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'Muslim Women Talk Back': Understanding Identity And MA Thesis New Media and Digital Culture ‘Muslim Women Talk Back’: Understanding Identity and Resistance in Online Spaces Supervisor: Natalia Sánchez Querubín Second Reader: Marc Tuters By: Maria Hayat Student No.: 11230525 [email protected] 26th June, 2017 1 Abstract: Muslim women are often seen in mainstream culture as well as media as being ‘submissive’ or ‘oppressed’, or the other stereotypes deriving from Islamophobic ideas views them as potential threats. This thesis aims to show how Muslim women use the internet, and online spaces to resist such monolithic narratives, and utilize the ‘democratic space’ of the web for identity formation and self-representation, beyond limiting categories, and towards a more fluid conception of identity. To understand and reflect on the nature of this resistance and representation, it looks at Muslim women and their actions in various avenues, from mapping the potential of collective action in Muslim women ‘blogosphere’, to seeing fashion enable resistance on Instagram, to finally seeing athletics and sport opening up new avenues for reforming discourse. Keywords: Muslim women, Gendered Islamophobia, Resistance, Self-representation, blogosphere, fluid identities 2 Table of Contents: Acknowledgements: 4 Chapter 1.Introduction: 5 1.1: ‘US’ vs ‘Them’: Understanding binaries and stereotypes 6 1.2: Existing Research and Defining the Research Question 8 1.3: Framework 9 1.3.1.: Defining and problematizing ‘Islamophobia’: 9 1.3.2: Gendered Islamophobia and limiting portrayals of Muslim women: 10 1.4: Dominant Discourses and the production of resistance 11 1.5: Towards dynamic, Fluid identities 13 Chapter 2: Muslim Women and Mapping the Blogosphere 16 2. Introduction: 16 2.1: The Core Question 17 2.2: Methodology 18 2.2.1: Mapping the blogosphere as a network: 18 2.2.2: Collective action, Metalanguage and content centric analysis: 19 2.3: A cursory glance at Muslim women bloggers: 20 2.4: Muslim women bloggers and areas of interest 21 2.5: Individuals or Network? Mapping the Muslim women blogosphere 23 2.6: Issue Mapping: Collective resistance to Islamophobia? 29 2.7: The case of Asra Nomani 31 2.8: Analysis and Conclusion: 33 Chapter 3: Fashion as Resistance: Muslim Fashionistas on Instagram 36 3. Introduction and Research Question 36 3.1: Methodology 38 3.2: The Muslimah fashion blogger: An archetype? 39 3.3: A Translocal Phenomena? 40 3.4: Understanding Muslim Fashion on Instagram as a visual discourse 43 3.5: Hijab to head-wraps: Contesting the nature of modest-wear 46 3.6: Instagram and Social/religious norms 50 3.7: To veil or not to veil? Understanding Agency and representation 52 3.8: Resistance? Classism, Consumerism and Feminist Critique 54 Chapter 4: Veiling and Athletics: Viewing Muslim women in Sports 57 4. Introduction: 57 4.1: Research Question 58 4.2: Methodology 59 4.3: Muslim women in sports: A recent phenomena? 60 4.4: Covering Muslim women in Sports 61 3 4.5: Muslim female athletes and Accessibility 64 4.6: The case of the Nike Pro Hijab: Increasing Inclusivity in Sports? 66 4.7: Shirzanan and Muslim female athletes representing themselves 68 4.8: Analysis and Conclusion 72 5: Conclusion 74 6. References 77 7. Appendix 84 4 Acknowledgements: I would like to take this opportunity to thank my family, for their constant support through this year, and throughout each of my endeavors. A special thanks to Noorya, for always being a mentor and confidante. My gratitude to my supervisor Natalia, for her valuable feedback and support throughout the course of this thesis, and to all the New Media faculty at the University of Amsterdam for having made this year an incredible learning experience. A special thankyou to Rhubini and Emillie for all their support through projects and work, and life. And lastly, a thankyou to Saad for always being an inspiration, and his unending confidence in me. 5 Chapter 1.Introduction: Addressing the Women’s March on January 21st 2017, Linda Sarsour, former Executive Director of the Arab American Association of New York and co-organizer of the Women’s March stated the following: I stand here before you, unapologetically Muslim-American, unapologetically Palestinian American… The Muslim community has been suffering in silence for the past 15 years… I ask you to stand and continue to keep your voices loud for black women, for native women, for undocumented women… Justice for all. (Linda Sarsour, Critical Voices) In today’s context, her statements came at an important juncture in the US, where the election of Donald Trump as President, led to rising waves of islamophobia, hate crime, anti-women, anti-muslim and anti-immigrant sentiment. Her speech and participation in the Women’s March met with strong backlash online, with sites like breitbart.com, the official forum of the “alt-right”, calling her a “fake feminist” and postulating that “her rise to liberal stardom following the March has occurred in spite of her support for anti-feminist views”. She also faced significant backlash by twitter trolls, accusing her of propounding “Shariah Law” and being anti- semitic, however the hashtag “#IMarchWithLinda” went viral in response to these Islamophobic attacks. An article on Huffington Post, celebrated her ‘Intersectional Feminism’ approach stating that “Linda Sarsour’s Intersectional Mantra Is One We Need To Live By”. In the same vein of public resistance and representation, on the 1st of February 2017, the first ‘Annual Hijab Day’ was celebrated “in recognition of millions of Muslim women who choose to wear the hijab and live a life of modesty”. Addressing the celebration City Council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito declared that Muslim women are ‘at the forefront of the resistance’ against President Donald Trump‘s Muslim travel ban and intolerance of others—and expressed her solidarity with the Muslim community. Resistance takes place in many forms; blog/website called muslimgirl.com with the slogan “Muslim Women Talk Back” aims to normalize “the word ‘Muslim’ for both Muslims and non- Muslims alike”. The site’s editor claims frustration at “the way the news coverage and media outlets kept skewing the image of Muslims into a nasty one; the mistrust, racism, and flat-out 6 hatred that the inaccuracies flamed; the muting of young Muslim voices from mainstream society”. To resist this ‘skewed media coverage’ the site aims to ‘take back the narrative’: We use our own voices to speak up for ourselves. We are raising the place of Muslim women in mainstream society. We are drawing awareness to the Qur’an’s message of gender equality and Islam’s principle of peace. We are paving the way towards a world in which every woman can raise her head without fear of being attacked for her gender or beliefs. (Amani Alkhat) The Muslim girl blog isn’t the only one with similar aims. From Muslim women bloggers like ‘Alt-Muslimah’, to ‘Muslimah Media Watch’, to Muslim women designers, bloggers and fashionistas on Instagram (@rumastyles, @summeralbarcha, @hautehijab, @hijabhills etc.), to motivational speakers or activists on Twitter (Masarat Daud, The Salafi Feminist), to Muslim women in sports and blogs highlighting those (shirzanan.org, Muslimwomeninsport.blogspot.com), to advocacy organizations (Women in Islam, Sisters in Islam etc.) to theater collectives (Hijabi Monologues), to podcasts like #GoodMuslimBadMuslim and countless others; Muslim women employ online spaces in a diverse set of ways that help them explore their identity, contest limiting labels ascribed to them by the media and by society in general. In the ensuing sections the idea is to study some of these examples of platforms and networks in depth, in an attempt to illuminate how online spaces have transformed the nature of representation and resistance, and how Muslim women in particular navigate the terrain to their own advantage. However, before one can understand resistance to Islamophobia, it is important to understand the root cause of Islamophobia, and further go on to define how these terms are employed within the rest of this research: 1.1: ‘US’ vs ‘Them’: Understanding binaries and stereotypes In his book on Islamophobia, Christopher Allen explains the nature of stereotypes, and how they attempt to create a “sense of order” by negating “broader or expansive understandings”, and thus, though the resulting understanding may be reductive, it enables an easier conception 7 than dealing with complex “issues relating to the difference and diversity of a subject matter” (Allen, 143). The stereotypes regarding Muslims and Islam are manifold, but the discourse tends to use a number of core labels or terms such as ‘the Islamic world’, ‘extremism’, ‘radicalism’, ‘fundamentalism’, ‘jihadists’, ‘moderates’ and ‘Islamic terrorism’” (Jackson, 401). The issue is that these labels are almost always used in binary oppositions, such as “the West versus the Islamic world, extremists versus moderates, violent versus peaceful, democratic versus totalitarian, religious versus secular” etc. (Jackson, 401). Moreover, much like other sweeping generalizations and stereotypes, the core contention or concern is that it is “profoundly misleading” to use any such terms not least because there is “too much variation within ‘Islam’ and Islamic movements for meaningful or illuminating generalizations” (Jackson, 413). These stereotypes and generalizations regarding Islam and Muslims occur widely, not just in the media, but in academia as well. In an article on ‘Media representation of Muslims and Islam’ Ahmed and Matthes point out that the existing body of literature around the topic usually revolves around a few basic themes: “Before and after 9/11, Terrorism, Muslim women, War, Migrants, Public opinion and Islamophobia, Mosques, Event-specific” (Ahmed & Matthes). Within this holistic study, they point out that “academic discourses run the risk of using preconstructed media categories when studying Muslims and Islam” (Ahmed & Matthes, 18). Hence they argue for “a need for scholars to go beyond the frequently used paradigms and research categories.
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