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A Life of Its Own : the Social Construction of the Tour De France

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A Life of Its Own : the Social Construction of the Tour De France d1, ã'c\-r THE UNIVERSITY OF ADELAIDE DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY A LIFE OF ITS OWN: THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE TOUR DE FRANCE Catherine Palmer October,1996 Thesis submitted to The University of Adelaide, Australia, in fulfílment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page number Abstact i Acknowledgments ll Note on citation and presentation of ethnographic material iii Map 1: France L8 Map 2: Departmental boundaries of Isère 51 Map 3: Regions of cycling activity in Isère 66 Map 4: Regions of cycling activity in Hautes-Alpes 69 CHAPTER ONE: FIRST GEAR; METHODOLOGICAL CONCERNS AND THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS Introduction 1 Le Tour de France; historical perspective and brief ethnology 2 Fetishism; points of clarification I The ethnographer as cyclist and the cyclist as ethnographer 16 Setting up and settling in; establishing ethnographic authority 23 Multiple sites, multiple personnel 28 An interpretive approach to cycling cultu¡e 32 The raid on Geertz 38 Contents and chapters 46 CHAPTER TWO: MAPPING ISERE Introduction 48 Isère: geography and ambience of the region 50 Grenoble 55 Cycling cartographies- 63 Massif du Vercors Massif de la Grande Chartreuse Massif de l'Oisans Page number CHAPTER TWO: (cont.) MAPPING ISERE Parochial identities 73 Cultural cartographies 78 Counter cartographies 80 Charting an anthropology of France 83 Coda 88 CHAPTER THREE: BIKES AND BODIES Introduction 89 The embodiment of technological dependence 9l Training networks 94 The proximity of the professionals 101 Equipment fetishism 103 The aesthetic of cycling Lt4 A culture of narcissism T20 L'auto façonnage 123 Coda 126 CHAPTER FOUR: OF MYTHS AND MEN Introduction L28 Sites of communal recollection L29 Sagas of suffering 134 Tour tales 1-l2 Saddle gods; the making of heroes LM Climbers as heroes 1.52 The hobbled hero L55 Narratives of cycling 160 Coda 166 Page number CHAPTER FIVE: MYTHOLOGIZING THE MOUNTAINS Introduction 167 Sacred sites 169 Dangerous landscapes and death-defying rides L78 Co-operatíve strategies 183 Death and cycling 1_88 Pedagogic places 1-:92 Fetishization of space L96 Coda 202 CHAPTER SIX: TAKING THE BRAKES OFF; MOVING FROM LOCAL TO NATIONAL Introduction 204 The calm before the storm 207 Transfomration of place and space 21l La caravane publicitaire 221 One race, one nation 224 Political potential 234 Coda 239 CHAPTER SEVEN: TOUR, CULTURE, NATION Introduction 242 Multiple sites, multiple personnel- a global interpretation 2M Local identity under pressure 25L Finding France in the global ecumene 254 BIBLIOGRAPHY 259 I ABSTRACT This thesis is concerned with representations of French cycling life. Based on a fieldwork period from July 1.993 to August 1.994, it focuses on the characteristics and personalities of those cyclists living and riding in the depørtemenf of Isère. To examine the ways in which these cyclists variously construct and conceptualize the social and cultural dimensions of their daily lives, I draw on the field of interpretive anthropology as pioneered by Clifford Geertz. The annual return of the Tour de France proves to be fundamentally shaping of cycling lives. For those riding in Isère, cycling represents an acutely reflexive enterprise, with personal experiences being both measured and validated in terms of the Tour de France. The Tour presents a dramatization, or an exemplification, of social action which is appropriated by cyclists to contextualize their local conditions. The relationship between local cyclists and the national event however, runs deeper than this. In thinking and talking about the Tour de France, Isèrois cyclists fetishize the Tour; they imbue it with a power, a dominance and a life of its own. In bringing the race to life, it is France itself that is fetishized; injected with new life, vitality and national autonomy. My thesis is concerned to identify and elaborate the ways in which the experiences of Isèrois cyclists are influenced and changed by the Tour de France. It asks two questions: what narrative and performative themes are articulated by Isèrois cyclists, and how do these dimensions of cultural life come to fetishize, not only the Tour de France, but also, the country in which they live and ride? ll ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to the University of Adelaide for its provision of a research scholarship and travel grant. I thank NeiI Bowes from SBS Australia, Philippe Sudres from La Société du Tour de France, ]an Raas from WordPerfect and Bruno Roussel from Festina for allowing me access to many of the inner workings of the Tour de France. To those who rode the Tour de France- Chøpeøur. Of these, Stephen Hodge, Allan Peiper, Thierry Claveyrolat and Jean-Claude Colotti deserve special thanks for their eagerness to share information. To many, I owe a debt of friendship. In Isère, Le Vélo Club de St. Martin le Vinoux and Club Seyssins-Sassenage deserve special mention for their willingness to include me in their lives. For moral and oral support, I am grateful to ]érôme Gonin, Béatrice Marin, Dominique Le Bail, Christophe Bouis, Thierry and Valérie Font, Pascal Clot, Alain Buhagiar, Franco Sabatini, Laurent and Natalie Clot, Sarah Smith and Liz Mullins. In Adelaide, I thank the Department of Anthropology for their intellectual support. Of these people, there are a few that I must single out. I am grateful to Colleen Solly and Sharon Lewis, ]on Telfer, Michael Weir, Connie Voelkel-Hutchinson, Mick Maeorg and Margareta Olsson fot their encouragement, support and sharing of ideas and sources. I am particularly grateful to Pam Carden and Charmaine McEachern for their time spent proofreading, and Lee Sackett for his never failing good humour when getting me to the field. I would especially like to thank my family, my friends and my house mates for their patience and support. Et surtout, my greatest debt is to Ade Peace. Harshest critic, but most thanked 111 NOTE ON CITATION AND PRESENTATION OF ETHNOGRAPHIC MATERIAL When re-creating an image of cultural life for a larger public, invariably there are problems concerning the confidentiality of sources. My treatment of the Isèrois cycle domain reflects this. Most cyclists were happy for me to acknowledge their involvement and inclusion in my thesis, however others were less so. While I have duly named -y sources where appropriate, out of respect for my more reticent informants, I have deliberately left their names blank, rather than create a pseudonym for them. I refer to these informants as Isèrois cyclists, local riders, cycling enthusiasts and aficionados in order to preserve their anonymity. I also adopt these terms when referring to a group of cyctsts. Unless appropriately acknowledged and cited in the text, all quoted exchanges are peróonal communication. The names of all towns, prominent leaders and bureaucratic organizations are real names, so I have left them in their original French. On the whole, conversations and dialogue have been translated to make the text easier to read, although in places the lexicon of French cycling evokes a quality that is difficult to convey in English, so I have left these terms as they are. 1 CI{APTER ONE FIRST GEAR; METHODOLOGICAL CONCERNS AND THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS Why bear the unbearable? Why stay indentured to a featherweight frame with cobweb wheels? Why? To sweep through the Arc de Triomphe on the last day. To be able to say you've finished the Tour de France Gilbert Duclos-Lassalle (1989: 137). Introduction Characterized as 'the greatest race ever/, as an epic battle of herculean athleticism, and as the finest test of a cyclist's mettle, the Tour de France captivates an entire nation. Each July, France lives and breathes cycling. People follow the progress of the race through the three television channels dedicated to its coverage, through the national daily sports newspaper, L'Equipe, through news and radio broadcasts and importantly, through local gossip. A huge vocabulary of anecdote, idiom and popular sentiment surrounds the Tour. The saying, "you can raise the price of bread, you can put more taxes on, you can do almost anything you want in July, because they [the people] only care about who's wearing yellow," captures the all- consuming quality of the Tour de France. As a "patadigmatic human event" (Geertz 1973: 405), the Tour de France can be seen as a cultural phenomenon that reveals and reproduces a multiplicity of meanings, both for those watching and those participating in this epic event. The Tour de France represents the enactment of discrete narrative themes that have the capacity to engage a variety of people in a variety of ways. Staged annually in July, the Tour circumnavigates France, passing through five hundred towns and covering approximately four thousand kilometres in three weeks. Negotiating an ever changing, ever challenging route, the Tour de France is a three week drama where even the lanterne rouge or last rider has hts éløn tested to the limit.' The Tour symbolizes a gluttonous feast of sporting combat that both demands and demonstrates complete cycling competence. With its death-defying sprints at more than seventy kilometres 'It should be noted that the Tour de France is an exclusively male event, hence my deliberate use of gender specific language when discussing the race. 2 an hour, with its solitary suffering as the riders endure the individual time trial, and with its back breaking climbs through the Pyrénées and the Alps, the Tour tests every facet of cycting. For the estimated three million people who follow the Tour each day, the race provides a three week splurge of athletic bravado, triumph, joy, suffering and despair. For twenty three days in July, its fans tune in to, read about and stand by the baking hot roadways of France to follow the triumphs and tragedies of les hommes du juillet.
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