SIL International and Endangered Austronesian Languages J
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A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [Cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria
DigitalResources Electronic Survey Report 2020-012 A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria Ken Decker, John Muniru, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham, Jonah Innocent A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria Ken Decker, John Muniru, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham, Jonah Innocent SIL International® 2020 SIL Electronic Survey Report 2020-012, October 2020 © 2020 SIL International® All rights reserved Data and materials collected by researchers in an era before documentation of permission was standardized may be included in this publication. SIL makes diligent efforts to identify and acknowledge sources and to obtain appropriate permissions wherever possible, acting in good faith and on the best information available at the time of publication. Abstract This report describes a sociolinguistic survey conducted among the Kyoli-speaking communities in Jaba Local Government Area (LGA), Kaduna State, in central Nigeria. The Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) classifies Kyoli [cry] as a Niger-Congo, Atlantic Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Plateau, Western, Northwestern, Hyamic language. During the survey, it was learned that the speakers of the language prefer to spell the name of their language <Kyoli>, which is pronounced as [kjoli] or [çjoli]. They refer to speakers of the language as Kwoli. We estimate that there may be about 7,000 to 8,000 speakers of Kyoli, which is most if not all the ethnic group. The goals of this research included gaining a better understanding of the role of Kyoli and other languages in the lives of the Kwoli people. Our data indicate that Kyoli is used at a sustainable level of orality, EGIDS 6a. -
Annex H. Summary of the Early Grade Reading Materials Survey in Senegal
Annex H. Summary of the Early Grade Reading Materials Survey in Senegal Geography and Demographics 196,722 square Size: kilometers (km2) Population: 14 million (2015) Capital: Dakar Urban: 44% (2015) Administrative 14 regions Divisions: Religion: 95% Muslim 4% Christian 1% Traditional Source: Central Intelligence Agency (2015). Note: Population and percentages are rounded. Literacy Projected 2013 Primary School 2015 Age Population (aged 2.2 million Literacy a a 7–12 years): Rates: Overall Male Female Adult (aged 2013 Primary School 56% 68% 44% 84%, up from 65% in 1999 >15 years) GER:a Youth (aged 2013 Pre-primary School 70% 76% 64% 15%,up from 3% in 1999 15–24 years) GER:a Language: French Mean: 18.4 correct words per minute When: 2009 Oral Reading Fluency: Standard deviation: 20.6 Sample EGRA Where: 11 regions 18% zero scores Resultsb 11% reading with ≥60% Reading comprehension Who: 687 P3 students Comprehension: 52% zero scores Note: EGRA = Early Grade Reading Assessment; GER = Gross Enrollment Rate; P3 = Primary Grade 3. Percentages are rounded. a Source: UNESCO (2015). b Source: Pouezevara et al. (2010). Language Number of Living Languages:a 210 Major Languagesb Estimated Populationc Government Recognized Statusd 202 DERP in Africa—Reading Materials Survey Final Report 47,000 (L1) (2015) French “Official” language 3.9 million (L2) (2013) “National” language Wolof 5.2 million (L1) (2015) de facto largest LWC Pulaar 3.5 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Serer-Sine 1.4 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Maninkakan (i.e., Malinké) 1.3 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Soninke 281,000 (L1) (2015) “National” language Jola-Fonyi (i.e., Diola) 340,000 (L1) “National” language Balant, Bayot, Guñuun, Hassanya, Jalunga, Kanjaad, Laalaa, Mandinka, Manjaaku, “National” languages Mankaañ, Mënik, Ndut, Noon, __ Oniyan, Paloor, and Saafi- Saafi Note: L1 = first language; L2 = second language; LWC = language of wider communication. -
Language Classification in the Ethnologue and Its Consequences (Paper)
Sarah E. Cornwell The University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada Language Classification in The Ethnologue and its Consequences (Paper) Abstract: The Ethnologue is a widely used classificatory standard for the world’s 7000+ natural languages. However, the motives and processes used by The Ethnologue’s governing body, SIL International, have come under criticism by linguists. This paper investigates how The Ethnologue answers the question “What is a language?” through the theoretical lens presented by Bowker and Star in Sorting Things Out (1999) and presents some consequences of those classificatory decisions. 1. Introduction Language is central to human culture and experience. It is the central core of our communicative capacity, running through all media of communication. Due to this essential role, there is a need to classify and count languages and their speakers1. Governments need to communicate with citizens, libraries need to catalogue books by language, and search engines need to return webpages in the appropriate language for each searcher. For these reasons among others, there is a strong institutional need for a standardized classification structure and labelling system for languages. The most widespread current classificatory infrastructure for languages is based on The Ethnologue. This essay will critically evaluate The Ethnologue using the Foucauldian theory developed for investigating classification structures by Bowker and Star (1999) in Sorting Things Out: Classification and its Consequences. 2. The Ethnologue The Ethnologue is a catalogue of all the world’s languages. First compiled in 1951, The Ethnologue is currently in its 20th edition and contains descriptions of 7099 living languages (2017). Since 1997, The Ethnologue has been available freely online and widely accessible (Simons & Fennig, 2017). -
Modeling the Linguistic Situation in the Philippines
SENRI ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES ●: 1–15 ©2018 Let’s Talk about Trees: Genetic Relationships of Languages and Their Phylogenic Representation Edited by KIKUSAWA Ritsuko and Lawrence A. REID Modeling the Linguistic Situation in the Philippines Lawrence A. Reid University of Hawai‘i National Museum of the Philippines Abstract This paper explores various problems in modeling the Philippine linguistic situation. Simple cladistic models are valuable in modeling proposed genetic relationships based on the results of the comparative-historical method, but are problematic when dealing with the languages of Negrito groups that adopted Austronesian languages. They are also problematic in dealing with networking as the result of dialect chaining, and widespread lexical borrowing from non-Austronesian languages, each of which creates special problems in modeling the Philippine linguistic situation. 1. Introduction In order to understand the problems involved with modeling the linguistic situation in the Philippines, it is necessary to introduce some facts about the country. The Philippines has a population of over 90,000,000 spread over 7000 islands. The major islands have a wide variety of geographical features, with high mountain ranges, wide river plains and valleys. Ethnologue (Simons and Fennig 2017) lists 175 indigenous Philippine languages that are spoken by two phylogenetically distinct groups, the so-called “Southern Mongoloid” and the “Negritos”. All Philippine languages belong to the Austronesian language family. Despite proposals to the contrary (e.g., Donohue and Denham 2010: 231; 248), there is no linguistic evidence, for prehistoric contact between either of the two phylogenetically distinct groups in the Philippines and any other known linguistic phylum, such as Austro- Asiatic or any other island or mainland non-Austronesian Southeast Asian group. -
Mapping India's Language and Mother Tongue Diversity and Its
Mapping India’s Language and Mother Tongue Diversity and its Exclusion in the Indian Census Dr. Shivakumar Jolad1 and Aayush Agarwal2 1FLAME University, Lavale, Pune, India 2Centre for Social and Behavioural Change, Ashoka University, New Delhi, India Abstract In this article, we critique the process of linguistic data enumeration and classification by the Census of India. We map out inclusion and exclusion under Scheduled and non-Scheduled languages and their mother tongues and their representation in state bureaucracies, the judiciary, and education. We highlight that Census classification leads to delegitimization of ‘mother tongues’ that deserve the status of language and official recognition by the state. We argue that the blanket exclusion of languages and mother tongues based on numerical thresholds disregards the languages of about 18.7 million speakers in India. We compute and map the Linguistic Diversity Index of India at the national and state levels and show that the exclusion of mother tongues undermines the linguistic diversity of states. We show that the Hindi belt shows the maximum divergence in Language and Mother Tongue Diversity. We stress the need for India to officially acknowledge the linguistic diversity of states and make the Census classification and enumeration to reflect the true Linguistic diversity. Introduction India and the Indian subcontinent have long been known for their rich diversity in languages and cultures which had baffled travelers, invaders, and colonizers. Amir Khusru, Sufi poet and scholar of the 13th century, wrote about the diversity of languages in Northern India from Sindhi, Punjabi, and Gujarati to Telugu and Bengali (Grierson, 1903-27, vol. -
Two Patterns of /A/ and /O/ Alternation in Subanon
Two Patterns of /a/ and /o/ Alternation in Subanon Sharon Bulalang UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA Two patterns of alternation affect the phonemes /a/ and /o/ in Subanon, an underdocumented Austronesian language spoken in the southern Philippines. Under suffixation, /a/ becomes /o/ in the antepenult (Pattern 1), and /o/ becomes /a/ in the penult preceding a palatal glide (Pattern 2). Pattern 1 has no apparent synchronic motivation, but comparative evidence shows that Proto-Subanen *a weakened to schwa when placed in pretonic position through suffixation, and that schwa from any source then became Subanon /o/. Pattern 2 is similar to a Subanon process called “partial vowel harmony assimilation,” as well as to the alternation of final -əy/-əw with penultimate -ay/-aw in Western Bukidnon Manobo. However, in both cases, these processes turn out to be unrelated. In conclusion, Pattern 2 shows no clear synchronic and diachronic motivation, and we are left with a descriptive statement without an explanation. 1. INTRODUCTION.1 Western Subanon [ISO 639-3 suc] (henceforth, Subanon) is an indigenous minority language in the Philippines spoken by about 300,000 people in the southwestern part of the Zamboanga Peninsula of Mindanao. Subanon is one of a small subgroup of languages called Subanen, that belongs to the Greater Central Philip- pines (GCPH) branch of the Austronesian language family (Blust 1991, 2005; Lobel 2013; Simons and Fennig 2018). Figure 1 shows the position of Subanon in relation to the other Subanen languages. Figure 1 reflects the fact that the Western subgroup of Proto-Subanen (PSUB) diverged prior to the breakup of the other Subanen languages. -
The Components of Sustainable Multilingual Education Programs
A Two-Way Bridge The Components of Sustainable Multilingual Education Programs Studies demonstrate that learning is most effective when the instruction is received in the language the learner knows best. This simple truth extends from basic reading and writing skills in the first language to second language acquisition. In multilingual education programs (MLE) that start with the mother tongue, learners use their own language for learning in the early grades, while also learning the official language as a classroom subject. As learners gain competence in understanding, speaking, reading and writing the language of education, teachers begin using it for instruction. This instructional bridge between the community language and the language of wider communication enables learners—children and adults alike—to meet their broader multilingual goals while retaining their local language and culture. This booklet addresses several important aspects of MLE: ■ The voices of ethnolinguistic minority communities are often not heard. Therefore, advocacy is appropriate for these communities to meet their MLE needs. ■ Conventional instructional methods are not adequate for MLE programs. Educators at both community and national levels need to develop their capacity to design and implement MLE programs. ■ Developing a writing system for a non-dominant language is a challenging but essential early step in developing an MLE program. ■ MLE not only requires the commitment and resources of the local community, but also the resources and expertise available from government agencies, NGOs or others. Resource linking brings the partners together so that each one contributes its own particular resources. ■ MLE gives children and adults a firm foundation for continuing to learn throughout their lives. -
English Planning for Global Cooperation in Sign Language Development Through Networks, Finland, the US, Colombia and Japan Consultants and Resources
SIL International 2009 Partners in Language Development UPDATE YEARS 1934–2009 “No one has ever seen a book in our language before.” Until this year, the Koda community in Bangladesh did not have a written form of their language. Some Koda people thought it was impossible to write their language. A cooperative education and development program for this community was started by Food for the Hungry and SIL. In 2009, a group of eager Koda men met several times with SIL staff to make decisions about a writing system for their language. The men—some of whom had only attended school for two years—participated in an orthography workshop with SIL consultants and began to write in their own language. They worked together to identify the speech sounds that are the same as in Bangla (the national language), the several sounds that are different, and how to Each workshop represent each sound in an alphabet—the first step towards uniform spelling. participant wrote When workshop participants were asked to write stories about their daily lives and a story in Koda and culture, they responded, “We have never written a story before.” But by the end of made his own book. These men have the workshop, each participant had written a short story and made his own book to started to fulfill their take back to his village—an achievement that gave them confidence and increased community’s desire to self-esteem. protect and preserve SIL grew out of one man’s concern for people speaking languages that lacked written their language. -
A Sketch of the Linguistic Geography of Signed Languages in the Caribbean1,2
OCCASIONAL PAPER No. 38 A SKETCH OF THE LINGUISTIC GEOGRAPHY OF SIGNED LANGUAGES IN THE CARIBBEAN Ben Braithwaite The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine June 2017 SCL OCCASIONAL PAPERS PAPER NUMBER 38—JUNE 2017 Edited by Ronald Kephart (2014–2016) and Joseph T. Farquharson (2016–2018), SCL Publications Officers Copy editing by Sally J. Delgado and Ronald Kephart Proofreading by Paulson Skerritt and Sulare Telford EDITORIAL BOARD Joseph T. Farquharson The University of the West Indies, Mona (Chair) Janet L. Donnelly College of the Bahamas David Frank SIL International Ronald Kephart University of North Florida Salikoko S. Mufwene University of Chicago Ian E. Robertson The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Geraldine Skeete The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine Donald C. Winford Ohio State University PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY FOR CARIBBEAN LINGUISTICS (SCL) c/o Department of Language, Linguistics and Philosophy, The University of the West Indies, Mona campus, Kingston 7, Jamaica. <www.scl-online.net> © 2017 Ben Braithwaite. All rights reserved. Not to be reproduced in any form without the written permission of the author. ISSN 1726–2496 THE LINGUISTIC GEOGRAPHY OF SIGNED LANGUAGES 3 A Sketch of the Linguistic Geography of Signed Languages in the Caribbean1,2 Ben Braithwaite The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine 1. Introduction HE Caribbean… is the location of almost every type of linguistic “Tphenomenon, and of every type of language situation. For example, trade and contact jargons, creole languages and dialects, ethnic vernaculars, and regional and nonstandard dialects are all spoken. There are also ancestral languages used for religious purposes…, regional standards, and international standards. -
Revisiting the Position of Philippine Languages in the Austronesian Family
The Br Andrew Gonzalez FSC (BAG) Distinguished Professorial Chair Lecture, 2017 De La Salle University Revisiting the Position of Philippine Languages in the Austronesian Family Lawrence A. Reid University of Hawai`i National Museum of the Philippines Abstract With recent claims from non-linguists that there is no such thing as an Austronesian language family, and that Philippine languages could have a different origin from one that all comparative linguists claim, it is appropriate to revisit the claims that have been made over the last few hundred years. Each has been popular in its day, and each has been based on evidence that under scrutiny has been shown to have problems, leading to new claims. This presentation will examine the range of views from early Spanish ideas about the relationship of Philippine languages, to modern Bayesian phylogenetic views, outlining the data upon which the claims have been made and pointing out the problems that each has. 1. Introduction Sometime in 1915 (or early 1916) (UP 1916), when Otto Scheerer was an assistant professor of German at the University of the Philippines, he gave a lecture to students in which he outlined three positions that had been held in the Philippines since the early 1600’s about the internal and external relations of Philippine languages. He wrote the following: 1. As early as 1604, the principal Philippine languages were recognized as constituting a linguistic unit. 2. Since an equally early time the belief was sustained that these languages were born of the Malay language as spoken on the Peninsula of Malacca. -
Magbasta Ita Let's Read
Magbasta ita Og poguntan nog mokpanad nog Sinubanon Let’s Read Guide for Teaching the Subanon language Department of Education Region IX, Zamboanga Peninsula Magbasta ita Og poguntan nog mokpanad nog Sinubanon Let’s Read Guide for Teaching the Sinubanon Mogbasta Ita Tontongan Nog Polopanad Pagtugot (Di’ Poksaluy) First Edition, 2016 Resebado ang lahat ng Karapatan. Ang alinmang bahagi nito ay hindi maaaring ilathala o ilabas sa anumang anyo, kasama na rito ang pelikula, nang walang nakasulat na pahintulot ang Tagapaglathala at ang mga may-akda. Hindi sakop ng karapatang-ari ang suring modyul na ilathala sa mga pahayagan at magasin. Inilathala ng Kagawaran ng Edukasyon. Training Workshop and Publication Team: Dr. Isabelita M. Borres, CESO III Lucman L. Manupac IPED Regional Coordinator Esther V. Chang Encoder, Teaching-Aids Specialist Regional Office IX, Pagadian City William Hall SIL Linguist-Western Subanon Language Project Xinia Skoropinski, M. A. SIL Language, Education and Development Coordinator Mansueto Casquite, M. A. Literacy and Education Consultant Ryn Jean Fe Gonzales SIL Language Assessment and Documentation Consultant Lynne Pina TAP Literacy and Education Consultant Ryan Galorport TAP Field linguist and Literacy Consultant DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Region IX, Zamboanga Peninsula Airport Road, Tiguma, Pagadian City SIL PHILIPPINES PO Box 2270, 1099 CPO, Manila Philippines ii Change the text to your context in Zamboanga Republika ng Pilipinas Kagawaran ng Edukasyon Rehiyon IV- B (MIMAROPA) SANGAY NG PALAWAN PEO Rd., Bancao-Bancao, Lungsod Puerto Princesa Lubos akong nagagalak sa ipinakitang katalinuhan at tyaga ng mga gurong kabahagi sa pagbuo ng isang kagamitang pampagtuturo ang “Magbasa Ki: Sunuran Para ta Pagtudlo ta Kagayanen na Linggwai”. -
Word Order Inverse in Obo Manobo ∗∗∗
Word order inverse in Obo Manobo ∗∗∗ Sherri Brainard and Ena Vander Molen Summer Institute of Linguistics 1. INTRODUCTION Until recently, it has been assumed that an essential feature of an inverse construction is that the verb of a transitive clause is morphologically marked when the P argument is a speech act participant (SAP) and the A argument is not (DeLancey 1981:641). 1 In his discussion of voice and inverse, Givón (1994a) has argued that word order may also be a formal means of signaling an inverse and has proposed that the typology of inverse constructions be broadened to include a word order inverse. Taking up this suggestion, T. Payne (1994) has provided evidence that Cebuano, a Southern Philippine language, has a word order inverse, an analysis never before proposed for Philippine languages. Specifically, Payne shows that of the two possible word orders for Cebuano transitive clauses, clauses having VPA order consistently correlate with an inverse voice function, and those having VAP order consistently correlate with an active voice function. In light of Payne’s findings for Cebuano, the question arises, do word order inverses occur in other Philippine languages, and if so, what morphosyntactic variations do these constructions exhibit? As it happens, Obo Manobo, another Southern Philippine language, also has transitive clauses that display VAP and VPA word orders. 2 The Obo Manobo VPA clause is of interest not only because it ∗ This paper appears in Liao, Hsiu-chuan, and Carl R. Galvez Rubino (eds.) 2005. Current issues in Philippine linguistics and anthropology, Parangal kay Lawrence A. Reid , 364–418.