International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
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Songs of Soldiers
SONGS OF SOLDIERS DECOLONIZING POLITICAL MEMORY THROUGH POETRY AND SONG by Juliane Okot Bitek BFA, University of British Columbia, 1995 MA, University of British Columbia, 2009 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) November 2019 © Juliane Okot Bitek, 2019 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: Songs of Soldiers: Decolonizing Political Memory Through Poetry And Song submitted by Juliane Okot Bitek in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Interdisciplinary Studies Examining Committee: Prof. Pilar Riaño-Alcalá, (Social Justice) Co-supervisor Prof. Erin Baines, (Public Policy, Global Affairs) Co-supervisor Prof. Ashok Mathur, (graduate Studies) OCAD University, Toronto Supervisory Committee Member Prof. Denise Ferreira da Silva (Social Justice) University Examiner Prof. Phanuel Antwi (English) University Examiner iii Abstract In January 1979, a ship ferrying armed Ugandan exiles and members of the Tanzanian army sank on Lake Victoria. Up to three hundred people are believed to have died on that ship, at least one hundred and eleven of them Ugandan. There is no commemoration or social memory of the account. This event is uncanny, incomplete and yet is an insistent memory of the 1978-79 Liberation war, during which the ship sank. From interviews with Ugandan war veterans, and in the tradition of the Luo-speaking Acholi people of Uganda, I present wer, song or poetry, an already existing form of resistance and reclamation, as a decolonizing project. -
Challenges of Development and Natural Resource Governance In
Ian Karusigarira Uganda’s revolutionary memory, victimhood and regime survival The road that the community expects to take in each generation is inspired and shaped by its memories of former heroic ages —Smith, D.A. (2009) Ian Karusigarira PhD Candidate, Graduate School of Global Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Japan Abstract In revolutionary political systems—such as Uganda’s—lies a strong collective memory that organizes and enforces national identity as a cultural property. National identity nurtured by the nexus between lived representations and narratives on collective memory of war, therefore, presents itself as a kind of politics with repetitive series of nation-state narratives, metaphorically suggesting how the putative qualities of the nation’s past reinforce the qualities of the present. This has two implications; it on one hand allows for changes in a narrative's cognitive claims which form core of its constitutive assumptions about the nation’s past. This past is collectively viewed as a fight against profanity and restoration of political sanctity; On the other hand, it subjects memory to new scientific heuristics involving its interpretations, transformation and distribution. I seek to interrogate the intricate memory entanglement in gaining and consolidating political power in Uganda. Of great importance are politics of remembering, forgetting and utter repudiation of memory of war while asserting control and restraint over who governs. The purpose of this paper is to understand and internalize the dynamics of how knowledge of the past relates with the present. This gives a precise definition of power in revolutionary-dominated regimes. Keywords: Memory of War, national narratives, victimhood, regime survival, Uganda ―75― 本稿の著作権は著者が保持し、クリエイティブ・コモンズ表示4.0国際ライセンス(CC-BY)下に提供します。 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.ja Uganda’s revolutionary memory, victimhood and regime survival 1. -
Conclusion: an End to Conflict
Conclusion: an end to conflict Looking back on their daily lives over the last 40 years or so, the majority of Uganda's citizens will reflect on the turbulence of the times they have lived through. In some respects, there has been little change in the patterns of daily life for millions of Ugandans. People continue to cultivate the land by hand, or to herd their animals in ways that have barely altered since Uganda was created a hundred years ago. They continue to provide for their own subsistence, with relatively little contact with external markets. This sense of continuity was captured by Lorochom, the Karimojong elder, who explained, 'Governments change and the weather changes... but we continue herding our animals.' There have been some positive changes, however. The mismanagement of Uganda's economy under the regimes of Idi Amin and Obote II left Uganda amongst the poorest countries in the world. Improved management of the national economy has been one of the great achievements of the NRM and, provided that • Margaret Muhindo in her aid flows do not significantly diminish, Ugandans can kitchen garden. In a good reasonably look forward to continued economic growth, better public year, she will be able to sell surplus vegetables for cash. services, and further investments in essential infrastructure. In a bad year, she and her Nonetheless, turbulence has been the defining feature of the age, family will scrape by on the and it is in the political realm that turbulence has been profoundly food they grow. destructive. Instead of protecting the lives and property of its citizens, the state in one form or other has been responsible for the murder, torture, harassment, displacement, and impoverishment of its people. -
Collapse, War and Reconstruction in Uganda
Working Paper No. 27 - Development as State-Making - COLLAPSE, WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN UGANDA AN ANALYTICAL NARRATIVE ON STATE-MAKING Frederick Golooba-Mutebi Makerere Institute of Social Research Makerere University January 2008 Copyright © F. Golooba-Mutebi 2008 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) 1 Crisis States Research Centre Collapse, war and reconstruction in Uganda An analytical narrative on state-making Frederick Golooba-Mutebi∗ Makerere Institute of Social Research Abstract Since independence from British colonial rule, Uganda has had a turbulent political history characterised by putsches, dictatorship, contested electoral outcomes, civil wars and a military invasion. There were eight changes of government within a period of twenty-four years (from 1962-1986), five of which were violent and unconstitutional. This paper identifies factors that account for these recurrent episodes of political violence and state collapse. -
The Lord's Resistance Army of Today
The Lord’s Resistance Army of Today Ledio Cakaj November 2010 The Lord’s Resistance Army, or LRA, in existence for more than two decades, is the rebel group responsible for Africa’s longest running armed conflict.1 Led by Joseph Kony, the inner workings of the LRA remain relatively unknown to the outside world, including the Ugandan army officers and policy makers in Africa and the West who are leading efforts to remove the rebels from the battlefield. This has been particularly true during the last 22 months, a period in which the LRA has undergone significant changes. Despite a wealth of information on the LRA pre-December 2008, misconceptions and myths related to Kony’s group remain. The ongoing Ugandan army offensive against the LRA and renewed interest on the LRA issue in the West spurred by a bill recently signed in the United States necessitate a better understanding of how the LRA operates. A thorough analysis of the LRA’s modus ope- randi, leadership, and aims is lacking, even though substantive assets and valuable time are spent fighting the rebels by the Ugandan army with support from the U.S. government. It seems overtly difficult to engage a group of fighters, whether militarily or peacefully, without knowing what they stand for. Such lack of understanding, arguably throughout the entire existence of the LRA, has played a significant role in the failure to resolve the conflict. Erroneous descriptions of the LRA as a Christian fundamentalist group com- posed of drugged children led by a madman have led to a profound underestimation of the strength and military ability of the LRA. -
From Uganda to the Congo and Beyond: Pursuing the Lord's Resistance Army
From Uganda to the Congo and Beyond: Pursuing the Lord's Resistance Army Ronald R. Atkinson DECEMBER 2009 INTERNATIONAL PEACE INSTITUTE Cover Photo: Men from the Ugandan ABOUT THE AUTHOR government local defense forces ride in the back of a militarized RONALD R. ATKINSON is Director of African Studies at the vehicle in Gulu, Uganda. July 31, University of South Carolina. He has lived and worked in 2003. © AP Photo/Marcus Kenya and Uganda in East Africa, Ghana in West Africa, Bleasdale. and South Africa. His major focus of research and writing is The views expressed in this paper the Acholi region and people in northern Uganda. represent those of the author and not necessarily those of IPI. IPI welcomes consideration of a wide ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS range of perspectives in the pursuit of a well-informed debate on critical IPI owes a great debt of thanks to the generous contribu - policies and issues in international tors to its Africa program. Their support reflects a affairs. widespread demand for innovative thinking on practical solutions to continental challenges. In particular, IPI and the IPI Publications Adam Lupel, Editor Africa program are grateful to the government of the Ellie B. Hearne, Publications Officer Netherlands. Suggested Citation The author is grateful to Adam Branch, Ed Carr, Denise Ronald R. Atkinson, “From Uganda Duovant, Sverker Finnström, and Eric Green for their astute to the Congo and Beyond: Pursuing and helpful comments on the penultimate draft. the Lord’s Resistance Army,” New York: International Peace Institute, December 2009. © by International Peace Institute, 2009 All Rights Reserved www.ipinst.org CONTENTS Executive Summary . -
Kony, Conflict, and the Cultural Impacts in Northern Uganda By
A Lost Generation? Kony, Conflict, and the Cultural Impacts in Northern Uganda by David W. Westfall M.A., Kansas State University, 2009 An Abstract of a Dissertation Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work College of Arts and Sciences Kansas State University Manhattan, Kansas 2017 Abstract For over two decades the people of northern Uganda endured horrific atrocities during Africa’s forgotten war in the form of attacks and child abductions by the Lord’s Resistance Army, animal rustling by neighboring ethnic groups, and internal displacement of an unimaginable 90 percent of the northern parts of the country. With the majority of internally displaced persons spending over a decade in IDP camps, an entire generation of Acholi was socialized and acculturated in a non-traditional environment. A decade after the last LRA attack, I ask, what are the cultural impacts of the conflict and how has the culture recovered from the trauma. Using ethnographic analysis, this dissertation is rooted in over 150 interviews. While it has been presented to the world at large that Joseph Kony’s LRA is the one of the biggest problems facing the region, I found it is not the case. Interviewees discussed serious inadequacies in education, land conflict, culture loss, climate change, drought, famine, a perceived generational divide, and a strong distrust of the Ugandan government. Additionally this research examines the case of Uganda through the lens of, and attempts to build upon, Jeffrey Alexander’s cultural trauma process. I argue the increasing reach and instantaneous nature of social media can interact with, alter, and prolong the trauma process. -
Exclusionary Elite Bargains and Civil War Onset: the Case of Uganda
Working Paper no. 76 - Development as State-making - EXCLUSIONARY ELITE BARGAINS AND CIVIL WAR ONSET: THE CASE OF UGANDA Stefan Lindemann Crisis States Research Centre August 2010 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © S. Lindemann, 2010 This document is an output from a research programme funded by UKaid from the Department for International Development. However, the views expressed are not necessarily those of DFID. Crisis States Research Centre Exclusionary elite bargains and civil war onset: The case of Uganda Stefan Lindemann Crisis States Research Centre Uganda offers almost unequalled opportunities for the study of civil war1 with no less than fifteen cases since independence in 1962 (see Figure 1) – a number that makes it one of the most conflict-intensive countries on the African continent. The current government of Yoweri Museveni has faced the highest number of armed insurgencies (seven), followed by the Obote II regime (five), the Amin military dictatorship (two) and the Obote I administration (one).2 Strikingly, only 17 out of the 47 post-colonial years have been entirely civil war free. 7 NRA 6 UFM FEDEMO UNFR I FUNA 5 NRA UFM UNRF I FUNA wars 4 UPDA LRA LRA civil HSM ADF ADF of UPA WNBF UNRF II 3 Number FUNA LRA LRA UNRF I UPA WNBF 2 UPDA HSM Battle Kikoosi Maluum/ UNLA LRA LRA 1 of Mengo FRONASA 0 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 Figure 1: Civil war in Uganda, 1962-2008 Source: Own compilation. -
Exclusionary Elite Bargains and Civil War Onset: the Case of Uganda
Working Paper no. 76 - Development as State-making - EXCLUSIONARY ELITE BARGAINS AND CIVIL WAR ONSET: THE CASE OF UGANDA Stefan Lindemann Crisis States Research Centre August 2010 Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) Copyright © S. Lindemann, 2010 This document is an output from a research programme funded by UKaid from the Department for International Development. However, the views expressed are not necessarily those of DFID. Crisis States Research Centre Exclusionary elite bargains and civil war onset: The case of Uganda Stefan Lindemann Crisis States Research Centre Uganda offers almost unequalled opportunities for the study of civil war1 with no less than fifteen cases since independence in 1962 (see Figure 1) – a number that makes it one of the most conflict-intensive countries on the African continent. The current government of Yoweri Museveni has faced the highest number of armed insurgencies (seven), followed by the Obote II regime (five), the Amin military dictatorship (two) and the Obote I administration (one).2 Strikingly, only 17 out of the 47 post-colonial years have been entirely civil war free. 7 NRA 6 UFM FEDEMO UNFR I FUNA 5 NRA UFM UNRF I FUNA wars 4 UPDA LRA LRA civil HSM ADF ADF of UPA WNBF UNRF II 3 Number FUNA LRA LRA UNRF I UPA WNBF 2 UPDA HSM Battle Kikoosi Maluum/ UNLA LRA LRA 1 of Mengo FRONASA 0 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 Figure 1: Civil war in Uganda, 1962-2008 Source: Own compilation. -
Deepening Democracy Through Multipartyism:The Bumpy Road to Uganda’S 2011 Elections By: Sabiti Makara Phd., Makerere University, Uganda
Deepening Democracy Through Multipartyism:The Bumpy road to Uganda’s 2011 elections By: Sabiti Makara PhD., Makerere University, Uganda ABSTRACT The 2011 elections will be one of the several elections and the second multiparty election organized by the National Resistance Movement (NRM) since it captured power in 1986. Despite the regular elections since the 1990s, the quality and outcomes of these elections have remained a subject of debate. Democracy has remained elusive in Uganda inspite of elections being conducted at regular intervals. The question is: does electioneering necessarily produce democratic governance ? Or does it create conditions and norms necessary for institutionalization of democratic rule? In particular, does the existence multiparty politics translate into democratic governance? Introduction Uganda’s aspiration for democratic governance has been dogged by its post-colonial history. Forty seven years since the country gained independence from the British colonial masters, Ugandans have suffered civil strife, political instability and authoritarianism, resulting in political misrule, economic and social hardships. While the country’s immediate post independence regime was a vibrant multiparty system, it soon collapsed into a one-party state under Apollo Militon Obote from 1967(Mazrui 1967, 1974, Satyarmurthy 1975, Mujaju 1976, Uzoigwe 1983). This was followed by Idi Amin’s military coup in 1971. Amin’s nine years of brutal dictatorship (1971-79) was sustained by military governors in almost all state positions. The order of the day was suppression of free political expression, brutal murder of suspected opponents and instilling fear amongst the population. The expulsion of Asian business people in 1972, led to economic collapse and international isolation of the regime (Southall 1986, Shaw 1973, Short 1971, Lofchie 1972). -
Small Arms Survey 2006
Malnourished children in an IDP camp in Gulu, northern Uganda, July 2005. © Andy Sewell/Getty Images Fuelling Fear THE LORD'S RESISTANCE ARMY AND SMALL ARMS 11 INTRODUCTION1 The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) is a non-state armed group that forces children to fight a war using small arms. The war is directed, for the most part, against the civilian population of northern Uganda. The LRA commits massacres and atrocities, and abducts children, forcing them with extreme violence to become soldiers. An estimated 25,000 to 30,000 children have been abducted since 1987. Some have escaped; others have died through violence, disease, hunger, and exhaustion. Children now constitute between 80 and 90 per cent of the estimated 500 to 1,000 remaining LRA fighters. In the past 19 years, the fighting has killed thousands of people and displaced close to 1.3 million within northern Uganda. Many more are maimed and tortured in displays of the LRA’s strength. Although people are often attacked with knives and agricultural implements, small arms remain the fundamental facilitators of violence. They are used to corral people, preventing them from running away. The Ugandan army has not been able to defeat the LRA militarily. It fights the LRA with armoured personnel carriers, aircraft, and around 40,000 troops, thereby curtailing some of the LRA’s activities and disrupting its supply lines. But, although the LRA has declined in numbers, has few resources, and has difficulty moving equipment, it is able to continue fighting, killing, and abducting. Because it is well equipped with small arms, it is able to attack the local population and the Ugandan army in both Uganda and Sudan. -
Time Line of Key Historical Events*
Time Line of Key Historical Events* January 1986 The National Resistance Army rebel group overruns Kampala after a heavy battle with government troops. Tito Okello’s government falls. Yoweri Museveni is sworn in as president of the Republic of Uganda for a four-year interim term. March 1986 Party activities are suspended in Uganda; but Uganda People’s Democratic Movement (UPDM) is formed to challenge Museveni’s leadership. Other rebel groups, the Holy Spirit Movement of Alice Lakwena and Lord’s Resistance Army of Joseph Kony, are also formed. May 1986 A bill to create the Uganda Human Rights Commission is proposed to investigate human rights abuses since 1962 when Uganda got independence. August 1986 Prince Mutebi arrives in Uganda from Kenya via Busia on his first visit to a liberated Uganda. Former soldiers regrouped under the Uganda People’s Democratic Army (UPDA) launch an attack on NRA. NRA Battalion No. 58 at Bibia repulses the attack. Yoweri Museveni denounces Sudan for assisting 3,000 army rebels to attack Uganda. Budget day, the exchange rate is set at Ug. shs. 1,400 per U.S. dollar. October 1986 Three ministers, Dr. Andrew Kayiira, Dr. David Lwanga, and Mr. Evaristo Nyanzi, and former vice president, Paulo Muwanga, are arrested on treason charges. November 1986 Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) hands over its flag to the NRM at Karila Airstrip in Arua. Brig. Moses Ali announces the absorption of 2,000 UNRF soldiers in the NRA. Alice Lakwena’s Holy Spirit Movement and Peter * The following were used as sources for part of this timeline: Mugaju (1999), Kaiser and Okumu (2004), and www.IRINnews.org (2006).