The Materiality of Human–Water Interaction in the Caribbean AQ2
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Overview 1 57 2 58 3 The materiality of human–water 59 4 60 5 61 6 interaction in the Caribbean: an 62 7 63 8 archaeological perspective 64 9 * 65 AQ1 Niall P. Finneran 10 66 11 67 12 This contribution offers a broad overview of the material evidence (archaeology) 68 13 of multiscalar approaches to human–water interaction on the islands of the Carib- 69 14 bean from the precontact period up to the present day (i.e., ca 3000 BC–AD 2000). 70 15 Precontact indigenous hunting/gathering/fishing and early farming peoples 71 16 relied upon water management technology to mitigate problems of water short- 72 17 age and drought (and indeed problems of excess of water, flooding). Further, 73 18 archaeological work linked to other interdisciplinary approaches can demonstrate 74 19 that their perception of water use was also linked to symbolic behavior as well. 75 20 After AD 1492 as the newly Europeanized Caribbean islands industrialized in 76 21 response to developing intensive sugar monoculture systems, more emphasis was 77 22 placed upon extensive and complex water storage and irrigation works that at 78 23 once reflected differing environmental demands of island ecologies, and also 79 24 residual cultural traditions of the European colonial powers regarding water man- 80 25 agement and conservation. It will be demonstrated that within these socially and 81 26 culturally diverse islandscapes, novel symbolic approaches to water also emerged, 82 27 reflecting these many and varied roots of Caribbean cultural traditions. © 2017 Wiley 83 28 Periodicals, Inc. 84 29 85 How to cite this article: 30 86 WIREs Water 2017, e1235. doi: 10.1002/wat2.1235 31 87 32 88 33 89 34 INTRODUCTION material traces of water storage and management sys- 90 35 tems in the insular Caribbean region. In doing so, it 91 AQ3 36 ater, salt and fresh, dominates the socio- takes an explicitly archaeological and long-term per- 92 37 Weconomic and cultural fabric of Caribbean spective on human–water interaction. The first two 93 38 islandscapes. The seas surrounding them offer a nexus sections of the overview place the main body of data 94 39 of human movement and economic bounty. Fresh within (1) geographical, ecological, and historical 95 40 water even in this predominantly rainy, tropical envi- contexts and (2) theoretical and methodological con- 96 41 ronment is an important commodity; many Carib- texts. Stress here is placed upon viewing the islands as 97 42 bean islanders have evolved elaborate storage systems ecologically and culturally dynamic and varied physi- 98 43 to store rainfall for domestic use. Water use and man- cal entities, and secondly developing the notion that 99 agement remains an important concern of govern- 44 1 the island populations are historically cosmopolitan 100 45 mental policy in the region. On the industrial scale, (this idea of cultural mixing within the Caribbean his- 101 – 46 irrigation works are an important factor in optimizing torical context is termed ‘creolization’).2 4 In very 102 47 marginal island agricultural economies. This overview basic terms this process describes the dynamics exten- 103 48 focuses upon the historical development of the sive cultural synthesis, and it is argued herein that cre- 104 49 olization is also visible in the material culture traces 105 50 *Correspondence to: [email protected] of human–water interaction. Finally, this opening 106 fi 51 Department of Archaeology, University of Winchester, Winches- contextual discussion seeks to de ne a framework for 107 52 ter, UK archaeology of water, and how this analysis can move 108 53 Conflict of interest: The author has declared no conflicts of interest to understand the symbolic, numinous role of water 109 54 for this article. in Caribbean insular societies. 110 © 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. 1of16 Overview wires.wiley.com/water 1 In the second section of the overview, the main Aruba, Bonaire, and Curacao. To the north, between 57 2 data are presented. An examination of the the Leeward Islands and Florida are the Bahamas, 58 3 pre-European contact (i.e., pre-Columbian <AD 1492) not strictly speaking part of the Caribbean. 59 4 material evidence for water storage and management Island geographies vary dramatically across the 60 5 strategies across the Greater and Lesser Antilles is out- chain, and these settings have obvious implications for 61 6 lined, focusing upon technological developments, and the discussion presented here.5 The Bahamian islands, 62 7 then the possible material evidence for more symbolic for example, are flat and coraline and often highly 63 8 uses of water is considered. We then move, after the developed in terms of tourist resort infrastructure. The 64 9 15th century, to an examination of water management larger islands of the Greater Antilles are more moun- 65 10 within the European colonial context (i.e., under the tainous and forested. Eastwards, the Leeward Islands 66 11 framework of Spanish, British, Dutch, French, and Dan- tend to be more rugged while the Windwards are of 67 12 ish rule). The role of irrigation and water storage sys- mainly volcanic geology and heavily covered in rainfor- 68 13 tems within the industrialized plantation landscapes are est. Barbados offers yet another contrast; flatter, lime- 69 14 studied, and then on another scale, we consider water stone and more densely developed. The climate of each 70 15 use within the domestic sphere of European planters island naturally reflects water management strategies.6 71 16 and enslaved Africans. Finally, ideas surrounding the The predominant winds are the north-easterly trade 72 17 symbolic associations of water evidenced by material winds and these bear moisture upon the windward 73 18 remains are outlined. Underpinning this overview is the (Atlantic-facing) sides of the islands, leaving in some 74 19 contention that the archaeological analysis of human– cases a rain shadow on the leeward coasts. The main 75 20 water interaction as a whole must move beyond the rainy season in the region is from August to November 76 21 consideration of the tangible function and embrace the when hurricanes develop in the Atlantic and track 77 22 more ephemeral symbolic meaning. Further, within the north-eastwards across the region. In general, the fur- 78 23 context of this study area, the application of the idea of ther west the island is the drier its climate. Aruba, for 79 24 creolization allows us to define a multiplicity of cultural example, will average around 2.5–7.5 cm of rain a 80 25 traditions coming together, and being refocused within month whilst Dominica would average around 81 26 these diverse island environments. 5–7.5 cm per month in the drier spring and early sum- 82 27 mer seasons, peaking at ca 32–38 cm per month in the 83 28 Hurricane season of late summer and autumn.7 84 29 THE CARIBBEAN: GEOGRAPHICAL, Current archaeological, genetic, and linguistic 85 30 ECOLOGICAL, AND HISTORICAL thinking posits that humans settled the insular Carib- 86 8 31 CONTEXTS bean around 6000 years ago. The earliest archaeo- 87 32 logical sites in the region are found in the south, in 88 33 The Caribbean Sea extends over a surface area of Trinidad, and are associated with the hunter– 89 34 some 2,750,000 km2 (Figure 1). Its eastern boundary gatherer Ortoiroid culture and date from the sixth 90 35 is delineated by a chain of islands (thus, the insular millennium BC.9 The earliest hunter–gatherer phase 91 36 Caribbean) comprising the Greater and Lesser Antil- in the Greater Antilles (Hispaniola and Cuba) is asso- 92 37 les running roughly from the north-west to south- ciated with the Casimiroid culture.10 Later, between 93 38 east. The Greater Antilles include the islands of ca 800 BC and 200 BC Saladoid peoples introduced 94 39 Cuba, Jamaica, Hispaniola (comprising the nation pottery and cultivation into the islands from a center 95 40 states of Haiti in the west and the Dominican Repub- of origin in South America.11 Successive waves of 96 41 lic in the east), and the US territory of Puerto Rico. immigrants then followed,12 and by the end of the 97 42 Further east, the smaller Lesser Antilles chain curves first millennium AD the Arawak-speaking Arauqui- 98 43 southwards along the eastern boundary of the Carib- noid peoples established the complex Taino polities 99 44 bean Sea. This chain is divided into the Leeward in the Greater Antilles.13 Further south and west 100 45 Islands in the north and the Windward Islands to the Kalinago ‘Carib’ peoples inhabited islands such as St 101 46 south (the ‘hinge’ point of the two island groups Vincent and Dominica, where many of their descen- 102 47 being between the islands of Guadeloupe and Domi- dants still live today.14 103 48 nica). The former group, the Leewards, comprises In 1492, Christopher Columbus encountered the 104 49 island states such as Antigua, St Kitts and Nevis, and complex Taino polities of the Greater Antilles, and 105 50 the Virgin Islands. The Windward group comprises this event ushered in an era of European settlement 106 51 islands such as St Lucia, St Vincent, the Grenadines and exploitation of the Caribbean islands. Initially, 107 52 chain, and Grenada, furthest south. Outlying islands the Spanish represented the dominant military, politi- 108 53 include Barbados, Trinidad and Tobago, and further cal, and cultural presence, as evidenced by the devel- 109 54 west the three Dutch islands (Leeward Antilles) of opment of townscapes and fortifications on the islands 110 2of16 © 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.