DOCSLIB.ORG

List of Participants

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
List of Participants SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL WOMEN XXI Congress, Cartagena, Colombia 26 and 27 February 2017 LIST OF PARTICIPANTS Socialist International Women Ouafa Hajji Full member organisations ANGOLA Organisation of Angolan Women, OMA Amália Maria Alexandre Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, MPLA Teresa Maria Sebastiao ARGENTINA Union Civica Radical de Argentina Lilia Puig BRAZIL Labour Women Action, AMT Miguelina Paiva Vecchio Democratic Labour Party, PDT Marli Rosa de Mendoza BULGARIA Social Democratic Women’s Confederation Svetlina Yolcheva Bulgarian Social Democrats, PBSD BURKINA FASO National Union of Women of the MPP Yameogo Rakieta People’s Movement for Progress, MPP CAMEROON Social Democratic Front, SDF Chantal Kambiwa CHILE Socialist Party of Chile, PS Alba Luz Gallardo Velásquez COLOMBIA National Organisation for Women Astryd Carolina Ordoñez Liberal Party of Colombia, PLC Gina Lorena Herrera Yomaira Judith Sarmiento Eliana Gómez Mejía Angélica Herrera DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Dominican Federation of Social Democratic Women, Janet Camilo FEDOMUSDE Dominican Revolutionary Party, PRD FINLAND Social Democratic Women in Finland Tuula Peltonen Finnish Social Democratic Party, SDP GUINEA ECUATORIAL CDDS Women´s Organisation Epifania Avomo Biko Convergence for Social Democracy, CPDS IRAN Kurdistan Democratic Women Union Koestan Gadan Kurdistan Democratic Party, KDP-IRAN Hanna Ghaderi ITALY Italian Socialist Party, PSI Pia Locatelli MONGOLIA Social Democracy –Mongolia Women’s Association Enke Enkhjargal Danzanbaljir Mongolian People’s Party, MPP Tsogzolmaa Tsedenbal MOROCCO National Secretariat for Women Khadouj Slassi Socialist Union of Popular Forces, USFP MOZAMBIQUE Organisation of Mozambican Women, OMM Zelia da Luz Francisco Muthambe Frelimo Party Beca Fernando Mateus NICARAGUA Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, FSLN Margarita Zapata Maria Isabel Turcios Arriloga NIGER Tarayya Women’s Organisation, OFT Ousséini Hadizatou Yacouba Party for Democracy and Socialism of Niger, PNDS Diarra Fatimata Ly Béty Aichatou Falde Affioua Tretou PAKISTAN National Assembly of Pakistan Shazia Marri PANAMA Women’s Front Eyra Ruiz Cano Democratic Revolutionary Party, PRD Sandra Noriega RUSSIAN FEDERATION Social Democratic Women of Russia Nataliya Velikaya A Just Russia Party 2 SPAIN Secretariat for Equality Soraya Vega Prieto Spanish Socialist Workers’ party, PSOE TUNISIA Democratic Forum for Labour and Freedom, FDTL Hella Ben Youssef Ouardani Aroussia Oukassi TURKEY Women’s Branch Hilal Dokuzcan Republican People’s Party, CHP URUGUAY Commission for Gender equality Elizabeth Villalba New Space, PNE VENEZUELA National Women’s Secretariat Aixa López Democratic Action, AD Consultative member organisations CHAD Women’s Union for Renewal Ildjima Abdraman National Union Party for the Development and Renewal Chinkabo Gonata Of Chad, UNDR ZAMBIA Patriotic Front, PF Esther M. Banda Winnie Manenga Kamayoyo Observer member organisations WESTERN SAHARA National Union of Saharawi Women, UNMS Jadiyetu El Mohtar Associated organisations PES WOMEN Party of European Socialists, PES Lesia Radelicki Marja Bijl 3 PES Party of European Socialist, PES Marije Laffeber Observers Liberal Party of Colombia, PLC Arleth Casado Olga Lucía Velasquez Vilma Zapata Karina Bocanegra Cristina Cifuentes Carolina Galofre Elvira López Cindy Zola Joselyn López Licelis Ortiz Angela Anaya Olga Sofía Galezo Yuli Andrea Urrego Martha López Pamela Simbaqueva Lucy Mireya Parales Jacky Howard Nicolay Duque Susana Marín Barera Yuliet Bohoquez Jairo Carrillo Carolina Gómez Gina Hernandez Maria Cecilia Valencia Ana María Osorio Erika Fuentes Romo SIW Secretariat Julia González _________________ 4 .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • What Does the Case of Mozambique Tell Us About Soviet Ambivalence Toward Africa?
    A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No. 46 • August 30, 1985 What Does the Case of Mozambique Tell Us About Soviet Ambivalence Toward Africa? by Winrich KUhne Developments in southern Africa since early 1984 have ambivalence-was Moscow's subdued response to the raised a range of new questions about Soviet policy signing on March 16, 1984 of a "nonaggression and and Soviet relevance in this region of the continent. In good neighborliness" accord by the leaders of Mozam­ the military sphere, Soviet assistance has enabled bique and South Africa. Under the terms of the neither Mozambique nor Angola to quell or even Nkomati Accord, Mozambique undertook to curb substantially diminish domestic guerrilla challenges drastically the activities of the African National Con­ that have blocked economic growth. There have also gress (ANC), while South Africa promised to end been growing doubts about the effectiveness in prac­ assistance to the dissident Resistencia Nacional tical terms of orthodox state-centered Marxist-Leninist Mo5jambicana (known as Renamo or the MNR). models of development-especially in agriculture, the Although there is no doubt that Nkomati was seen most important socioeconomic sector of African states. by the Soviets as a negative development, Moscow did Meanwhile, an increasing number of Soviet analysts not retaliate by cutting aid to the government of Presi­ and strategists are questioning how 'much emphasis dent Samora Machel or recalling advisors. On can or should be placed on ideology in cultivating rela­ December 26, 1983, with Nkomati already an in­ tionships with Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • PARTY INSTITUTIONALISATION in MOZAMBIQUE ‘The Party of the State’ Vs the Opposition
    VOLUME 12 NO 1 109 PARTY INSTITUTIONALISATION IN MOZAMBIQUE ‘The Party of the state’ vs the Opposition Adriano Nuvunga and Eduardo Sitoe Adriano Nuvunga is a PhD student in the International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University, Rotterdam, and lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Eduardo Mondlane University, Mozambique e-mail: [email protected] Eduardo Sitoe is Professor of Politics and Governance in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Eduardo Mondlane University, Mozambique e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT The article probes party institutionalisation in Mozambique and argues that only three of the more than 50 registered political parties there are ‘effective’, namely Frelimo, which is highly institutionalised; Renamo, which is collapsing organisationally yet has a high level of social rootedness; and an institutionalising MDM. The article concludes that although the opposition parties are partly to blame for their misfortunes, the nature of Frelimo’s relationship with society bears the main responsibility for the impoverishment of the opposition parties because it makes it difficult for opposition parties to break in and challenge its control over the state. INTRODUCTION There are few published studies on Mozambican political parties and those there are focus on elections. Studies of political parties have covered the following: the Frelimo party ideology (Brito 1988); building opposition (Manning 1998); strengths and weaknesses of multiparty democracy (Nuvunga 2005); the Frelimo-Renamo two-party system (Carbone 2005); the Renamo-UE coalition (Kadima & Matsimbe 2006); The Movimento Democrático de Moçambique (Mozambique Democratic Movement – MDM) as a new force (Chichava 2010a) and the MDM as a new 109 110 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS opposition party (Nuvunga & Adalima 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Socialist Federalism As an Alternative to Nationalism: the Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora
    humanities Article Socialist Federalism as an Alternative to Nationalism: The Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora Constantin Katsakioris German Orient Institute, Beirut 11-2988, Lebanon; [email protected] Received: 6 August 2019; Accepted: 17 September 2019; Published: 19 September 2019 Abstract: Scholarship on the impact of Lenin’s thinking and on the Soviet Union’s relationships with Africa has emphasized two dimensions: on the one hand, the ideological imprint on and support provided to nationalist and anti-imperialist movements and, on the other, the emulation of communist techniques of authoritarian rule by many postcolonial governments. This paper highlights the neglected receptions of another major communist idea, namely, the ‘Leninist solution to the national question’, as embodied by the federal political model of the Soviet Union. The paper argues that many actors in different contexts, where the nationalities question had to be tackled with, showed a keen interest in the Leninist solution and in the sui generis federal model of the USSR. These contexts included the post-1945 French Union, as well as postcolonial countries such as Sudan, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. The Leninist alternative to the nation-state and to assimilation assumed a great deal of significance to minority groups. Nevertheless, it was rejected even by Marxist-inspired movements and elites which sought to create a nation-state. The paper uses the approach of cultural transfers to investigate and assess both the appeal and the limits in the reception of the Leninist federalist alternative. Keywords: Africa; national question; Leninism; Soviet Union; socialism; federalism 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Comrades-In-Arms: the Chinese Communist Party's Relations With
    Cold War History ISSN: 1468-2745 (Print) 1743-7962 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fcwh20 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman To cite this article: Joshua Eisenman (2018): Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76, Cold War History To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Published online: 20 Mar 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fcwh20 COLD WAR HISTORY, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman LBJ School of Public Affairs, the University of Texas at Austin, Austin, United States ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This study examines the evolution of the Chinese Communist China; Africa; Communism; Party’s (CCP) motives, objectives, and methods vis-à-vis its African Mao; Soviet Union counterparts during the Mao era, 1949–76. Beginning in the mid- 1950s, to oppose colonialism and US imperialism, the CCP created front groups to administer its political outreach in Africa. In the 1960s and 1970s, this strategy evolved to combat Soviet hegemony. Although these policy shifts are distinguished by changes in CCP methods and objectives towards Africa, they were motivated primarily by life-or- death intraparty struggles among rival political factions in Beijing and the party’s pursuit of external sources of regime legitimacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Mozambique Has Now Enjoyed Nearly Two Decades of Peace Following A
    COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS 2011: MOZAMBIQUE 1 ROBERT LLOYD INTRODUCTION Mozambique has now enjoyed nearly two decades of peace following a bloody 16-year civil war between the ruling party, the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), and the Mozambique Resistance Movement (RENAMO). The government jettisoned its Marxist political system and transitioned in the 1990s to capitalism. Over two decades, the country introduced a democratic constitution, permitted competitive elections with its erstwhile enemies, rebuilt from the war, reintegrated Mozambicans displaced by the war, sought closer ties in Africa and the West, and instituted far-reaching economic reforms. These policies set Mozambique on a trajectory of rapid economic growth, averaging about 7 percent per year—although that growth has done little to improve the country‘s overall level of development. Within this context, the presidential, legislative, and provincial elections on October 28, 2009, represented less change and more continuity in Mozambique‘s political life. President Armando Guebuza, a wealthy businessman with a hardline Marxist past, was reelected overwhelmingly to a second term, defeating RENAMO candidate and leader Afonso Dhlakama. A guerilla fighter for Mozambique‘s independence from Portugal, Guebuza was the government‘s chief negotiator with the RENAMO rebel movement, and oversaw the negotiations that eventually led to the 1992 peace accord that ended the civil war. Guebuza‘s reelection cemented FRELIMO‘s overwhelming control of the country. Mozambique has become a single party state as the influence of RENAMO, which transformed after the war from a rebel group into an opposition political party, has waned in each of the four national elections since 1994, especially as a new opposition group has splintered RENAMO into two groups, with many progressives joining the new party.
    [Show full text]
  • Mozambique (1975 - 1992)
    MODERN CONFLICTS: CONFLICT PROFILE Mozambique (1975 - 1992) Mozambique’s long war ended in 1992, when the Frelimo government and the Renamo rebel force signed a peace agreement in Rome. Approximately one million people died in the years of fighting, and six million more were displaced. The war took place in the context of regional power struggles of southern Africa and the cold war. With the end of apartheid in South Africa and the end of the cold war, the conflict in Mozambique became ripe for a negotiated solution in the early 1990s. Although the country has made a successful transition to democracy, the impoverished Mozambican people continue to fall victim to landmines hunger remains widespread. >> MODERN CONFLICTS Frelimo (the Mozambique Liberation Front) was founded in 1962 to fight Portuguese HOME PAGE colonial rule. The anti-colonial struggle came to an abrupt end in 1974, when a coup in Portugal brought to power a government determined to free its colonies. Portugal >> CONFLICTS MAP handed over the reigns of government to Frelimo in 1975. Frelimo nationalized >> CONFLICTS TABLE businesses, banned other political parties, undermined religious and traditional >> PERI HOME PAGE authorities, and actively supported the liberation struggle in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. In response to Frelimo’s support for the Zimbabwean guerrillas, Rhodesia organized disaffected Mozambicans into a fighting force to destabilize the Frelimo government. This group was called the Mozambique National Resistance, or Renamo. Renamo fought against Frelimo from bases within Rhodesia until Zimbabwe became independent in 1980. Support for Renamo then fell to the South African apartheid regime, which supplied arms and training.
    [Show full text]
  • Students from Portuguese Africa in the Soviet Union
    Article Journal of Contemporary History 0(0) 1–24 Students from ! The Author(s) 2020 Portuguese Africa in the Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions Soviet Union, 1960–74: DOI: 10.1177/0022009419893739 Anti-colonialism, journals.sagepub.com/home/jch Education, and the Socialist Alliance Constantin Katsakioris Bayreuth Academy of Advanced African Studies, Germany Abstract A major ally of the Marxist-inspired liberation movements, which fought against Portuguese colonialism in Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and Mozambique, the Soviet Union provided them with not only military, but also civil aid in the form of scholarships. This paper focuses on the training of students from Portuguese Africa in the USSR. While it provides data and analyzes the importance and the complexities of educational assistance in the context of anti-colonial revolutions, it also sheds light on the tensions and serious conflicts that cast a shadow over the relationships between students and leaders. Students who created opposition groups and were accused of plotting against the leaders, criticizing the USSR, or trying to postpone their return to the motherland were repatriated and punished. Others managed to migrate and pur- sued their opposition from the West. Confronted with these phenomena, the party leaders grew disillusioned and reduced the number of students studying in the Soviet Union. Keywords Cold War, decolonization, education, Portuguese Africa, Soviet Union, students Recent years have witnessed an increasing interest in the history of the training of Third World students in the Eastern Bloc. There are very good reasons for delving into this topic. Tens of thousands of African, Asian, and Latin American students studied in the socialist countries during the Corresponding author: Constantin Katsakioris, Bayreuth Academy of Advanced African Studies, Hugo-Ru¨del-Str.
    [Show full text]
  • MOZAMBIQUE: a FADING U.N. SUCCESS STORY Jeremy M
    MOZAMBIQUE: A FADING U.N. SUCCESS STORY Jeremy M. Weinstein Jeremy M. Weinstein is a doctoral candidate in political economy and government at Harvard University and a graduate student fellow of the Center for International Development. This article is based in part on research he conducted in formerly Renamo-controlled areas in central and northern Mozambique. As Mozambique enters its tenth year of peace following a brutal and destructive civil war, the signs of continued democratic transformation and pro-market economic reform appear rosy, at least at first glance. Donors and the international community have quietly lauded Joaquim Chissano’s recent announcement that he is “not disposed” to seek a third term as president of this former Portuguese colony of 17 million on the southeast coast of Africa. Together with President Frederick Chiluba’s similar announcement in Zambia a few months ago, it looks to many like an indication that these two African democracies are maturing and consolidating the gains that they have made in recent years. Mozambique’s continued place atop the list of the world’s fastest- growing economies has been seen as another signal that commitment to the “Washington Consensus” will provide the funds required to bring infrastructure, schools, and health care to the rural majority. It is no wonder, then, that Mozambique finds itself highlighted as a success story for the United Nations in conflict-ridden Africa. Many credit Mozambique’s remarkable transformation to the UN’s efforts to sus- tain the drawn-out peace negotiations, demobilize more than 90,000 soldiers, rebuild a unified national army, and foster the rise of a legiti- mate, peaceful opposition.
    [Show full text]
  • Mozambique Will Be Free Mozambique Will Be Free
    MOZAMBIQUE WILL BE FREE MOZAMBIQUE WILL BE FREE CONTENTS FORWARD l PART ONE : .REVOLUTION lN MOZAMBIQUE 2 I . FIGRT1NG FOR FREEDOM 2 I I. THE EXPLOI'l'ED LAND 10 Ill. PARTNERS m CRlME 16 IV'. BIBLIOGRAPHY 25 MAP 26 PART TWO : ACTION IDEAS--WHAT YOU CAN DO 27 I. DIRECT AID TO THE MOZAMBIQUE LJJIERAXION FRONT (FRELIMO) 27 II. ACTIONS AJ1.IED AT EFFECT lNG A CHANGE lN U. S. FOLICY 31 III. APPENDICES 35 * * * * * This booklet was prepared by the members of the Africa Committee of the Com­ mittee of Returned Volunteer s (CRV') New York Chapter. CRV is made up of people who have served overseas, IIIB.inly in the Third World, and who have had a chance to see U. S . forei.gn policy in action. They have come to realize that this policy works for forces that IIIB.intain the stat us quo of wealth and privi­ lege for the few and poverty and ignorance for the many. This policy must be radica.J..4' changed, both at home and abroad. Our booklet i s one of many steps toward the building of a movement toward such change. Commit tee of Returned Volunt eers/New York Afri ca Committ ee 65 Irving Place New York, N.Y. 10003 Copyright @ 1969 by Committee of Returned Volunteers/New York FORWARD Political independence for most of Africa came a decade ago, without the prolonged violence of war. Not so for Mozambique, now entering the fifth year of armed struggle against the Portuguese colonialists. Portugal's rule, fascist at home , is even more oppressive overseas .
    [Show full text]
  • Mozambique Revolution, No. 55
    Mozambique Revolution, No. 55 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.numr197304 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Mozambique Revolution, No. 55 Alternative title Mozambique RevolutionMozambican Revolution Author/Creator Mozambique Liberation Front - FRELIMO Contributor Department of Information [FRELIMO] Publisher Mozambique Liberation Front - FRELIMO Date 1973-06 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Mozambique Coverage (temporal) 1973 Source Northwestern University Library, L967.905 M939 Rights By kind permission of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO). Description Editorial: International solidarity. Italy, Britain, Soviet Union, Romania, OAU. Visitors from Japan, Soviet Union, West Germany, Norway.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title African Liberation Movements: A Preliminary Bibliography Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7w61d2jw Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 3(1) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Berman, Sanford Publication Date 1972 DOI 10.5070/F731016390 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California -107- AFRICAN LIBERATION MOVEMENTS: A Preliminary Bibl i.ography by Sanford Bennan The editors IAYi.sh to emphasize that this bib1.iogzoaphy~ aUhough eztenaive~ is not ezhaustive as it on1.y represents ho7.dings at the Makerere Institute of Social, Research 1.ibzoazoy~ Kampa7.a~ Uganda. We thank Mr. Beman for the enthusiastic manner in tiJhich he has approached this project. In future issues of UFAHAMU~ liJe are pl.anning to print supp'LementaPy bib1.iogzoaphies to this initial, 1.ist. 1. Africa Research Group: Radical, study guide. Canilridge, Mass., ARG, 1969. 40 p. (Annotated bibliography of books and articles, accentuating "class analysis, .. neo-colonial­ ism, Marxist theory, and the "liberation struggle." Includes a list of movement publications and directory of concerned organizations outside Africa itself. For additional, multi-movement bibliographic sources, cf. the pertinent below-cited items by Berman, Chilcote, Committee of Returned Volunteers, Gupta, and Kornegay.) 2. "African National Congress [of South Africa]," Race today~ v.3, no. 12 (Dec. 197.1), p. 406-07. (Summary of "a detailed document recently published by the World Council of Churches." The WCC "profile" itself is cited below.) 3. Ali, Bashir Hadj: "Lessons of the Algerian liberation struggle," in William J. Pomeroy, ed. Gue1Ti7.7.a liXIl'fazoe and ~~m.
    [Show full text]
  • Como Citar Este Artigo Número Completo Mais Informações Do
    Revista de História (São Paulo) ISSN: 0034-8309 ISSN: 2316-9141 Universidade Estadual Paulista Julio de Mesquita Filho Silva, Alexsandro de Sousa e IMAGENS CROMÁTICAS E SONORIDADES CONFLITANTES EM MAPUTO, MERIDIANO NOVO (1976) DE SANTIAGO ÁLVAREZ* Revista de História (São Paulo), núm. 178, a01518, 2019 Universidade Estadual Paulista Julio de Mesquita Filho DOI: https://doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2019.142897 Disponível em: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=285061378005 Como citar este artigo Número completo Sistema de Informação Científica Redalyc Mais informações do artigo Rede de Revistas Científicas da América Latina e do Caribe, Espanha e Portugal Site da revista em redalyc.org Sem fins lucrativos acadêmica projeto, desenvolvido no âmbito da iniciativa acesso aberto rev. hist. (São Paulo), n.178, a01518, 2019 Alexsandro de Sousa e Silva http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2019.142897 Imagens cromáticas e sonoridades conflitantes em Maputo, Meridiano Novo (1976) de Santiago Álvarez ARTIGO IMAGENS CROMÁTICAS E SONORIDADES CONFLITANTES EM MAPUTO, MERIDIANO NOVO (1976) DE SANTIAGO ÁLVAREZ* ** Contato Alexsandro de Sousa e Silva Rua Miguel Barbar, 559 Universidade de São Paulo 06310-320 – Carapicuíba – São Paulo [email protected] São Paulo – São Paulo – Brasil Resumo O presente artigo analisa como as históricas tensões sociais em Moçambique foram narradas no curta-metragem cubano Maputo, meridiano novo, dirigido por Santiago Álvarez em 1976. A obra utiliza imagens de arquivo e registros do ci- negrafista Julio Simoneau, de Cuba, feitos no pós-independência. Estes últimos denunciam a continuidade da exclusão social em Maputo, herdada do período colonial.
    [Show full text]