DOCSLIB.ORG

MONTENEGRO Y Trends in Conflict and Cooperation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
MONTENEGRO Y Trends in Conflict and Cooperation Montenegro | No 4 | August to September 2007 MONTENEGRO | Trends in Conflict and Cooperation In the past two months, the political leaders of Montenegro have been unable to reach a consensus on the content of the new constitution. The ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) insisted that they will not separately negotiate with the opposition and urged them to come to a mutually acceptable position over contentious key issues. The Social Democratic Party (SDP), DPS’s coalition partner, in turn, announced that they will negotiate with the opposition only if their proposals are in accordance with the civic character of the Montenegrin state confirmed during the referendum on independence in 2006. Consequently, in the negotiation process opposition parties agreed to negotiate a common platform on joint activities and attitudes with the ruling parties, which was signed in September. Among the twenty key questions contained in the platform, is the demand that the Montenegrin language should not be the only official language; however, no consensus could be reached on the country’s official main language. In addition, the platform contains a requirement, which stipulates that all minority nations should have equal rights and receive equal status in the constitution. Towards the beginning of October, negotiations between the ruling and the opposition parties intensified in the hope to achieve a consensus in the near future on the new Conflictive and Cooperative Events (relative) constitution and have the constitution approved by the parliament rather than through a referendum. These intensive bargaining efforts led to the final breakthrough at the beginning of October. Svetozar Marovic, the deputy head of the DPS, announced on 10 October that the ruling parties and the opposition Movement for Change (PzP), the Albanian Alternative (AA), and the Bosniak Party had been able to resolve the contested issues and therefore a two-thirds majority required to pass the constitution in parliament was secured. The agreement assures that the preamble of the constitution will define the civic character of the Montenegrin state by mentioning the different minority nations living in Montenegro. With this Source: FAST event data agreement a compromise on the language issue was also found – whereas the Montenegrin language will be listed as the official main language, Serbian, Albanian, Croatian and Bosniak languages will have equal status. As the graph depicts, the number of conflictive events decreased during September. Notwithstanding the significant progress made on the key issues of Montenegrin identity, the issue of dual citizenship remains unresolved. Although the question of citizenship has caused controversy since the dissolution of the union with Serbia, in the past two months it has increasingly gained weight on the political agenda. The reason for the growing interest in the citizenship policy was the Serb Parliament’s amendment to the citizenship law in September. According to the new law, Montenegrin citizens who were registered as residents of Serbia by the time of the termination of the union will receive Serbian citizenship upon request. Montenegrins as well as all other citizens of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia who were not registered as residents of Serbia, in turn, will get the citizenship through a simplified procedure. The new Serbian law on citizenship, while not formally targeted at Montenegro, might constitute a particular challenge to Montenegro because of the potentially high number of citizens who feel dual loyalty to both countries and because the current Montenegrin law on citizenship does not allow dual nationality for its citizens. Filip Vujanovic, the President of Montenegro, requested the Council of Europe (CoE) to check whether the new amendment to Serbian law is in accordance with CoE principles. Also, CoE representatives warned the Prime Minister of Serbia, Vojislav Kostunica, that the language issue must be negotiated with the Montenegrin side as well. The opposition party, Liberal party of Montenegro (LPCG), expressed its fears concerning a dual citizenship for Montenegro’s citizens by pointing out that the signing of a bilateral agreement with Serbia would endanger the vital national interests of Montenegro. Similarly, Bozo Nikolic, a MP from the Croat Civic Initiative, claimed that Serbs in Montenegro did not want the dual FAST Update | Montenegro | No 4 | August to September 2007 citizenship because of the civilizational aspects but because of their aspirations to demolish the independent Montenegrin state. The Serb List, an opposition party, responded indignantly by accusing Nikolic of extreme chauvinistic statements against the Serb people in Montenegro. Montenegro continued to develop its international relations during the reporting period. Together with eight other West Balkan states Montenegro signed the agreement on visa facilitation and re- admission with the EU on 18 September. Towards the end of the reporting period discussions on the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU intensified and an agreement was signed on 15 October. In general, Montenegro has maintained good relations with its regional neighbors. However, the protracted conflict between Montenegrin authorities and the Serb Orthodox Church (SOC) makes an exception to its modest political course. The conflict with the SOC has affected Montenegro’s relations with the Serbian state as well. After Montenegrin authorities refused to allow Bishop Filaret (SOC) to enter Montenegro and his subsequent hunger strike, the Serb Orthodox Patriarch Pavle requested President Vujanovic to stop the persecution of the bishop. Nevertheless, President Vujanovic responded that he could only request the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to lift the ban on Bishop Filaret’s entry, since the Bishop is on the ICTY’s list of persons who have assisted some of the ICTY indictees. This issue contributed to the increased tensions between Montenegro and Serbia to the extent that even Velimir Ilic, Serbian Minister of Infrastructure, cancelled his visit to Podgorica. Tensions slightly decreased when Montenegrin Foreign Minister Milan Rocan and Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Bozidar Djelic asserted that the two countries should try to solve their dispute. Consequently, at the beginning of September the Montenegrin government adopted a decision, which allows Bishop Filaret to enter Montenegro for religious purposes with Montenegrin police escorts. Despite the decision, Bishop Filaret filed charges against the Montenegrin government. This, in turn, may stir-up new troubles between the countries adding to already tense relations. Now that the ruling parties, the DPS and the SDP, and the opposition parties the PzP, the AA and the Bosniak Party have reached an agreement on the contents of the new constitution and ensured its adoption by a two-thirds majority vote in parliament, it is expected that those parties that excluded themselves from the process will try to renegotiate their position within the newly created political constellation. This will particularly affect the Socialist People’s Party (SPP) facing two important opposition blocks, the PzP and the Serbian List, it will try to race with the latter in gaining support from the ranks of the Serbian oriented citizens of Montenegro. However, no such change is anticipated in voters’ preferences that would change the political course significantly. Since the PzP has been one of the biggest winners through the agreement on the new constitution, it is highly probable that it will entrench its position on the Montenegrin political scene, wishing to become the leading political force. This would further weaken the position of the DPS whose credibility has already suffered from corruption scandals, nepotism and political favoritism. Contact FAST International is the early warning program of swisspeace, FAST International covering 25 countries/regions in Africa, Asia and Europe. Based in Country Team: Montenegro Bern, Switzerland, the program is funded and utilized by an Sonnenbergstrasse 17 international consortium of development agencies, including the 3000 Bern 7 Austrian Development Agency (ADA), the Canadian International Switzerland Development Agency (CIDA), the Swedish International Development [email protected] Cooperation Agency (Sida) and the Swiss Agency for Development and www.swisspeace.org Cooperation (SDC). .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
    Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties of Kosovo Serbs in the Political System of Kosovo: from Pluralism to Monism JOVANA RADOSAVLJEVIĆ & BUDIMIR NIČIĆ 3
    1 NEW SOCIALINITIATIVE Political parties of Kosovo Serbs April in the political 2021 system of Kosovo: From pluralism to monism 2 Political parties of Kosovo Serbs in the political system of Kosovo: from pluralism to monism JOVANA RADOSAVLJEVIĆ & BUDIMIR NIČIĆ 3 Characteristics of the open society within Serb community in Kosovo Political Civil society parties of organizations in the Kosovo Serbs in Openness of Serbian Serbian community in the political system media in Kosovo Kosovo – Beteween of Kosovo: From perceptions and pluralism to presentation monism Attitudes of Kosovo Openness of institutions Community Rights in Serbs of security to the citizens of Kosovo Kosovo institutions Analysis of the Kosovo Serbs in the economic situation in dialogue process the Serb-populated areas in Kosovo Research title: Political parties of Kosovo Serbs in the political system of Kosovo: From pluralism to monism Published by: KFOS Prepared by: Nova društvena inicijativa (New Social Initiative) i Medija Centar (Media Center) Authors: Jovana Radosavljević, Budimir Ničić The original writing language of the analysis is Serbian language. Translated by: Biljana Simurdić Design: tedel Printed by (No. of copies): tedel (100) This paper is published within OPEN, a project carried out by the Kosovo Foundation for Open Society (KFOS) in cooperation with the organizations Nova društvena inicijativa (New Social Initiative) and Medija Centar (Media Center). Views expressed in this publication are exclusively those of the research authors and are not necessarily the views of KFOS. Year of publishing: 2021 CONTENT 05. WHO ARE 16 03. IMPORTANT PLAYERS AND POLITICAL PARTIES 9 WHAT ARE THEIR OF KOSOVO SERBS, ROLES FROM PLURALISM TO MONISM 01.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo Political Economy Analysis Final Report
    KOSOVO POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS FINAL REPORT DECEMBER 26, 2017 This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Management Systems International, A Tetra Tech Company. KOSOVO POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS FINAL REPORT December 26, 2017 IDIQ No. AID-167-I-17-00002 Award No: AID-167-TO-17-00009 Prepared by Management Systems International (MSI), A Tetra Tech Company 200 12th St South, Suite 1200 Arlington, VA, USA 22202 DISCLAIMER This report is made possible by the support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the sole responsibility of the Management Systems International and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................... ii Executive Summary .................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 6 II. Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 7 A. Foundational Factors ........................................................................................................................................... 7 B. Rules
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • (MNEE) Dataset
    Montenegrin Elections (MNEE) dataset List of Abbreviations and Names of Parties and Coalitions Last updated: 11 March 2021 If you notice any issues or discrepancies or have questions regarding the table, please send an email to: [email protected] Table Election year Abrreviation Original name Notes and English translation If a party or (coalition partners information on coalition represents in brackets) sources (where a minority, which applicable) minority it represents? 1990 SKCG Savez komunista Crne Future dominant League of Gore party. In 1991 it was Communists of renamed into Montenegro Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS). 1990 SRSJCG (LSCG-SP- Savez reformskih Source: Adžić (2019). Alliance of Yugoslav PSCG-NOK-SNR- snaga Jugoslavije za Reformist Forces for SDSCG-DACG) Crnu Goru Montenegro 1990 LSCG Liberalni savez Crne Liberal Alliance of Gore Montenegro 1990 PSCG Partija socijalista Crne Party of Socialists Gore 1990 SP Socijalistička partija Socialist Party 1990 NOK Nezavisna orgazinacija Independent komunista Organization of Communists 1990 SNR Stranka nacionalne Party of National Bosniak ravnopravnosti Equality 1 1990 SDSCG Socijaldemokratska Not to be confused Social Democratic stranka Crne Gore with SDP (formed in Party of Montenegro 1993) or SDS (Serb Democratic Party)! 1990 DACG Demokratska Democratic alternativa Crne Gore Alternative of Montenegro 1990 DK (SDA-DSCG-SR) Demokratska koalicija Source: Pavićević Democratic coalition Bosniak and Albanian (2007, 25). (coalition, see notes) *details on the members of coalition in
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism and Modernity
    Orientalist Ethnonationalism: From Irredentism to Independentism Discourse analysis of the Albanian ethnonationalist narrative about the National Rebirth (1870-1930) and Kosovo Independence (1980-2000) Dukagjin Gorani Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies Cardiff University This thesis is submitted to Cardiff University in fullfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2011 1 Acknowledgments I would like to thank the most important people of all, my family and friends. None of this would have been possible without their support. I remain eternally grateful to their patience and understanding throughout the long years of this study. To Dr Tamara Witschge, my chief supervisor: your academic guidance and impervious belief in me is enshrined within every line of this research. For many months, you have been the voice of optimism that helped me navigate through countless moments of despair and aimlessness. Thank you. Finally, to everyone at Cardiff University and particularly to Dr Terry Threadgold: thank you for your understanding, open heart and open mind that made me feel at home in the beautiful Wales. 2 Abstract Orientalist Ethnonationalism: From Irredentism to Independentism Discourse analysis of the Albanian ethnonationalist narrative about the National Rebirth (1870-1930) and Kosovo Independence (1980-2000) The thesis focuses on the chronological identification and detection of the discursive analogies between the category of ‗the nation‘ and those of ‗the West‘, ‗Europe‘, ‗democracy‘ and ‗independence‘ in the Kosovo Albanian ethnonationalist narrative. The study represents a multi-dimensional exercise analysing the ethnonationalist discourse from a wide array of sample text which was produced during two relevant historical periods: the period between 1870-1930 and the period between 1980-2000.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Status of Ethnic Groups in Montenegro
    Montenegro Ethnicity in Montenegro Group selection We identify the following politically relevant ethnic groups: Alba- nians, Bosniak/Muslims, Croats, Montenegrins, Roma, and Serbs. With 44,9% of the population, Montenegrins are the largest ethnic group in the country. Serbs constitute the largest minority with 28,7%, followed by Bosniaks and Albanians (3464, 3465, 945). For 3464 [Census, 2011] the 2003 census, the term “Bosniaks” was introduced, but Muslims 3465 [Bieber, 2010] and Bosniaks are included in one single category, although there is a slight difference between Serbian speaking Muslims and Bosnian speaking Bosniaks. This is in line with Bieber (3466, 944), who also 3466 [Bieber, 2010] considers Bosniaks and Muslims in Montenegro as a combined ethnic group. Power relations 2008-2016 In 2006, Montenegro declared independence from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Montenegrins are the political majority and they dominate the government. They are mostly represented by the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), which has been in power from independence to 2020. Serbs are represented by the party alliance Serbian List (Srpska lista), and more recently the Democratic Front, but Serbs also vote for other parties and approximately 30 percent of the parliament members, from the Serbian and other parties, considered themselves as Serbian (3467, 945). Yet, as the parties representing the Serbs are 3467 [Bieber, 2010] in opposition, and thus without governmental influence, Serbs are considered politically powerless according to the EPR coding rules. In Montenegro, seats are allocated using the d’Hondt method. There is a three percent threshold to gain representation. If none of the lists of a specific minority group achieve a threshold of 3 percent, a lower threshold of 0.7 percent is used (for Croatians, this becomes 0.4 percent) (3468).
    [Show full text]
  • Southeastern Europe
    U.S. ONLINE TRAINING FOR OSCE, INCLUDING REACT Module 5. Southeastern Europe This module introduces you to southeastern Europe and the OSCE’s work in: • Croatia (The OSCE Office in Zagreb was closed in 2012) • Macedonia • Bosnia-Herzegovina • Serbia • Kosovo • Montenegro • Albania . 1 Table of Contents Overview. 3 Geography. 4 People. 6 Former Yugoslavia. 10 World War I. 11 World War II. 12 Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. 14 Post-Tito. 15 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. 17 Croatia. 18 Key information. 19 Historical background. 20 During Tito. 21 After Tito. 22 War of independence. 23 Domestic politics. 25 Macedonia. 35 Key information. 36 Historical background. 38 19th and early 20th centuries. 39 During Tito. 41 Independence. 43 Domestic politics. 44 Prospects and challenges. 67 Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH). 72 Key information. 73 Historical background. 75 During the Tito era. 76 The Bosnian war: 1992-1995. 79 Disunity of international community. 81 The Dayton Peace Accords, 1995. 84 Politics since Dayton. 87 Challenges and pressures. 95 Serbia. 99 Key information. 100 Introduction. 101 Contemporary Serbia. 102 Miloševi?'s rise. 104 Domestic resistance and state oppression. 106 Consequences of Kosovo. 109 The short-lived Kosovo Verification Mission. 110 MODULE 5. Southeastern Europe 2 Regime repression intensifies. 112 Struggle for Serbia’s political direction. 115 Nikolic wins 2012 presidential election. 122 Serbia's identity and its vision for the future. 124 Montenegro. 131 Key information. 132 Contemporary Montenegro. 133 Politics in Montenegro. 134 Other issues. 140 Kosovo. 142 Key information. 143 Historical background of Kosovo. 144 Organized non-violence. 145 After Dayton. 147 UNMIK established.
    [Show full text]
  • Bosnia's Future
    Bosnia’s Future Europe Report N°232 | 10 July 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Quest for Identity ...................................................................................................... 5 III. A Patronage Economy ...................................................................................................... 11 A. The Sextet ................................................................................................................... 11 B. The Economic Paradox .............................................................................................. 13 C. Some Remedies .......................................................................................................... 15 IV. The Trouble with the Entities ........................................................................................... 17 A. Ambivalence in the Federation .................................................................................. 18 B. Republika Srpska’s High-Stakes Gamble
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo: the Challenge of Transition
    KOSOVO: THE CHALLENGE OF TRANSITION Europe Report N°170 – 17 February 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. THE STATE OF PLAY ................................................................................................. 1 A. THE PROCESS SO FAR............................................................................................................1 1. Ahtisaari’s room for manoeuvre................................................................................1 2. Finding the core of the process..................................................................................2 B. UNMIK’S SCORESHEET: KOSOVO AT GROUND LEVEL .........................................................3 1. Standards....................................................................................................................3 2. The political system...................................................................................................4 3. The economy and institutions....................................................................................5 4. Policing......................................................................................................................6 5. Inter-ethnic relations and security..............................................................................7 II. THE PROTAGONISTS ............................................................................................... 10 A. THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY .....................................................................................10
    [Show full text]
  • Party Politics in the Western Balkans
    Party Politics in the Western Balkans Edited by Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson 2 Legacy of communist and socialist parties in the Western Balkans Věra Stojarová As Ishiyama and Bozóki note, the development of communist successor parties1 in post- communist politics has had an important effect upon the development of democracy (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 393). In some countries the communist party was outlawed; in many cases it was transformed into a party of a socialist or social democratic character; elsewhere, the communist party began to take part in the democratic process, which led to varying results; in some cases, the party transformed itself into a classic socialist or social democratic party; while in other cases it retained a communist ideology. As the literature reveals, the type of the regime, the modus of transition, the manner of financing political parties, the organisation of the parties, as well as the whole political context, all matter. Ishiyama suggests that the patrimonial communist regime (as in Serbia) produced communist successor parties which had to distinguish themselves from the previous communist system and hence turned towards nationalism, while in a national- consensus regime (Slovenia, Croatia), the successor parties developed policies that divorced the party from the past, and led to the emergence of a social democratic identity (Ishiyama 1998: 81–2). Nevertheless, the application of the above- mentioned theory reveals the exceptionality of the Western Balkan countries. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ethnic structure and the different goals of the three ethnicities had a great impact on the formation of political parties, which were mainly based on ethnic grounds, and left little space to the parties with a social democratic orientation.
    [Show full text]
  • Montenegro Integration Perspectives and Synergic Effects Of
    Integration Perspectives and Synergic Effects of European Transformation in the Countries Targeted by EU Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policies Montenegro Jelena Džankiü Jadranka Kaluÿeroviü, Ivana Vojinoviü, Ana Krsmanoviü, Milica Dakoviü, Gordana Radojeviü, Ivan Jovetiü, Vojin Goluboviü, Mirza Muleškoviü, Milika Mirkoviü, ISSP – Institute for Strategic Studies and Prognosis Bosiljka Vukoviü June 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION PROCESS IN MONTENEGRO ............. 4 1.1 Introduction........................................................................................................... 5 1.2 The Creation of Democratic Institutions and Their Functioning ............................. 7 1.2.1 Political institutions in Montenegro throughout history: the effect of political traditions on the development of democratic institutions................................................ 7 1.2.2 The constitutional establishment of Montenegro .......................................... 12 1.2.3 Observations ................................................................................................ 26 1.3 The Implementation of the EU’s Democratic Requirements................................. 27 1.3.1 Transparency ............................................................................................... 27 1.3.2 Decision-making processes .......................................................................... 29 1.3.3 Minority rights............................................................................................
    [Show full text]