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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Political Status of Ethnic Groups in Montenegro
Montenegro Ethnicity in Montenegro Group selection We identify the following politically relevant ethnic groups: Alba- nians, Bosniak/Muslims, Croats, Montenegrins, Roma, and Serbs. With 44,9% of the population, Montenegrins are the largest ethnic group in the country. Serbs constitute the largest minority with 28,7%, followed by Bosniaks and Albanians (3464, 3465, 945). For 3464 [Census, 2011] the 2003 census, the term “Bosniaks” was introduced, but Muslims 3465 [Bieber, 2010] and Bosniaks are included in one single category, although there is a slight difference between Serbian speaking Muslims and Bosnian speaking Bosniaks. This is in line with Bieber (3466, 944), who also 3466 [Bieber, 2010] considers Bosniaks and Muslims in Montenegro as a combined ethnic group. Power relations 2008-2016 In 2006, Montenegro declared independence from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Montenegrins are the political majority and they dominate the government. They are mostly represented by the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), which has been in power from independence to 2020. Serbs are represented by the party alliance Serbian List (Srpska lista), and more recently the Democratic Front, but Serbs also vote for other parties and approximately 30 percent of the parliament members, from the Serbian and other parties, considered themselves as Serbian (3467, 945). Yet, as the parties representing the Serbs are 3467 [Bieber, 2010] in opposition, and thus without governmental influence, Serbs are considered politically powerless according to the EPR coding rules. In Montenegro, seats are allocated using the d’Hondt method. There is a three percent threshold to gain representation. If none of the lists of a specific minority group achieve a threshold of 3 percent, a lower threshold of 0.7 percent is used (for Croatians, this becomes 0.4 percent) (3468). -
Bosnia's Future
Bosnia’s Future Europe Report N°232 | 10 July 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Quest for Identity ...................................................................................................... 5 III. A Patronage Economy ...................................................................................................... 11 A. The Sextet ................................................................................................................... 11 B. The Economic Paradox .............................................................................................. 13 C. Some Remedies .......................................................................................................... 15 IV. The Trouble with the Entities ........................................................................................... 17 A. Ambivalence in the Federation .................................................................................. 18 B. Republika Srpska’s High-Stakes Gamble -
Party Politics in the Western Balkans
Party Politics in the Western Balkans Edited by Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson 2 Legacy of communist and socialist parties in the Western Balkans Věra Stojarová As Ishiyama and Bozóki note, the development of communist successor parties1 in post- communist politics has had an important effect upon the development of democracy (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 393). In some countries the communist party was outlawed; in many cases it was transformed into a party of a socialist or social democratic character; elsewhere, the communist party began to take part in the democratic process, which led to varying results; in some cases, the party transformed itself into a classic socialist or social democratic party; while in other cases it retained a communist ideology. As the literature reveals, the type of the regime, the modus of transition, the manner of financing political parties, the organisation of the parties, as well as the whole political context, all matter. Ishiyama suggests that the patrimonial communist regime (as in Serbia) produced communist successor parties which had to distinguish themselves from the previous communist system and hence turned towards nationalism, while in a national- consensus regime (Slovenia, Croatia), the successor parties developed policies that divorced the party from the past, and led to the emergence of a social democratic identity (Ishiyama 1998: 81–2). Nevertheless, the application of the above- mentioned theory reveals the exceptionality of the Western Balkan countries. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ethnic structure and the different goals of the three ethnicities had a great impact on the formation of political parties, which were mainly based on ethnic grounds, and left little space to the parties with a social democratic orientation. -
How Parties Spent Funds for the Financing of Women’S Organisations
MONEY AND POLITICS: HOW PARTIES SPENT FUNDS FOR THE FINANCING OF WOMEN’S ORGANISATIONS This publication was prepared with the support of the British Embassy Podgorica. Views expressed in this publication cannot be attributed to the donor and are the sole responsibility of the author. IMPRESSUM Title: MONEY AND POLITICS: How parties spent funds for the financing of women’s organisations Publisher: Network for Affirmation of NGO Sector – MANS Editor: Vanja Ćalović-Marković Author: Ana Vukotić Support: Milena Marinović Press: 3M Makarije June 2021 CONTENT ABSTRACT 4 INTRODUCTION 5 Which political entities received money for the activities of women's organisations? 6 What did the parties do with the money of women's organisations? 8 No discontinuation of payments despite incomplete reports 10 New law, but old reporting form 12 Do the parties have the statute of women's organisations? 13 Additional money for the parties on account of women 14 RECOMMENDATIONS 15 Sources 16 ANNEX I 18 ABSTRACT The public has no information on how nearly half a million euros allocated from the budget to finance the regular work of women's organisations within political parties was spent. Even though the parties were duly paid funds in 2020 for financing of the regular work of women's organisations, almost no party submitted a report on the manner in which these funds were spent, although they are obliged to do so by the Law on Financing Political Entities. The Law on Financing prescribes the condition that funds for the regular work of women's organisations be used only in line with the statute of those organisations. -
Youth Policies in the Western Balkans and the Eu
REGIONAL RESEARCH PAPER YOUTH POLICIES IN THE WESTERN BALKANS AND THE EU REGIONAL RESEARCH PAPER REGIONAL RESEARCH PAPER YOUTHYOUTH POLICIES POLICIESIN THE WESTERNIN THE WESTERNBALKANS AND THE BALKANSE U AND THE Authors: Ivan JovanovEU and Ilija Stankovski IMPRESSUM Title: Regional Research Paper – Youth Policies in the Western Balkans and the EU Publishers: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Office in North Macedonia Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies Authors: Ivan Jovanov Ilija Stankovski Coordination: Norbert Beckmann-Dierkes Davor Pasoski Proofreading: Tiina Fahrni Design and Preparation: Dejan Kuzmanovski Printing: Vinsent Grafika DOO Skopje The publication can be downloaded for free at: kas.de/nordmazedonien Disclaimer: This is a joint publication of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung and Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies. This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies and the European Parliament assume no responsibility for the facts and opinions expressed in this publication or in any subsequent use of the information contained therein. Sole responsibility lies with the authors. The processing of the publication was concluded in 2020. TABLE OF CONTENT WHY THIS PAPER? 7 WHAT IS THE STRUCTURE? 9 KEY FINDINGS 9 National dimension of youth policies 10 Key documents for young people 11 Structures for dealing with youth issues 11 EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE ON YOUTH POLICIES 12 EU Youth Strategy 12 Youth priorities of the European People’s Party 13 -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION Montenegro — Early Parliamentary Elections, 14 October 2012
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION Montenegro — Early Parliamentary Elections, 14 October 2012 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Podgorica, 15 October 2012 – This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is the result of a common endeavour involving the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA), and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Roberto Battelli (Slovenia), Head of the OSCE PA delegation, was appointed as Special Co-ordinator by the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office to lead the short-term OSCE observer mission. Christopher Chope (UK) headed the delegation of the PACE. Ambassador Geert-Hinrich Ahrens (Germany) is the Head of the OSCE/ODIHR Limited Election Observation Mission (LEOM), deployed from 14 September 2012. The assessment was made to determine whether the elections complied with the OSCE and Council of Europe commitments for democratic elections, as well as with the legislation of Montenegro. This statement of preliminary findings and conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the election process. The final assessment of the elections will depend, in part, on the conduct of the remaining stages of the election process, including the count, the tabulation and announcement of results, and the handling of possible post-election day complaints or appeals. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive final report, including recommendations for potential improvements, some eight weeks after the completion of the election process. The OSCE PA will present its report at its Bureau Meeting in Dublin on 5 December 2012. The PACE delegation will present its report at its Standing Committee meeting in November 2012. -
EU Integration and Party Politics in the Balkans
EU integration and party politics in the Balkans EPC ISSUE PAPER NO. 77 SEPTEMBER 2 0 1 4 Edited by Corina Stratulat EUROPEAN POLITICS AND INSTITUTIONS ISSN 1782-494X PROGRAMME The EPC’s Programme on European Politics and Institutions With the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the new focus of this programme is on adapting the EU’s institutional architecture to take account of the changed set-up and on bringing the EU closer to its citizens. Continuing discussion on governance and policymaking in Brussels is essential to ensure that the European project can move forward and respond to the challenges facing the Union in the 21st century in a democratic and effective manner. This debate is closely linked to the key questions of how to involve European citizens in the discussions over its future; how to win their support for European integration and what are the prospects for, and consequences of, further enlargement towards the Balkans and Turkey. This programme focuses on these core themes and brings together all the strands of the debate on a number of key issues, addressing them through various fora, task forces and projects. It also works with other programmes on cross-cutting issues such as the reform of European economic governance or the new EU foreign policy structures. ii Table of Contents About the authors .................................................................................................................................... v List of tables ......................................................................................................................................... -
Bosnia and Herzegovina: Political Parties
At a glance September 2015 Bosnia and Herzegovina: Political parties The intricate political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) reflects its multi-ethnic texture and complex history. Its entities' dominant ethnic composition and the established power-sharing mechanisms have so far fostered ethnic voting and left little chance for non-nationalist political parties. The result has been political instability and dysfunctional institutions in need of reform. Background BiH's multi-party political system was introduced in 1990, after the fall of communism, the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the collapse of its League of Communists. The country's first democratic elections were a 'critical juncture' in its history. In June 1990, the ban on ethnic parties was lifted, resulting in the creation of the Bosniak's Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Croat Democratic Union (HDZ BiH) and the Serb Democratic Party (SDS), representing Bosniaks', Croats' and Serbs' interests, respectively. All three parties triumphed in the elections. The 1992 referendum on independence exacerbated the nationalist and separatist strifes in the ethnically heterogenous BiH, and it 'broke up along ethnic and religious divides' in the ensuing 1992-95 war. The 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) ended the conflict but failed to guarantee the ethnic groups' efficient cooperation, which led to a lasting political stalemate. Today, BiH's multi-party system is more dynamic. New parties have emerged as a result of intra- and inter-party conflicts, but the major ethnic parties remain the key actors, as the most recent, 2014, elections show. Political system: 'one state, two entities, three constituent peoples' BiH is a federal republic with multi-level governance, as stipulated in its Constitution (DPA's Annex IV). -
Montenegro by Daliborka Uljarevic´ and Stevo Muk
Montenegro by Daliborka Uljarevic´ and Stevo Muk Capital: Podgorica Population: 0.6 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$13,700 Source: The data above are drawn from the The World Bank’s World Development Indicators 2013. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores Montenegro 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Electoral Process 3.50 3.25 3.50 3.50 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Civil Society 2.75 2.50 3.00 3.00 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 Independent Media 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.75 3.75 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.25 Governance* 4.00 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 Local Democratic Governance n/a 3.50 3.50 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.00 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Corruption 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.50 5.25 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 Democracy Score 3.83 3.79 3.89 3.93 3.79 3.79 3.79 3.82 3.82 3.82 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION Montenegro — Early Parliamentary Elections, 14 October 2012
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION Montenegro — Early Parliamentary Elections, 14 October 2012 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Podgorica, 15 October 2012 – This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is the result of a common endeavour involving the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA), and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Roberto Battelli (Slovenia), Head of the OSCE PA delegation, was appointed as Special Co-ordinator by the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office to lead the short-term OSCE observer mission. Christopher Chope (UK) headed the delegation of the PACE. Ambassador Geert-Hinrich Ahrens (Germany) is the Head of the OSCE/ODIHR Limited Election Observation Mission (LEOM), deployed from 14 September 2012. The assessment was made to determine whether the elections complied with the OSCE and Council of Europe commitments for democratic elections, as well as with the legislation of Montenegro. This statement of preliminary findings and conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the election process. The final assessment of the elections will depend, in part, on the conduct of the remaining stages of the election process, including the count, the tabulation and announcement of results, and the handling of possible post-election day complaints or appeals. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive final report, including recommendations for potential improvements, some eight weeks after the completion of the election process. The OSCE PA will present its report at its Bureau Meeting in Dublin on 5 December 2012. The PACE delegation will present its report at its Standing Committee meeting in November 2012. -
Elections in Montenegro: 2016 Parliamentary Elections Frequently Asked Questions
Elections in Montenegro 2016 Parliamentary Elections Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org October 12, 2016 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework and electoral system in Montenegro? ........................................................... 1 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 1 How is voter registration conducted and how many registered voters are there? ..................................... 1 Is out-of-country voting allowed? ................................................................................................................. 2 Who are the main parties involved? ............................................................................................................. 2 What are the party/candidate registration requirements? .......................................................................... 2 What are the key issues in the campaign? ................................................................................................... 3 What is media access like during elections? ................................................................................................. 3 How is equal gender participation