DOCSLIB.ORG

TURKEY • It No

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
TURKEY • It No TURKEY • It No. 130 November/December 1991 Turkish Elections Bring Change, Coalition Government Formed Turkey's True Path Party, headed by veteran politician Suleyman Demirel, was the leading vote winner in the October 20 national elections, bringing an end to the Motherland Party's eight-year parliamentary majority. The True Path party attracted 27.2 percent ofthe vote, to 24 percent for the Motherland Party. More than 29 million Turkish citizens went to the polls to vote. Suleyman Demirel, leader of the victorious True Path Party, has served as Turkish prime minister six times and became chairman of the True Path Party in 1987. Because the party did not win enough seats in the Parliament to form the government on its own, Demirel formed a coalition government Continued on next page SULEYMANDEMIREL ERDALINONU Suleyman Demirel coalitiongovernment and was Deputy in 1983 andlater served as chairman of Prime Minister. From October, 1965 the Social DemocraticPopulistParty Suleyman Demirel was born in 1924 until March, 1971, Mr. Demirel served (SHP), a new party created by a in Islamkoy, Turkey. In 1949, he as Prime Ministerof the Turkish merger of SODEP with the Populist graduated from Istanbul Technical Republic four different coalition Party. In 1986, he was elected to University. Afterworking as an governments. He served again as Prime parliament as a Deputy from Izmir. He engineer at the Electrical Survey Minister from 1977-78 and from 1979- was re-elected SHP chairman for the Administration in Turkey, he was 1980. In 1987, he became chairman of third time in 1991. appointed chiefofTurkey's Dams the True Path Party. Department in 1954. As an Hikmet Cetin Eisenhower Exchange Scholar, he worked for several private companies Erdai Inonu Hjkmet Cetin was born in Diyarbakir, and government agencies in the U.S. in Erdal Inonuwas born in 1926 in Turkey in 1937. A Political Science the mid-1950's, including the U.S. Ankara. After studying physics at graduate ofAnkara University, Mr. Geological Survey and the U.S. Bureau Ankara University, he earned a masters Cetin earned a Masters Degree at ofReclamation. degree anda doctorate inphysics from William College in the United States. Mr. Demirel was Director General of the California Institute of Technology. Mr. Cetin political background includes HydraulicWorks in Turkey from 1955- From 1960-1974, he served as a service as a State Minister and Deputy 1960. He served as chairman ofthe professorof physicsat the MiddleEast Prime Minister of the Republic of Justice Party and as a Deputy from Technical University. Mr. Inonu Turkey. Most recently, he served as Isparta from 1965-1980. entered Turkish politics as chairman of SecretaryGeneralof the Social In February 1965,he formed a theSocialDemocratic Party(SODEP) Democratic Populist Party. Published byTHE TURKlSl EMBASSY • 1714 Massachusetts Avenue. Northwest • Washington, D.C. 20036. The Turkish Embassy is substantially assil in the distribution of this publication by Hill and Knowlton Inc., Washington, D.C, the international communications counsel for theRepublic of f key. Hilland Knowlton, Inc. is registered pursuant to 22 U.S.C. §612 with the Department of Justice where its registration and this material are available provai ofUs material by the United States Government Turkish Elections Continued from page 1 with the Social Democratic Populist Final results indicated the True Path 450 seats in Parliament There are 107 Party. The new coalition government Party won 178 seats in parliament, the electoral districts in Turkey sending a is Turkey's first since 1980. President Motherland Party 115, and the Social total of450 deputies to parliament. Turgut Ozal formally approved the new Democrats 88. Each electoral district elects between Prime Minister's 32-member cabinet, The coalition of True Path and the o and six parliamentarians depending and the cabinet received a vote of Social Democrats represents266 of thlh\/on the size of the population. confidence in parliament of280 to 164. The Social Democratic Populist Party, led by Erdal Inonu, finished third PRIME MINISTER Suleyman DEMIREL in the voting with 20.8 percent of the vote. Erdal Inonu, who will serve as MINISTER OF STATE & State Minister and Deputy Prime DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER Erdal INONU Minister, was first elected to parliament in 1986 and has served as chairman of the Social Democratic Populist Party. MINISTER OF STATE Cavit CAGLAR Hikmet Cetin, Secretary General of the Tansu CILLER Social Democratic Populist Party, will EkremCEYHUN serve as Turkey's Minister ofForeign Ibrahim TEZ Affairs. AkinGONEN U.S. Senator and Numerous GulerlLERI Congressmen Join in Gokberk ERGENEKON Praise of Turkish Elections OrhanKILERCIOGLU The national election in Turkey Mehmet KAHRAMAN attracted respect and praise in the OmerBARUTCU United States Congress, where four Representatives and one Senator .. M. Ali YILMAZ praised Turkey's political system in ErmanSAHIN statements appearing in the SerifERCAN Congressional record. Mehmet BATALU A few days prior to the election, U.S. Congressman Dan Burton from Indiana said in remarks entered into the MINISTER OF JUSTICE Seyfi OKTAY Congressional Record, "Turkey can MINISTER OF NATIONAL DEFENSE Nevzat AYAZ serve as a role model not only for the MINISTER OF INTERIOR Ismet SEZGIN Soviet Republics, but also for the neighboring countries in the Middle MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Hikmet CETIN East." MINISTER OF FINANCE & CUSTOMS Sumer ORAL On October 23,1991, Illinois MINISTER OF NATIONAL EDUCATION Koksal TOPTAN Congressman Henry Hyde commented MINISTER OF PUBLIC WORKS & HOUSING Onur KUMBARACIBASI in his Extension of Remarks, "Democracy is not an easy system to MINISTER OF HEALTH Yildirim AKTUNA constrict. Turkey is making it work. MINISTER OF TRANSPORTATION Yasar TOPCU Other countries who are trying to MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE & RURAL AFFAIRS ....Necmettin CEVHERI devise such a system would do well to MINISTER OF LABOR & SOCIAL SECURTTY Mehmet MOGULTAY observe Turkey." Referring specifically to the October MINISTER OF INDUSTRY & COMMERCE Tahir KOSE 20 Turkish elections, Rep. Hyde MINISTER OF ENERGY & NATURAL RESOURCES Ersin FARALYALI exclaimed, "And astounding as it MINISTER OF CULTURE Fikri SAGLAR seems, the voter turnout was 90 MINISTER OF TOURISM Abdulkadir ATES percent! More than 26 million of the 29 million voters went to the polls. We MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS Dogancan AKYUREK MINISTER OF FORESTRY Vefa TANIR Continued on page 5.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Political Parties and Welfare Associations
    Department of Sociology Umeå University Political parties and welfare associations by Ingrid Grosse Doctoral theses at the Department of Sociology Umeå University No 50 2007 Department of Sociology Umeå University Thesis 2007 Printed by Print & Media December 2007 Cover design: Gabriella Dekombis © Ingrid Grosse ISSN 1104-2508 ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 Grosse, Ingrid. Political parties and welfare associations. Doctoral Dissertation in Sociology at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå University, 2007. ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 ISSN 1104-2508 ABSTRACT Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production.
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing Party Positions and Electoral Dynamics in Turkey
    International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies • Uluslararası Siyaset Bilimi ve Kentsel Araştırmalar Dergisi Cilt 7, Sayı 2, Eylül 2019, ISSN 2630-6263, ss. 382-404 • DOI: 10.14782/ipsus.623236 RESEARCH ARTICLE / ARAŞTIRMA MAKALESİ Analyzing Party Positions and Electoral Dynamics in Turkey Türkiye’de Partilerin Konumları ve Seçim Dinamiklerinin Analizi * Arda Can KUMBARACIBAŞI 1 Abstract This article examines the June and November 2015 general elections in Turkey – the final elections before Turkey’s transition into a presidential system – focusing on the political environment leading up to the elections, the coalition deals and potential coalition scenarios between the two elections and the aftermath of the November elections. The analysis is two-fold: first section looks into the background of electoral politics in Turkey and how policy dimensions of parties changed or stabilized over the years, covering the concepts of coalition potential, party adaptability and survival. The second section looks into electoral geography in Turkey, changes in voting patterns, strategic voting and the discrepancies in numbers in 2015. Keywords: Turkish Politics, Elections, Coalitions, Party Positions, Party Politics, AKP. Öz Bu çalışma Türkiye’de başkanlık sistemine geçilmeden önceki son seçimler olan Haziran ve Kasım 2015 genel seçimlerini, seçimler öncesindeki siyasi sürece, iki seçim arasındaki dönemde yapılmış olan koalisyon görüşmelerine, olası koalisyon senaryolarına, ve seçimler sonrasındaki gelişmelere bakarak, incelemektedir. Bu analiz iki bölüme ayrılmaktadır. İlk bölüm Turkiye’de seçimlerin arka planını incelemekte; koalisyon potansiyeli, partilerin adaptasyonu ve partilerin kalıcılığı gibi kavramlar üzerinden, politika alanlarına göre parti konumlarının yıllar içerisinde ne kadar değişip değişmediğini analiz etmektedir. İkinci kısım ise Turkiye’deki seçim coğrafyasını ele alarak 2015’teki oy verme eğilimlerini, stratejik oyları ve seçim sonuçlarındaki uyuşmazlıkları tartışmaktadır.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Republican People's Party and the EU
    DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION Toni Alaranta DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION After 17 years of the Islamic-conservative AKP’s electoral hegemony, the secular-nationalist Republican People’s Party (CHP) achieved significant success in the recent municipal elections, and is now increasingly challenging President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The secular-nationalist political discourse has traditionally advanced the idea of making Turkey a modern nation-state closely attached to the West, yet the West is also seen as a potential threat. The CHP identifies itself as a social-democratic party, and is now trying to build a wide pro-democratic platform based on a social market economy and fundamental rights. The party’s strong secularist and Turkish nationalist core has made it difficult for the CHP to gain support among the Kurds and religious conservatives, and this remains challenging. Strong nationalism and suspicion about the West are deeply ingrained in Turkey’s political culture. On the other hand, in order to be inherently coherent, the secular-nationalist vision requires an ideological attachment to the Western world. Stemming from these premises, under the CHP’s government, Turkey’s foreign policy would likely prioritize good relations with the West, and re-invigorate the country’s EU prospect. TONI ALARANTA Senior Research Fellow European Union Research Programme Finnish Institute of International Affairs ISBN 978-951-769-627-2 ISSN 2242-0444 Language editing: Lynn Nikkanen The Finnish Institute of International Affairs is an independent research institute that produces high-level research to support political decisionmaking and public debate both nationally and internationally.
    [Show full text]
  • TRANSFORMATION of POLITICAL ISLAM in TURKEY Islamist Welfare Party’S Pro-EU Turn
    PARTY POLITICS VOL 9. No.4 pp. 463–483 Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi www.sagepublications.com TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN TURKEY Islamist Welfare Party’s Pro-EU Turn Saban Taniyici ABSTRACT The recent changes in the Islamist party’s ideology and policies in Turkey are analysed in this article. The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) was ousted from power in June 1997 and was outlawed by the Consti- tutional Court (CC) in March 1998. After the ban, the WP elite founded the Virtue Party and changed policies on a number of issues. They emphasized democracy and basic human rights and freedoms in the face of this external shock. The WP’s hostile policy toward the European Union (EU) was changed. This process of change is discussed and it is argued that the EU norms presented a political opportunity structure for the party elites to influence the change of direction of the party. When the VP was banned by the CC in June 2001, the VP elites split and founded two parties which differ on a number of issues but have positive policies toward the EU. KEY WORDS European Union party change political Islam political oppor- tunity structure Turkey Introduction The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) in Turkey recently changed its decades-old policy of hostility toward the European Union (EU) and began strongly to support Turkey’s accession to the Union, thereby raising doubts about the inevitability of a civilizational conflict between Islam and the West. 1 This change was part of the party’s broader image transformation which took place after its leader, Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan,2 was forced by the Turkish political establishment to resign from a coalition government in June 1997.
    [Show full text]
  • New Party Organizations and Intra-Party Democracy: a Comparative Analysis of the Five Star Movement and Podemos
    CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations Track: Comparative Politics New Party Organizations and Intra-party Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of the Five Star Movement and Podemos PhD dissertation BY Bálint Mikola SUPERVISOR: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection BUDAPEST, HUNGARY Date of submission: November 24, 2018 Word count: 84,744 words Table of contents Chapter 1 – Theoretical introduction........................................................................................................ 8 1. Literature review – Members’ role across party models ..................................................................... 10 2. Participation in new political parties ................................................................................................... 13 2.1 The diversification of party affiliation .......................................................................................... 14 2.2 Online participation....................................................................................................................... 15 2.3 Intra-party democracy ................................................................................................................... 16 3. Indicators............................................................................................................................................. 18 4. Causal model and hypotheses ............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
    Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
    Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal.
    [Show full text]
  • Can Party Politics Be Virtuous?
    University at Buffalo School of Law Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2000 Can Party Politics Be Virtuous? James A. Gardner University at Buffalo School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/journal_articles Part of the American Politics Commons, and the Law Commons Recommended Citation James A. Gardner, Can Party Politics Be Virtuous?, 100 Colum. L. Rev. 667 (2000). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/journal_articles/244 This article originally appeared at 100 Colum. L. Rev. 667 (2000). Reprinted by permission. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CAN PARTY POLITICS BE VIRTUOUS? James A. Gardner* American political thought has historically been dominated by two dif- ferent conceptions of politics. One model conceives of politics as an arenafor the virtuous and impartial pursuit of the common good, the other as an arena for the pursuit of private interest. Political parties perform signifi- cantly different functions in each model, leading them to divergent prescrip- tions concerning appropriate legal regulation of parties. This divergence suggests that choosing some regulatory regime for political parties necessarily requires casting one's lot with some conception of politics, and in so doing to favor its emergence. Madison, however, hoped that political institutions could be designed which would render such a choice unnecessary by perform- ing well in the presence of either virtue or self-interest.
    [Show full text]
  • New Forms of Political Party Membership Political Party Innovation Primer 5 New Forms of Political Party Membership
    New Forms of Political Party Membership Political Party Innovation Primer 5 New Forms of Political Party Membership Political Party Innovation Primer 5 © 2020 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <https://www.idea.int> DOI: <https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.25> ISBN: 978-91-7671-315-0 (PDF) Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> International IDEA Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................ 5 2. What is the issue? .................................................................................................. 7 3. Perspectives on new forms of party membership .............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Governing Party Variable
    1 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Appendix: Political categorization For this report, we grouped people into two political categories: those who support the governing political party (or parties) and those who do not. These categories were coded based on the party or parties in power at the time the survey was fielded, and on respondents’ answers to a question asking them which political party, if any, they identified with in their country.1 In countries where multiple political parties govern in coalition (as in many European countries), survey respondents who indicated support for any parties in the coalition were grouped together. In Germany, for example, where the center-right CDU/CSU governed with the center-left SPD at the time of the survey, supporters of all three parties were grouped together. In countries where different political parties occupy the executive and legislative branches of government, the party holding the executive branch was considered the governing party. Survey respondents who did not indicate support for any political party, or who refused to identify with one, were considered to be not supporting the government in power. Countries where an insufficient number of people identified with any party in government have been excluded from the analysis. Below is a table that outlines the governing political parties in each country. 1 Governing parties were not updated to account for elections that occurred after the survey was fielded and resulted in a new party (or parties) serving in government. Language used to measure party
    [Show full text]
  • Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies
    Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies Writers Marcin Walecki Kevin Casas-Zamora Omer Genckaya Dina Ammar Chantal Sarkis-Hanna Karma Ekmekji-Boladian Elobaid Ahmed Elobaid. Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies Copyright © IFES. All rights reserved. IFES 1101 15th Street, NW Ste. 300 Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Notice of rights All rights reserved. No part of this report can be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-931459-34-7 P a g e | 1 Table of Contents Foreword .......................................................................................... 3 Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 4 Biographies ....................................................................................... 5 Executive Summary ........................................................................... 7 Introduction .................................................................................... 10 Dr. Kevin Casas-Zamora Part I Public Funding in Established and Transitional Democracies ......... 25 Dr. Marcin Walecki Part II Public Funding of Political Parties: ................................................. 39 The Case of Turkey Omer Faruk Genckaya Public Funding of Political Parties: .................................................. 50 The Case of Egypt Dina Ammar Public Funding for Political Parties: ................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties in Conflict-Prone Societies
    United Nations University Press is the publishing arm of the United Nations University. UNU Press publishes scholarly and policy-oriented books and periodicals on the issues facing the United Nations and its peoples and member states, with particular emphasis upon international, regional and trans-boundary policies. The United Nations University was established as a subsidiary organ of the United Nations by General Assembly resolution 2951 (XXVII) of 11 December 1972. It functions as an international community of scholars engaged in research, postgraduate training and the dissemination of knowledge to address the pressing global problems of human survival, development and welfare that are the concern of the United Nations and its agencies. Its activities are devoted to advancing knowledge for human security and development and are focused on issues of peace and governance and environment and sustainable development. The Univer- sity operates through a worldwide network of research and training centres and programmes, and its planning and coordinating centre in Tokyo. Political Parties in Conflict-Prone Societies Political Parties in Conflict-Prone Societies: Regulation, Engineering and Democratic Development Edited by Benjamin Reilly and Per Nordlund United Nations a University Press TOKYO u NEW YORK u PARIS 6 Centre for Democratic Institutions (CDI), International Institute for Democ- racy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), and United Nations University (UNU), 2008 The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not
    [Show full text]