AND CONSULTATION PROCESS 1. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation was responsible for coordinating an inter ministerial effort towards the preparation of the national report submitted for periodic review by the Human Rights Council of the United Nations1. The report was prepared jointly with the Office of the President/Ministry of Justice, Defence and Security and the Attorney General’s Office (which comprised the Drafting Committee). Once a draft had been prepared the draft was shared with stakeholder government departments and ministries. 2. A working draft was then prepared by the Drafting Committee and was shared with stakeholder Government Ministries and Departments with a view that they provide further contribution and feedback. A stakeholder workshop was then convened on 5-6 August 2008 that brought together all stakeholders including the civil society and non-government organizations (NGOs) to go through the initial draft and make comments, suggestions and recommendations to improve the document. II. BACKGROUND: NORMATIVE AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK 3. Adopted by Botswana at independence in 1966, the Constitution established a non racial democracy, maintaining freedom of speech, of the press and of association, and affording all citizens equal rights.
Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies Volume 18 Issue 1 Article 10 Winter 2011 "Cultural Fatigue": The State and Minority Rights in Botswana Jacqueline Solway Trent University Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Solway, Jacqueline (2011) ""Cultural Fatigue": The State and Minority Rights in Botswana," Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies: Vol. 18 : Iss. 1 , Article 10. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls/vol18/iss1/10 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School Journals at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact rvaughan@indiana.edu. "Culture Fatigue": The State and Minority Rights in Botswana JACQUELINE SOLWAY* ABSTRACT The circulation and intersection of supranationalrights, discourses, and practices with local struggles have contributed to victories, disappointments, and in many instances, new articulations and understandings of rights for local people. In Botswana, the ever- increasinginteraction of minority groups with internationalinstitutions, laws and conventions, nongovernmental groups (NGOs), and the Botswana courts has created a dialectic that continues to reshape vernacular rights discourses. The state has also been a party in this evolving dialectic and has found new means of intervening in the process. The Botswana state prides itself on its liberal practices and has received international acclaim as a result. The state's success in promoting individual-based human rights provides a context for minorities to self-identify, recognize their oppression, and safely challenge the state.
President Festus Mogae: the Regent Who Became King
A Special Issue on Botswana Notes and Records’ Golden Jubilee Volume in Honour of Sir Ketumile Masire President Festus Mogae: The Regent Who Became King Botsalo Ntuane∗ The watershed moment came on 4 November 1995. By the time delegates made their way back home, it was all over. In an extraordinary year, the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) had met twice in con- gress. Four months earlier, in July, the faithful had descended on the dormitory village of Mogoditshane for another bout of factional bloodletting. The congress came two years after Kanye, at which the polarity in the ruling party had reached crisis level. This particular congress came in the wake of the gravest crisis the party had ever faced. In 1991, in response to a litany of complaints about the performance of land boards, Peter Mmusi had initiated an investigation into the matter. Little knowing that the outcome would ensnare him, Mmusi, in addition, convinced President Ketumile Masire to set up a commission of inquiry to investigate allega- tions of impropriety regarding land allocation in Mogoditshane and other peri-urban villages. The findings that came out left a trail of political destruction and ruin in their wake. Chaired by a founding party stalwart, Englishman Kgabo, the commission found that though Mmu- si and Daniel Kwelagobe had not stolen any land or illegally acquired any land in Mogoditshane, Mmusi had committed an error of moral and political judgement in upholding Kwelagobe’s appeal for a certain piece of land in Nkoyaphiri. The two were not ordinary men. Mmusi was Vice President of the country and also Minister for Local Government and Lands.