Debre Berhan University

School of Graduate Studies

Department of History and Heritage Management

A POLITICAL HISTORY OF KING SUSƎNYOS (1607-1632) IN ETHIOPIA

BY

ABDO MUBARIK

Debre Berhan

August, 2017

Debre Berhan University

School of Graduate Studies Department of History and Heritage Management

A POLITICAL HISTORY OF KING SUSƎNYOS (1607-1632) IN ETHIOPIA

BY

ABDO MUBARIK

Advisor: Margaux Herman, Ph.D.

A thesis

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in the Partial fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Masters of Arts in History and Heritage Management

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Debre Berhan University

School of Graduate Studies

This is to certify that the thesis prepared by Abdo Mubarik, entitled: A Political History of king Susǝnyos (1607-1632)and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in History and Heritage Management compiles with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality.

Signed by the Examining Committee

Examiner______Signature______Date______

Examiner______Signature______Date______

Advisor______Signature______Date______

August, 2017

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Table of contents

Contents page

Acknowledgments…………………………………………………………...... I

Key to transliteration ………………………………………………………….……………….....II

Abstract…………….……………………………………………………………...... III

Introduction………………………………………………………………………...... 1

Review of Related Literature……………………………………………………………………..5

CHAPTER ONE

Power Sucession between the Monarchs and the War lords after the death of Śärśä Dǝngǝl……………………………………………………………………………...... 13

1.1 Rise to Power of Susǝnyos……...……………………………………………………....20 1.2 Pretenders to Susǝnyos Power and their Defeat early in his Reign……………………..26 1.3The Rise of Susǝnyos against Ya‟ǝqob and Zä-Dǝngǝl………………………………….28 1.4 Place of King Susǝnyos (Royal Residences) and its Description………...... 30 1.4.1 Dänqäz, an early Seventeenth Century Capital of King Susǝnyos...………………....33 CHAPTER TWO

The Role of king Susǝnyos in the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia during his early Reign………35

2.1 Susǝnyos Campaign and its Objective in the early 17th century……………………..41

2.2 Susǝnyos, and the Oromo………………………….……...…………………...... 44

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CHAPTER THREE

The Intervention of Jesuits in the Christian Court of Ethiopia and the Consequences …………51

3.1 Motives behind the Jesuit Presence in Ethiopian……………………………………54

3.1.1 Requests for Millitary and a Technical Assistance in the Post Medieval Ethiopia…54

3.2 The Role of Pedro Paez and the Jesuit Success in Ethiopia during the Reign of King Susǝnyos…………………………………..…...... 58

3.3 The Missionary Methods of Jesuits to Spread Catholicism in Ethiopia...... 61

3.4The Conversion of King Susǝnyos in to Catholicism………………..……………………..63

3.5 Consequences of the Declaration of Catholicism as Official State Religion in Ethiopia early in the 17thc ………….66

3.6 Chronological order of events in the Chronicle of king Susǝnyos…………………..75

Conclusions……………………………………………………………………………...81

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………….82

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

From the beginning of the preparation of this thesis, until its completion several individual and institutions have assisted me. I am particularly very great full to my advisor, Dr. Margaux Herman, for her genuine and professional advice and putting the materials together with critical comments and corrections.

The French Center for Ethiopian Studies (Centre Francais des Études Éthiopiennes, CFEE), and the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, (IES), should be acknowledged and I would like to thanks them for their material supports. Especially, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my mother, Zuriash Shukro for her indispensable helps. Last, but not least, my deepest gratitude goes to my friends who favored my success in one way or another.

I

KEY TO TRANSLITERATION The study adopted the transliteration system of Encyclopedia Ӕthiopica

II

III

ABSTRACT

This thesis reconstructs a Political History of king Susǝnyos, (1607-1632) in the post medieval Ethiopia. Since ancient times Ethiopia had never been governed or ruled by foreign powers, but insteade by its native and legitimate kings, their roles in maintaining the sovereignty of the country make it unique. Hence, king Susǝnyos (1607-1632) was the one who played an important role in the history of the country during the early 17th century. However the history of a reign of king Susǝnyos is not yet well studied and the documents produced on the issue not complete. So researchers are expected to dig out more about a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos in particular and Ethiopian history in general. To accomplish this study researcher uses both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources consisted of travellers account, and royal chronicles. Secondary sources mainly of books, journals and articles were covered to work on the primary sources. Oral traditions are the other sources which were amalgamated with the written documents. The main reason, which inspired me to work on the topic, is the interest that I have on the subject and to fill the gap in reconstructing a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos. Three chapters are contained in the study. The first chapter deal with power contention, rise to power of king Susǝnyos, pretenders to his power and place of the king. The role of king Susǝnyos, his campaign to wards different areas, its objective as well Susǝnyos and the Oromo are discussed in the second chapter. The intervention of the Jesuits and the consequences that followed the declaration of Catholicism as state official religion is the subject of the third chapter. The Study also propose a good understanding on a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos and his conversion to Catholicism as well as the consequences followed the declaration of Catholicism as state official state religion early in the17 century. But I have faced many problems: this is due to lack of sources, shortage of time and language barrier.

Key Words: History Power Sucession, King Susǝnyos, Jesuits.

IV

Glossary

Abunä (ge‟ez)–the leading clerics or head of monastery, reserved primarily for the head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tawahǝdo Church.

abeto-the title given to the male descent of Solomonic dynasty.

Amba(Amh.)-Table land

aśe(Amh.)- The title given to the monarch of Solomonic ruler.

Azzäz (Amh.)- Commander in chief

Bǝthwädäd (Amh.)-Court title means (the beloved one)

Čəffera(Amh.)- The war tactics of the 17th century Oromo

Dağğazmäč(Amh.)The Commander of the Imperial Gate

Gadaa (Oro.)- An Oromo Socio-Religious Organization.

Itege (Amh.)- Title given for the Women who were reigning

Qwerban- One of the Contengents of Śärsä Dǝngǝl‟s army

ras- The Highest Military Title

Shifta (Amh.)-Bandit

Timket (Amh.)-Epiphany

Wäyyzäro (Amh.)-Official title

V

Introduction

This thesis reconstructs a Political history of king Susǝnyos (1607-1632) in the post medieval Ethiopia. The end of 16th century became the starting point of this research because following the death of Śärsä Dǝngǝl in 1597, there had been power contention between the Monarch and the lords. This gave the lords to acquire a full authority to appoint and dismiss their officiers at will. To exercise monarchical power in the name of young king and make their governorship life long, the war lords and the nobility preferred to appoint Ya‟ǝqob, While Susǝnyos and Zä-Dǝngǝl was seriously disliked by them due to their political and legal maters and sensibility against injustice and oppression. Therefore Zä-Dǝngǝl was kept in chain on the island, while Susǝnyos turned himselfs in to a ruthless bandit. Hence For a long period, the country went in turmoil, disorder, and the power of Solomonic rule became weakened. However the accession of power by king Susǝnyos(1607-1632) in the early seventeenth century after as serious of battle, peace and order comparatively maintained under the Solomonic rule in the kingdom. Unfortunately king Susǝnyos inherited the kingdom that was weak and in turmoil, while due to various reason the king followed the official overthrow of the Orthodox basement and declared Catholicism as state official religion in 1622. This inturn brought uprising, civil war, political instability in the kingdom and in last the over throw of the king and the expulsion of the Jesuits made by king Fasilädäs (1632-1667).

Unfortunately during early period of his reign king Susǝnyos inherited the kingdom that was weak and a full of trouble. Therefore to maintain the unity of the kingdom, to secure his power and to modernize the society under European model as well as the frequent threat made by the internal and external power forced the king to request technical and military aid from European powers and also the king agreed that Catholicism as instrument to brought changes in the country.1This leads to the conversion of the king and establishment of Catholicism as state official religion in the kingdom in 1632. However attempt to force fully impose Catholicism up

1 አ ሇ ሙ፡ ሀ ይላ፣ ት ር ጉ ም፣ የ ኢት ዮ ጵ ያ ፡ ታሪ ክ ፡ የ አ ፄ ፡ ሱሰ ን ዮ ስ : ዜ ና ፡ መዋ እ ሌ ፡ (አ ደስ አ በ ባ ፡ ሲራክ ፡ አ ሳ ታሚ) (Alemu Haile, (Tran.)(Ethiopia’s History, the Chronicle of ase Susnǝyos), (Addis Ababa: Sirak Printing, 2005), p.16.

1 on the Society brought bloody civil war, uprising, political instability and overthrow of the king early in the 17th century.2

In the post medieval period, that means early in the seventeenth centuries, religious belief of Ethiopia was challenged by king Susǝnyos (1607-1632) adoption of Catholicism and subsequent presence of Jesuit missionaries.3As explained by TäkläSadik Makuriä this was due to Pedro Paez‟s persuasion and Jesuit description about the development and strength of western technology. To secure his power and to keep the kingdom against the internal and external threat early in his reign Susǝnyos request military and technical assistances to European.4 In addition Susǝnyos came to power in 1607, had the wish to reform the whole frame work of Ethiopian monarchy and society and determined to re-establish his authority, stability and law as well as order in the country with the help of European aid, but such aid was conditioned only through conversion as justified by the Jesuits.5

During the Solomonic period of Ethiopian history, the Christian highlands and the Muslim coast were in constant fighting, to control lucrative trade routes. Hence in the mid sixteenth century, the campaign of Ahmad Grañ, (1506-1543) defeated the Christian kingdom. However, with the help of the Portuguese army, the monarch was able to defeat Ahmad Grañ in1543 but at the end of the century the Christian monarchs had been greatly weakened.6 In addition the Oromo raids and the death of Śärsä Dǝngǝl in 1597 leads to power struggle between the war lords and the monarch in the kingdom early in the seventeenth century.7This in turn brought instability and seriously threatened the unity of the kingdom since the late16th and early 17th centuries. In addition this became responsible factor that enforces the successive Ethiopian kings including king Susǝnyos (1607-1632) to request military and technical supports from outside. However this later brought Jesuit missionaries to the royal court and the conversion of Ethiopian sovereign

2Ibid. pp.17-18. 3Mordechai Abir, Ethiopia and the Red Sea the Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region (London: Frankass, 1980), p.188. 4ተ ክ ሇ ፃ ዱቅ መኩሪ ያ ፡ የ ኢትዮጲያ ታሪክ ከአፄ ሌብነ ዳንግሌ እስከ አፄ ቲዎዳሮስ (አ ደስ አ በ ባ ) (TäkläSadik Mäkuria, The History of Ethiopia from ase Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl to ase Tewodros), (Addis Ababa, 1953), pp.130-131. 5Ibid, p.18. 6Christophor J. Tribe, Pedro Paez’s History of Ethiopia, (London: Ashgate/ The Hakluyt Society, 2011), p.501. 7Merid Wolä Aregay,”Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom from 1508 to 1708 with Special Reference to the Galla Migration and their Consequences”, Phd. Dissertation in History, SOAS (School of Oriental African Studies), London, 1971, p.354.

2 to Catholicism.8As Matteo Salvador state that in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, Ethiopia‟s relations with Europeans, were mainly in three aspects: diplomatic (1520-1526), military (1541-1543), and religious (1557-1632).9

Hence in 1520s, a Portuguese diplomatic mission was sent to Ethiopia to establish friend ship with its ruler, this was in response to an Ethiopian diplomatic mission which was sent by Queen Ǝleni in 1512.10Scholars mention various factors for the success of the Jesuit mission in the Christian court of Ethiopia in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. The internal turmoil in the royal court in one hand and the contribution of famous Jesuit missionaries in convincing Ethiopian sovereigns to conversion to Catholicism was the other. In this case the conversion of king Susǝynos to Catholicism and the over through of Orthodox Christianity as official religion can be understood as the climax of the Jesuit success early in the 17th century, however this intern created one of the worst moments in the history of the country and it leads to the instability of the kingdom and bloody civil war throughout the reign of king Susǝnyos.11

Also a great number of scholars agree that the genesis of the Jesuits‟ mission to Ethiopia was a discourse and a politico-religious construct based on the legend of the Prester John. In his notable work “Southern Ethiopia and Christian kingdom, Special Reference to the Galla Migration”, Merid Wolde Aregay state that for most contemporary Europeans and partly for those who wrote on Ethiopia, it was the country of the Prester John. 12 Pedro paez also strengthened the idea of Merid Wolde Aregay and state that the kingdom of Ethiopia was known by Europe as the Prester John.13

As well, Richard Pankhurst states that, the Portuguese diplomatic mission to Ethiopia paved the way for subsequent military and religious contacts in the early seventeenth century. This was an attempt made by Jesuit missionaries with the support of king Susǝnyos (1607-1632), to convert Ethiopian monophysites to the Roman Catholic faith. According to the author the diplomatic and

8 Christophor J., Tribe, Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.353. 9Matteo Salvador, “The Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John.” In Allison B. Kavey (Ed.), World Building and the Merely Modern Imagination, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), p.18. 10Sergew Hable Sellasie, “The Ge’ez letters of Queen Ǝleni and Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl to John King of Portugal” IV, CongressoInternationale di Studi Ethiopici,(Rome,1974), pp. 547-566. 11Leonardo Cohen and Andrew Martínez, Jesuits in the 16th and 17th centuries Ethiopia, Encyclopedia Æthiopica, Vol.3, 2007, pp.277-280. 12Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.18. 13Christopphor J., Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.11. 3 military relations between the two countries drew the attention of the Jesuit missionaries to Ethiopia throughout the reign of king Susǝnyos.14

The Jesuits and their missionary efforts received no official encouragement throughout the sixteenth century. However early in the Seventeenth century i.e. following the accession of power by king Susǝnyos (1607-1632), the Jesuit missionary received official background and involved in the Christian court. 15 Furthermore the king himself was attracted to the Jesuits expression of their technological developments, especially military techniques and theological arguments.16

Moreover Alemu Haile mentions on the translation of the Chronice of ase Susǝnyos that how king Susǝnyos encouraged his royal soldiers and court nobles to become Catholics. Gradually he started to suppress the sacred customs and practices of the Ethiopian church and replaced it with Roman Catholic practices, but his religious policy alienated him from his subject, clergy, nobility as well as opposition to the kings religious policy expressed itself in wide spread rebellions throughout the kingdom and the country was plunged in to a bloody civil war.17At the end forced Susǝnyos to abdicate his throne in favor of his son Fasilädäs (1632-1667), and he restored the Ethiopian church and expelled the Jesuits from the country. This ended up with the Jesuit era in Ethiopia and the beginning of Ethiopia‟s relation with Muslim neighbors.18

As already stated, scholars who produced documents on a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos in the early seventeenth century was not satisfactory and complete. Because the authors more emphasized on the advent of the missionaries, their contacts with the Christian court as well as their attempt to convert king Susǝnyos to Catholicism and his religious policy to make Catholicism as state official religion in the kingdom early in his reign. In this case they failed to forward a clear and detail information on a History of the seventeenth century king Susǝnyos. Therefore the period before his conversion to Catholicism and his role in the kingdom was overlooked. In order to reconstruct a History of the reign of king it is better to incorporate the two phases (a period before and after conversion) and the contribution of the king in maintaining

14Richard Pankhurst, Travelers in Ethiopia, (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 14. 15Christopphor J., Tribe (Tran), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.357-358. 16Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.14-15. 17Ibid, p.209. 18Richard Pankhurst, 1965, p.51.

4 peace, order under the Solomonic rule in the kingdom after a long period of turmoil following the death of Šärsä Dǝngǝl in 1597 and his rise to power. In addition, the conversion of king Susǝnyos and the consequences followed the declaration of Catholicism as state official religion in the kingdom early in the seventeenth century should be addressed. In this case the thesis attempt to explain the state of affairs of Ethiopia and the role played by the king in the Christian kingdom in the post medieval period and it propose a good understanding on a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos early in the 17th century.

Review of Related Literature

The most comprehensive account on a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos in the post medieval Christian kingdom is depicted in his chronicles. Azzäz Täklä Śelläse being nick named Tino mean small in Oromo language, was the author of the large portion of Susǝnyos chronicle. He clearly described the economic, political, cultural and military aspects of Ethiopia in the first half of the seventeenth century. However the chronicler gives an exaggerated emphasis for the war in which the king fought against royal contenders with the help of the Oromo and later on against the Oromo themselves.19 Mohamed Hassen also wrote a lot on the period. However he gives more attention to the pastoral Oromo movement, their progress and settlement in central and north eastern part of the kingdom as well as their consequences on the political land escape of the country during successive Ethiopian kings including king Susǝnyos early in his reign. In addition the author state that Susǝnyos came to the throne of Solomonic dynasty with an Oromo back ground.20

Also the royal chronicle mention Susǝnyos as the son of geräm Fasil, the grandson of king Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl(1540-1543), and his mother named Hamälmal Wärqu, the daughter of a provincial chief called Azäz Kolo.21As explained on the chronicle as, a child a group of Oromo fighters (Boran) killed his father and captured Susǝnyos, holding him captive for over a year until, he was rescued by Däǧǧazmaĉ Assäbo.22 As Pedro Paez mentioned on his work that during his captives, the Oromo treated Susǝnyos as their son and they supervised his early education and he learned the

19Toubkis Dimitri, “Täklä Śelässe”, Encyclopedia Æthiopica, (Vol.4), 2010, p.16. 20Mohammed Hassen, The Oromo and the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia1300-1700, Boydell and Brewer, Inc. 2015, p.259. 21Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos , p.2. 22Ibid. p. 9.

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Oromo language as well as grew up accordance with the Oromo culture, up on his rescue, Susǝnyos went to live with Queen Admas Mogäsa, the mother of king Śärǝsä Dǝngǝl(1563- 1597).23

As he grew up in an Oromo clan his exposure to the Oromo‟s way of life from his childhood and approach to the throne was contributed massively by them and, he used settlement of various Oromo tribes in the major provinces of the kingdom like Damǒt, Goǧǧam and Angǒt.24 However the initial relationship Susǝnyos had with the Oromo came to an end with his coronation in Aksum in 1607 Afterward; he divided the kingdom among his brothers.25

James Bruce a Scottish traveler who arrived in at the end of the 18th century on his work, A Travel to Discover the Source of Nile precisely explained, in 1590s Susǝnyos was perceived as one of the potential successors to the throne, while child he was taken prisoner by Borana Oromo who raided Goğğam in 1570s he became captives and also adopted in to the Oromo tribes.26 In addition explained on the chronicle that When king Śärǝsä Dǝngǝl died in 1597, the lords and other governors in the kingdom who feared Susǝnyos would ascend to the throne, tried to kill him, but he returned to his older friends, the Oromo for protection and shelter.27

James Bruce also states that the Oromo well accepted Susǝnyos as a prince and once again made him the leader of what as he was involved with them in raiding of different areas in the country like Dämbǝya, Bägemdǝr, and etc.28Marid Woldä Aregay also stated that with the help of the Oromo soldiers, Susǝnyos fought many battle against the lords and other pretenders to the throne early in his reign. In addition the author mentions that in the royal court king Susǝnyos had filled all the court military office with boys from among the Oromo and how large the number of units of Oromo warrior existed in the hands of the king‟s army.29

Balthazar Tellez narrates in his work that, when Susǝnyos came to power on 10 march 1607, after defeating ya‟ǝqob and other pretenders, he became the undisputed ruler of Ethiopia with the

23Christophor J. Tribe(Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.783. 24Täklä Sadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.128. 25Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p. 446. 26James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile in the years 1772-1773, Vol.3, Gregg International Publishers Limited, Reprinted, 1792, p.259. 27Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p. 10. 28James Bruce Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Vol.3, pp.193-197. 29Merid woldä Aregay, 1971, p.356.

6 throne name of Sǝltan Sägädǝ. But the reign of Susǝnyos was a full of troubles, he had constantly to struggle against the intrigues of discontented nobles and dignitaries who revolted against him.30In addition, Alemu Haile strengthened the idea and states that the reign of king Susǝnyos was unfortunately dominated by an attempt to reform the very foundation of Ethiopian society, culture, and government through a massive conversion to Catholicism and imposed assimilation of western culture with the help of foreign instructor and this in turn brought mass opposition in the kingdom early in the seventeenth century. 31

Furthermore, Mordechai Abir explains the causes for the opposition of most of Susǝnyos governors and relatives to his revolutionary concepts and reforms were due to an attempt made by the king to replace the governors from their position as he saw fit. Also the author state that religion became one of Susǝnyos major problem, this was a period when Catholic influence was greatly feared by the Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity.32 Susǝnyos reign was best known as the brief period in Ethiopian history when Roman Catholicism became the official state religion and the king himself became interested to Catholicism, this was due to Pedro Paez‟s persuasion and Susǝnyos hope for military and technical help against the various pretenders of his reign and the frequent threat which faced the king both internally and externally.33 Hence when he came to power in 1607, he had the wish to reform the whole frame work of Ethiopian monarchy and society, as well as to re-establish monarchial power, and order in the country with the help of European power and uses of their civilizations.34 Donald Crummy mentions on his work, Priest and Politician, the Catholic and Protestant Mission in Ethiopia, that a strong, intelligent, brave and able ruler and general had a wish to reorganize the kingdom on a fare strong foundation through care full and evolutionary reform of the administrative and military system as well as the church.35

Mordechai Abir states that, in the seventeenth and Eighteenth centuries many Muslim scholars and statesmen assumed the decline of their empires was the stagnation of their material culture and they want to copy western civilization. It was quite a common phenomenon by the

30Tellez, Balthazar, The Travel of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, (University of Lausanne, 1710), p. 175. 31Alemu Haile (Tran.), The chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.14-15. 32Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.189. 33Alemu Haile (Tran.), The chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.15-16. 34Ibid, pp.14-15. 35 Donald Crummy, Priests and Politician, Protestant and Catholic Missions in Orthodox Ethiopia1830-1868, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), p. 175.

7 nineteenth century rulers of Egypt and Ottoman Turkey. Hence the reforming sultan of the Ottoman Empire, Mahmud II(1808-1839) and Mohammed Ali(1769-1849) of Egypt attempt to re organize and share western technology, military aspects, material culture and educational system according to European mode.36Khedovrie Elie in his work, “Politics in the Middle East” writes that there attempt to re-organize their military, cultural systems according to European lines was to solve the empire‟s crisis, modernize the society and administration system in the country as well as to prevent foreign intervention, and restore peace.37

Alemu Haile mentioned in his translation of the chronicle and states that this became true in Ethiopia when Susǝnyos came to power early in the seventeenth century, he agreed on the description of the Jesuits about the Ethiopian ecclesiastic and nobility as well as the church as a cause for the stagnation of Ethiopia and its decline, and then the king attempted to replace its institution, the church with the new European culture. As the author state that he was fascinated to western power and material culture, gradually attracted to the Jesuits, their knowledge and teaching as well as way of life.38 In addition Mordechai Abir state that Jesuit description about the development of western technology, especially military techniques since the post medieval period was the object of admiration of successive Ethiopian rulers including king Susǝnyos(1607-1632). As he explains that the assumption of king Susǝnyos‟s conversion of the Ethiopian to Catholicism would brought more cohesive, stable and culturally advanced Ethiopia under the leader ship of the Solomonic monarch.39

In addition the arrival of the Portuguese and Jesuits in Ethiopia demonstrated the superiority of western Christian‟s, especially in the field of technology and war craft. In addition a Christian success against the Muslim in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean gave rise to an exaggerated notion of the power of Catholic nation. It was enhanced by Jesuit descriptions of the military strength, government, social system and wealth of Catholic rulers; hence Susǝnyos attempt to supplant the traditional institution by European model.40According to James Bruce a Scottish traveler who came at the end of the 18th century, Susǝnyos‟s close relations with the Jesuit and the increasing influence of Pedro Paez begun in 1610. Early in his reign Susǝnyos enjoyed not only listening to

36Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.204. 37Khedovrie Elie, Politics in the Middle East, (USA: Oxford University Press, 1992), p.39. 38Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.14-15. 39Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.204. 40Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.14.

8 the Jesuits theological discussions but also was greatly impressed by the description of European nations, their material and spiritual culture as well as their socio-political and military organization. He stated that king Susǝnyos had already opted for Catholicism in 1612.41

Mordechai Abir, on his notable book, Ethiopia and the Red Sea, the Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty, explain that since the 14th century, Ethiopian rulers had attempted to develop relation with Christian Europe:- Mainly to obtain the military and technical supports against a common anti-Muslim sentiments.42 In this regard king Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl and Queen Ǝleni sent letters to the king of Portugal about friend ships early in the 15th century. In addition king Śärsä Dǝngǝl also wrote a letter to the king of Portugal to request artisans, builders, and crafts men who could make guns for him early in his reign.43 However the contacts re-established early in the seventeenth Century‟s following the Jesuits description about increasingly centralized system of government in Europe at Christian court and the success of a small military force of Cristovao da Gama against the Muslim occasionally led Susǝnyos to contemplate requesting European military-technical aid against the Oromo and other pretenders early in the seventeenth century.44

It was obvious that from the earliest stage of their contacts with Europe the Ethiopian kings were expressed their desire to receive European technicians, Artisans, and especially interested in firearms. Getachew Haile also justified that even though the Monarchs desired to establish a strong military alliance with the Portuguese, but outside these cultural and diplomatic contacts a completely different interests pre-occupied the Jesuits. They sought to act as the agent of the sea of Rome.45Thus almost completely ignorant of the history and spiritual heritage of the Ethiopian church, this caused a lot of unnecessary bloodshed in the first part of the Seventeenth century and led to the expulsions of the Jesuit mission by king Fasilädäs (1632-1667) in 1632.46

Furthermore Leonardo Cohen, in The Missionary Strategy of Jesuit in Ethiopia mentioned that Ethiopia and the Portuguese begun to maintain formal relations towards the end of fifteenth century with the exchange of envoys between Lisbon and the Ethiopian court. Initially the

41Christophor, J. Tribe, Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, pp.337-360. 42Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.175. 43Alemu Haile(Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.14 44Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.177. 45Getachew Haile, The Missionary Factor in Ethiopia, (Berlin: Peter land, 1998), p.125. 46Donald Crummy, 1972, p.198.

9 contact with the Portuguese was perceived by Ethiopian ruler as good opportunity to save the Christian kingdom against the Muslim threats early in the sixteenth century.47

Taddesse Tamrat asserts that the Jesuit experience was very bitter for Ethiopian church and it naturally led the creation of very strong antipathy towards anything European for long time. During their short sojourn in Ethiopia, the Jesuits had done a great deal of damage and they had seriously disturbed the spiritual stability of the Ethiopian church. He also mentioned that after the official expulsion of the Jesuit mission, there was a very long period of intensive doctrinal controversies within the church which lasted for over two centuries. The controversies arose mainly from the need to examine the doctrinal positions of the church and to purify the church from possible external influences still lingering even after the expulsion of the missionaries. The opposition to the monarch‟s religious policy continued to spread throughout the country and the anti-Catholic party bided the opportunity to overthrow king Susǝnyos. The most series reaction to the monarch‟s religious policy continued to grow in his own family and his original supporters.48

Mordechai Abir stated that what king Susǝnyos and the fanatical Jesuit ignored was the strong correlations between Ethiopian church and ancient customs and traditions as well as the local socio-political system. 49 When Susǝnyos came to power in 1607, he had a wish to collect resources and consolidate his monarchical power. To achieve his goal king Susǝnyos made a movement towards the north, west, and in to the peripheral areas of the plateau towards the plain of Sudan. In addition his knowledge of Oromo warfare eventually enables Susǝnyos to re- establish his royal authority in the Oromo controlled territories.50

Furthermore a good number of scholars argue that the genesis of the Jesuit mission to Ethiopia was a discourse and a politico-religious construct based on the legend of the Prester John. The seventeenth century traveler Manuel De, Almeida on his Some Records of Ethiopia translated to English by C.F. Beckingham and G.W.B. Hunting ford asserted that Prester John was a common

47Leonardo Cohen and et ale., p.211. 48Tadese Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia (1270-1527), (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), p.166. 49Mordechai Abir, 1980, pp.203-205. 50Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, p.402. 10 name in Portugal and Europe for the king of the Abyssinia.51The first contact between Ethiopia and the Jesuit has been mentioned mainly on the Portuguese sources. However many of the Ethiopian documents concerning to Jesuits narrates little about the existence of foreigners who influenced the social life of Ethiopia.52 Matteo Salvador views about the advent of the Jesuit to Ethiopia and the rest of the world was the aim of extension of European idea. In addition it was the adoption of Catholicism and enforcement of political and cultural changes in the country.53

Also many scholars argue that the motive behind the presence of Jesuits in the sixteenth century post medieval Ethiopia was either response to the requests of military assistance to the successive Ethiopian king or to expand a westernization project. According to Donald Crummy the main reason that brought Catholic elements in Ethiopia was the atrocities which the Christian had faced at the face of the Muslim and the neighboring Oromo migration throughout the reign of Susǝnoys. 54 Mordechai Abir also strengthened the conversion led process of successive Ethiopian kings including king Susǝnyos was their admiration for military and technological developments of Europe since the post medieval period and the request for military assistance.55

However Friedlander Maria Jose in her Ethiopian Hidden treasures justified that the Jesuit mission in Ethiopia was a form of westernization which was the result of the counter between Catholicism and Protestant reformation. This idea is equally supported by Matteo Salvador who argues that the very existence of the Jesuits must be seen from wide range of westernization models a means of contacting the Euro-centric views of otherness, both rejects the military thesis. 56 Furthermore James Bruce insists that court instability and pressure to stabilize the kingdom leads to the recurrent political faction in Ethiopia and this helps the Jesuit to take an advantage. In addition Balthazar Tellez on his works the travels of the Jesuit in Ethiopia mentioned the role of Pedro Paez, the Spanish Jesuit in the court of king Susǝnyos in Ethiopia. He stated that Paez as one of the most successful as well as the most capable missionary that ever entered Ethiopia.

51Beckingham C.F. and Huntingford G.W.B. (Tran./ed.), Some Records of Ethiopia 1593 to 1646, Being Extracted from the History of High Ethiopia or Abyssinia by Manuel de Almeida together with Bahrey’s History of the Galla (London: Hakluyt Society,1954), p.97. 52Sergew Hable Sellasie, 1974, p. 547. 53Matteo Salvador, 2010, p.5. 54Donald Crummy, 1972, p.98. 55Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.181. 56Maria Jose Friedlander, Ethiopian hidden treasure, England, 2005, p. 61.

11

Also Herbert Thurston on his work, The Abyssinia and its Jesuit missionaries, mentioned detail about the role of Pedro paez in the court of Zä-Dǝngǝl (1603-1604), and Susǝnyos (1607-1632), he stated that Paez had acquired an extra ordinary personal influence over the King of his time until1632.57

In general the above review of literature emphasized more on the second phase of the reign of king Susǝnyos. That means a period after the conversion of the king to Catholicism and his religious policy to make Catholicism as official state religion in the country during the early seventeenth century. In this case the documents give us more information on the Jesuits, their contacts with the king and later their success in convincing the king to wards their faith. Hence the documents failed to for ward a clear and detail information on a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos in the post medieval Ethiopia. Therefore to reconstruct a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos, it is better to incorporate the two phases. In this regard, the study attempts to explain the state of affairs of Ethiopia during the reign of king Susǝnyos (1607-1632) early in the 17th century and fill the gap in reconstructing the history and propose a good understanding on a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos.

57Herbert Thurston, “Abyssinia and its Jesuit missionaries”, An Irish quarterly review, Vol. 24, (1935), p. 361.

12

CHAPTER ONE

POWE SUCESSION BETWEEN THE MONARCHS AND THE WAR LORDS AFTER THE DEATH OF ŚÄRŚÄ DƎNGƎL (1597 TO 1607/1608)

After the death of Śärśä Dǝngǝl in 1597, there was power struggle between the war lords and the Monarchs in the Christian court. As Merid Wolde Aregay describes on his study, Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom 1508-1708, with Special Reference to the Galla Migrations and their Consequences, the contention had been primarily to take the throne and exploit the revenues obtained from the districts and the regiments as well as to weaken the power of the Monarchy.58 In this case the objectives of the emergent war lords became to prohibit the king‟s claiming power and exercise their prerogative to dismiss and to appoint their officers at will.59 As Pedro Paez described that since he had no legitimate son with his legal wife, Queen Maryam Sena, Šärsä Dǝngǝl decided to leave the kingdom to his nephew called Zä-Dǝngǝl, the son of his brother Lǝsanä Krǝstos.60

However Following his death, a crisis of succession occurred; this was that king Śärśä Dǝngǝl did not have any sons with his wife (Maryam Sena) only daughters.61 Therefore the position was dominated by the queen and her sons-in law; ras Atnatewos of Bägemdǝr, ras KǝfläWähad of Tigre and Däǧǧazmač Zä-Sellassie.62In addition, to make their government lifelong, the war lords and the nobility found it necessary, to keep on the throne weak kings who could be easily dissuaded from exercising the power of their office as well as who lacks commitment.63 Hence, the war lords were quickly crowned the seven year old Ya‟ǝqob and the twenty years Zä-Dǝngǝl was exiled to an island in Lake Tana due to his commitment in political and legal matters and sensibility against injustice while Susǝnyos turned himself in to a ruthless bandit.64 For long times queen Maryam Sena, (the wife of king Śärśä Dǝngǝl), ras Atnatewos, and Däǧǧazmač Kflawahad, his son in-law and other great men governed and exploited the benefits of the

58Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.354. 59Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.10. 60Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.712. 61Ibid, p.713. 62TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.117. 63Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.713. 64Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.10.

13 kingdom. As Peaz state that in all this time there were no uprising because the lords and other great men did what they wanted at will.65 Until 1603, neither the lords nor itege maryam Sena was attempt to challenge Ya‟ǝqob‟s rule, however when he decided to actively assume power in 1603, those group who had placed him on the throne begun to over through and reject his rule and begun to defame his name among his supports and secretly brought Zä-Dǝngǝl from the place where they imprisoned.66

Initially following the death of king Śärsä Dǝngǝl in 1597, The war lords and the queen gave their allegiance to the candidacy of Ya‟ǝqob, the infant son by the Fäläśa princess Harago, was due to that Maryam Sena and her sons-in-law would get the opportunity to rule as they pleased with a child king and the desire to retain their hold on the reins of power.67 Hence Zä-Dǝngǝl was sent in to exile on an island in Lake Tana. Immediately Atnatewos and other lords began to form regency in the name of this weak king Ya‟ǝqob, therefore Atnatewos was declared himself as guardian of the king and itege Maryam Sena, ras KǝfläWähad and powerful Däǧǧazmač Zä- Selassie on a regency council joined Ya‟ǝqob and began to administer the provinces under their control.68 Even though abeto Zä-Dǝngǝl was seized and imprisoned on an island on Lake Tana, he would soon escape and flee to Goǧǧam where he went into hiding, while abeto Susǝnyos escaped and fled to the south where he took refuge with the Oromo people and turned himself in to a ruthless bandit (shifta).69 As pedro Paez state state that Ya‟ǝqob‟s attempt to terminate the regency and his attempt to run power by himself made the lords to executed a swift coup d‟état, to enthrone Zä-Dǝngǝl and exiled Ya‟ǝqob again to Ǝnariya.70 In the meantime Ya‟ǝqob‟s chief steward Za-Sellase, a Gurage who, came from the rank of the Qwerban, attempted to assume the power of a sole regent, he was banished from the court by the king.71

Hence the nobility begun to spread whisper that it was not right that such a young boy should be crowned and he was not old enough to be king. They also spread a rumor that the king had gone

65Christophor J. Tribe (Tran). Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, pp.713-714. 66Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.38. 67Ibid. 68Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.182. 69Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.359. 70Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, pp.726-727. 71Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.10.

14 insane.72 Soon both the nobility and the army were in provoke, and made the ing to flee to his mother‟s native Semen, but was captured and taken in chains to Ǝnariya in the custody of Däǧǧazmač Zä-Selassie. Then Ǝtege Maryam Sena and other lords sent out an aggressive search for abeto Zä-Dǝngǝl, and found him in Goǧǧam, and brought him back to court at Dänqäz, and crowned him as king of Ethiopia with the additional name of Atnäf Säggäd (1603-1604).73

When Zä-Dǝngǝl came to power in 1603 with a good understanding of the political situation and at the beginning of his reign, he attempted strengthening his position against the power full nobility and reestablished the monarchial authority, hence he involved of the creation of “king‟s army”(Mälak Hära) and arming of the peasantry at the beginning of 1604.74

According to Merid, the aim of the decree was to consolidate the power of the king, and to weaken and break the power of the lords.75 Due to this decrees all able bodied males irrespective of occupation, were to render military services when called to arms. As Merid Woldä Aregay, state that it was proclaimed that ‟‟all men are soldiers and the land pays tribute”76

According to Steven Kaplan the proclamation eroded the very foundation of the socio-political system of the country and would inevitably lead to a revolution in the power structure of Ethiopia.77 However, by its very nature Mäläk Hära did mean to be a regular army, but a militia and once the campaign was over the king allowed his peasant soldiers to return to their field.78 The aim of the Mälak Hära was to counter balance the power of the imperial guard and the lords.79In short from the above mentioned points Zä-Dǝngǝl‟s reforms immediately led to armed clashes between peasants and the lords and this also caused for his down fall.80

In addition following his accession to power, Zä-Dǝngǝl (1603-1604) developed a close relationship with the missionaries who had settled in Ethiopia before and he also requested

72TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.118. 73Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.727. 74Alemu, Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.40. 75Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p. 396. 76Ibid, p.437. 77Steven Kaplan, The Beta Israel (Falasha) in Ethiopia from Early times to the Twentieth Century, Nework, 1992, pp.90-91. 78Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, pp.377-378.

79Mordechai Abir, 1980, pp. 183-184. 80Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.41.

15 military and technical assistance from the king of Portugal and Rome to defeat the Oromo and other pretenders. 81 As a result the nobilities had spread rumor that king Zä-Dǝngǝl was a Catholic, and the Coptic Archbishop of the day, abuna Petros issued an edict anesthetizing anyone who continued in obedience to the king.82 Therefore ras Zä-Selassie took advantage of this edict of the Archbishop and raised rebellion marching north from Ǝnariya, in last Zä-Dǝngǝl was defeated and killed by Za-Sellasie and other dignitaries in 1604.83

After his death in 1604, some sought to restore ya‟ǝqob to the throne while other preferred to enthrone the warrior chief Susǝnyos, great grandson of King Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl (1508-1540). 84 Hence Atnatewos had made arrangements to crown abeto Susǝnyos, while Za-Sellasie and the Qwerban had sent their messenger to Ǝnariya to brought ya‟ǝqob.85 However for Zä-Sellasies‟s and the Qwerban soldiers, Susǝnyos was undesirable, because firstly he was the kind of warrior who would expect to be obeyed, and secondly because of his close association with the Oromo, which the professional soldiers, found unsavory. The rivalry between the two become so pronounced that much of the country was split in to two parties with the queen aligning herself with Zä-Sellasie whereas Atnatewos on the side of abeto Susǝnyos. 86 In order to win the allegiance of the queen and some other opponents, Susǝnyos sent messages to Ǝtege Maryam Sena, asking for forgiveness for any wrongs he might have committed against her. 87 As TäkläSädik Mäkuriä quoted that:

“Did you not grow up in my house just as Za-Dǝngǝl and Ya‟ǝqob grew up in my house? Of course I forgive you, but only if you promise to leave the nobles of ya‟ǝqob in peace with their properties and their titles, and if you promise to bury me at the Monastery of Mahderä Maryam which I have built, upon my death.” King Susǝnyos agreed to do as she asked and Ya‟ǝqob‟s loyalist gradually submitted to Susǝnyos.88 Following Susǝnyos coronation in 1604, immediately Za-Sellasie and the Qwerban soldiers asked Susǝnyos to lay down the crown in favor of Ya‟ǝqob. However once again the nobility and war lords sought to enthrone ya‟ǝqob, Susǝnyos was forced to escape and became a

81Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, pp.729-730. 82TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.120. 83Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.749. 84Ibid, pp.42-43. 85Steven Kaplan, 1992, p.90. 86Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.186. 87TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.127. 88Ibid.

16 bandit.89 Following this, king Ya‟ǝqob sought to pacify him by offering the governorship of Šäwa, Amhara, and Wäläqa.90 However Susǝnyos refused the offer and viewed himself as legitimate heir. So fighting broke out between the two camps and finally in March of 1607 Susǝnyos defeated his rivals (including ya‟ǝqob, Za-Sellasie and the abunä) and took the throne.91 As described by Pedro Peaz under Zä-sellasie‟s influence the nobility and other governors decided not crown a new king after the death of Zä-Dǝngǝl, but to share the kingdom among themselves, but they were unable to put their decision in to effect.92 Because Abeto Susǝnyos had a great deal of power these lead them not to be united and isolated from one another.93 After the death of Zä Dǝngǝl, Susǝnyos heard that the nobility divided the kingdom of his father‟s and also the kingdom failing in to ruins. At the time of the two kings that i.e. ya‟ǝqob and Za Dǝngǝl, Susǝnyos had not sought the governor ship, but only his father‟s land. However he saw that those evil princes had taken the kingdom from his two cousins, he was determined to accede to it. Therefore, Susǝnyos sent Abeto Bǝlä Krǝstos to speak to ras Atnatewos and the other governors and to persuade them to deliver the governor ship to him in place.94 However Za-sellasie and other governors were not interested to enthrone Susǝnyos, rather they should give it back to ya‟ǝqob, the son of king Śärsä Dǝngǝl. The reason was that Za-sellasie and other nobility feared that “if Susǝnyos was a king ras Atnatewos would be raised up very high and he would put them down and hinder them in their affairs. This was due to that, after they had killed king Zä-Dǝngǝl, they refused to give him the property that they had taken in the battle. In addition to this they saw that Abeto Susǝnyos had many servants who had accompanied him in his hunger and hard ships, if Susǝnyos became king, those servants would ask him for the lands that they held. ”therefore the nobility decided not give the throne to Susǝnyos rather to bring back king Ya‟ǝqob whom they had previously sent as a prisoner to Ǝnariya. 95 Hence Zä- Sellasie fearing Susǝnyos, the most likely candidate who had been raiding Ethiopia with his Oromo allies would constitute a worse threat to the power of the nobility and lords. So he

89Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.390. 90Steven Kaplan, 1992, p. 90. 91Leonardo Cohen, “Susǝnyos”, Encyclopedia Ethiopica, Vol.4, 2010, pp., 770-772.

92Ibid, p.795. 93Ibid. 94Ibid, pp.795-796. 95Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Peaz History of Ethiopia, p.796.

17 quickly gained general consent from other lords to restore ya‟ǝqob and messengers were sent to Ǝnariya to bring the ex -king.96

Therefore Preferring a young and weak king, In March 1605 the lords again swore allegiance to ya‟ǝqob and restored him on the throne but Susǝnyos was forced to escape across the Abbay River to Šäwa.97 Susǝnyos was still considered a rebel ever since he had fled itege Maryam Sena upon the first enthronement of ya‟ǝqob and until his death in March 1607 were marked continuous struggle for power between Suǝnyos and the lords.98 Beyond this power struggle, the nobility‟s interest to govern and control respective provinces under their effective control and the Oromo raids drew Ethiopia a minimal degree of stability throughout the period of anarchy.99While Ethiopia no longer functioned as a centralized state rather a confederation of voluntarily co-ordinated provinces under a symbolic central authority.100 In this case some lords started to govern and rule different province under their privilege, among those Atnatewos and Kǝfläwähad, the strongest of the war lords used their positions as regent to impose their will up on other governors.101

Therefore Atnatewos was appointed as governor of Goǧǧam and involved himself with the consolidation of his rule and creation of substantial army of retainers.102 Whereas Kǝfläwähad appointed governor of Tigre, sharing the various offices with his close relatives, also Maryam Sena had restored her family in Shire, by giving the district to Sǝbhat La‟ab, the son of Yǝshaq.103 Bägǝmdǝr continued under Wäldä Krǝrstos, while Wäläqa was governed by Bǝ‟la Krǝrstos, Amhara also remained under the governorship of Yona‟ǝl.104

Merid Woldä Aregay pointed out two basic results that followed period of anarchy: first the absence of the existence of a strong monarchy with a centralized government. According to the

96Tellez Balthazar, 1710, pp.175-210.

97TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.122. 98Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.85. 99Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp.359-360. 100Mordechai Abir, 1980 p.181. 101Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.359. 102Ibid, p.360. 103TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953 p.118. 104Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.360.

18 author this in turn helped the war lords to set their sphere of influence on their respective districts. Secondly, the regency had not only risen and strengthens the power and prerogative of the nobility but also allowed them to enjoy hereditary privileges in the kingdom.105 In addition the hostility between the monarchs and the war lords made the positions of the former less secure and put the country in turmoil and increased lawlessness throughout in the country in the last period of Śärsä Dǝngǝl reign (1563-1597).106

One factor for the dissatisfaction of the Qwerban soldiers during the period of regency was the absence of any kind of excitement among the soldiers in the court of Maryam Sena. The officers were no longer among the central figures of the court, the regency was dominated by satisfied nobility and the court had ceased to be the center of either political or military activity. First the Qwerban units and the regiments associated with them had been commanded by Śärsä Dǝngǝl, however after his death the soldiers had no leader who could represent their interest in the court.107

After Zä-Sellasie serving as retainer for several noblemen and become chief of Ya‟ǝqob‟s stewards he was accepted in to one of the Qwerban units as their leader. At the very beginning of his reign in 1603 ya‟ǝqob decided to end the regency and also attempted to strengthen his position against the inevitable opposition of the nobility by winning the allegiance of the Qwerban. Hence the king freed Za-Sellasie and appointed him over Dämbǝya and Wägara, where most of the units lived; even Ya‟ǝqob gave him his sister in marriage, hoping to attach closer to himself. But later Za-Sellasie himself, the queen and other lords removed Ya‟ǝqob from the throne and replaced him by Zä-Dǝngǝl (1603-1604).108

In general during the period of regency the power of Christian court was dominated by the queen and other emergent war lord‟s and nobility. Hence the power of the monarchy become less secure and weakened, however it maintains the privileges of the lords and strengthen their positions in the kingdom. This in turn increased lawlessness and turmoil in the country, but

105Ibid, p.362. 106Tellez Balthazar, 1710, pp.171-175. 107Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.175. 108Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.366.

19 coming to power of Susǝnyos in 1607, following the defeat of different lords, he relatively maintained peace and order in the country.

1.1 RISES TO POWER OF SUSƎNYOS (1597-1607)

According to Pedro Paez Susǝnyos I, throne name Šǝltan Säggäd, was king of Ethiopia (r.1607 1632) and was the son of Abeto Fasilädäs the great grandson of aśe Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl (r.1508-1540) and wäyzäro Hämalmäl Wärqu the daughter of a provincial chief called Azäz Qolo.109Manuel de Almeida a Portuguese Jesuit who lived in Ethiopia during Susǝnyo‟s reign, described him as tall, with the features of a man of quality, large handsome eyes "and an ample and well groomed beard.110 TäkläSadik Mäkuria, state that the birth of Susǝnyos was among the more interesting stories of the monarchs of Ethiopia and quoted as follow.

‹‹ገ ራሚ ፋሲሌ ሱስንዮን እንዳት እንዯወሇደት ክቡር ተክሇጻዴቅመኩሪ ያየ ሚነግሩን አንዴ የ ሚስብ አባባሌ አሊቸው እንዯህ ይነ በባሌ፡ ፡ ገ ራሚ ፋሲሌ ወዯ ወንዴሜ (የ አጎ ትሌጅ) ወዯ ዏፄ ሰርጸ ዴንግሌ ሌሂዴ ብሇው ከሸዋ ተነ ስተው ጎ ንዯርሄዯው፡ በዏፄ ሰርጸ ዴንግሌ ቤት ተቀመጡ፡፡ ገ ራም መባሊቸውም፡ ውስጥ ውስጡን፡ ብሌኅ ሆነ ው፡ ሳሇ ባነ ጋገ ራቸው ሞኝና ባሊገ ር ስሇሚመስለ ነው ይባሊሌ፡ ፡ ከዕ ሇታት አንዴ ቀን ሇእቴጌ ማርያም ሥና (ያፄሰርጸዴንግሌባሇቤት) ኮሶተጣባኝ ብሇው ቢነ ግሯቸው እቴጌም ‹‹ምንም ሞኝ ቢሆን የ ነ ጋሢ ሌጅ አይዯሇምን? በገ ረዴ እጅ አይጠጣም›› ብሇው ሏመሌማሊዊት የ ሚባለ የ ጨዋ ሌጅ በእሌፍኛቸው ተጠብቀው የ ሚኖሩ ስሇነ በሩ፤ ፋሲሌን ኮሶ አጠጪው አሎቸው፡፡ አጠጧቸው፡፡ ፋሲሌ ግን ጎ ሌምስው ነ በር ናሏመሌማሊዊትን ተገ ናኗቸው፤ ሱስንዮስም ተፀ ነ ሱ፡ ፡ እቴጌም ‹‹የ ፅ ንስ መሌክት አየ ሁብሽ›› ቢሎቸው‹‹ እኔ የ ምኖር ከርስዎ እሌፍኝ ነ ው፤ ትንኝ ሆኖ ገ ባን ?›› አሎቸው፡፡ እቴጌም ጊዜ ይግሇጠው ብሇው ዝምአለ፡ ፡ ከ፮ ወር በኋሊ ፅ ንሱ ስሇገ ፋ ‹‹ትንኝን ሆኖ ገባ አሊሌሽኝም ነ በርን ? እውነቱ ንንገ ሪ አሇዚያ አስገ ርፍሻሇሁ›› ቢሎቸው ከገ ራም ፋሲሌ መፀነ ሳቸውን ገ ሇጹ፡ ፡ እቴጌም ‹‹ከቤትዎ የ ሚወሇዴ ሌጅ መንግስታዎን ይወርሳሌ›› የ ሚሌ ንግር ይሰሙ ነ በርና ‹‹ፋሲሌ ሞኝ መስል መጥቶ የ ኔ ን መንግስት ሉያፈርስ ነ ውን? ቶልፈሇጉ›› ቢለ ፋሲሌ አስቀዴሞ ነ ገ ሩን ሰምተው ነ በርና ከዚያ ተነ ስተው ወዯ አያታቸው ወዯ እቴጌ ሰብሇ ወንጌሌ አገ ር ወዯ ጎ ጃም ተሻገ ሩ፡ እቴጌም ሱስንዮስ ዕ ውር ሆነ ው እንዱወሌደ ሏመሌማሊዊትን ሆዶን እሻት ብሇው የ ጤፍ ገ ሊባ በሙቅ ውሃ እያስነ ክሩ ሆዲቸውን አሻሻቸው፡፡ ሏመሌማሊዊትም ወዯ ዘ መድቻቸው ወዯ ጎ ጃም ተሊሌከው ኖሮ ከጎ ጃም ወገ ኖቻቸው መጥተው ስርቀው ግን ዯበረት ወስዯው አስቀመጧቸው፡፡ በዚህ ሱስንዮስ ቢወሇደ ዕ ውር ይሆናለ የ ተባለት ዏይናቸው የ አጥቢያ ኮክብ መስሇው ተወሌደ፡ ፡ በነ ገ ሱ ጊዜ ያይናቸውን ማማር ሇማስዯነ ቅ በዘ መኑ የ ነ በረ ባሊ ቅኔ እንዱህ ስሌ ተቀኘ፤

ምስሇ ሰብአ ሮሚ ወጽርእ ሇእመ ነ በርከ፤

109Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.783.

110C.F. Beckingham and G.W.B. Huntingford,(Eds), 1954, p.97.

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እም አምሊኩ በኮከብ አይንከ፡ ፡

ትርጓሜ፤ የ ጽርእና (ግሪክ) የ ሮም ሰዎች በወንጌሌ ሳያምኑ በኮከብ ያመሌኩ ስሇነ በር ሱስንዮስ ከነ ሱጋር ያን ገዜ ብትኖር ኖሮ ዓይንህን ኮከብ መስሎቸው ባመሇኩት ነ በር ማሇት ነ ው፡፡ ››111

Meaning the birth of Susǝnyos was among the more interesting stories of the monarchs of Ethiopia while abeto Fäsilädas decided to leave Šäwa and enter the service of his first cousin king Śärsä Dǝngǝl home. According to the author his father was known by a nickname Gǝräm, which translates to “confused“ and he cultivated an image of being confused and slow, a front to hide that in reality, he was a very smart and calculating man. Once people realized that he was far from the simpleton he liked to portray himself as, they began to refer to him as “Gǝräm.”112 Ones upon time he fell ill with tapeworm and needed treatment with the harsh kosso remedy.113Then Ǝtege Maryam Sena had brought him to her residence to be nursed, and the job was delegated to a young noblewoman in her service named Hamälmälawit. She was responsible for making sure and was brought up in the queen‟s household in purity and respectability.114 However Gǝräm was in the age of maturity and seduced the innocent young girl and she became pregnant. When she showed signs of pregnancy after six months, Maryam Sena began to interrogate her as to whether she was with child.115 TaklaSadik Makuria quoted that:

“Your Majesty, I live guarded in your household, would a man enter here as a flea?” Then Maryam Sena, the wife of Śärsä Dǝngǝl is said to have replied that “time would tell us.”116

Gradually when it became obvious that Hamälmälawit was indeed with child, Ǝtege threatened her with a severe flogging unless she revealed what man had dared to violate hers household. When the fearful girl revealed that it was Gǝräm Fasilädäs, the queen became truly alarmed. She had once been told by a soothsayer that one born in her household, but not of her house would inherit the throne.117 Maryam Sena only gave daughters to Śärsä Dǝngǝl but no sons. She was now faced with a possible future claimant having been conceived under her very nose while

111Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.8-9. 112Ibid. 113Ibid, p.8. 114Ibid. 115TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.125.

116Ibid. 117Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp. 8-9.

21 gǝräm Fasilädäs fled before the queen could have him arrested, and went to Goǧǧam.118Then itege ordered that Hamälmälawit‟s belly to be massaged with the chaff of Teff grain dipped in water.119 It was believed that this would cause the baby to be born blind, thus eliminating him from succession to the throne.120 However, Hamälmälawit was able to send messages to her relatives who were able to rescue her and help her escape to Gindä Beret where she gave birth to her son, who was not blind, much to his mother‟s relief.121 The child was named Susǝnyos and given the honorific of abeto. Once news of the birth of this new prince arrived, Śärsä Dǝngǝl insisted that the boy be brought to court and raised as a prince.122

In addition as Pedro Paez explained that while Susǝnyos was brought up at his father‟s residence in Goǧǧam, around 1570s, the Oromo called Boran attacked the area killing Fasilädäs and several others, and then Susǝnyos was taken captive and resided amongst the Oromo for a year and a half.123 During that period, Susǝnyos learned the Oromo culture, customs, language and their ware fare.124 Also Alemu Haile explain in the Chronicle, that during his youth a group of Boran Oromo had carried out a raid in to Goǧǧam, and his father prince Fasilädäs, had been killed, Susǝnyos himself had survived and treated him as their son .125While Susǝnyos was in captive, the Oromo went to the land of Damǒt to fight with Däǧǧazmač Asbo, unfortunately this Oromo group gives the battle, and they were defeated and imprisoned. According to Pedro Paez Daǧǧazmač Asbo ordered those to bring Susǝnyos. As the author state that he promised that if they brought him the son of abeto Fasilädäs, he would release them and send them freely to their lands peacefully and other wise he would kill them.126 In this case Susǝnyos was released by Daǧǧazmäč Asbo, upon his rescue, he went to live with Queen Admäs mogäsa the mother of Śärsä Dǝngǝl and she received him well and he learned religious doctrine.127 Later he stayed in

118Ibid, p.9. 119TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.126. 120Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.9.

121TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.126. 122Alemu Haile, (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.9. 123Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro paez History of Ethiopia, p.783. 124Alemu Haile(Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos,p.9

125Ibid.

126Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.783. 127Alemu Haile (Tran), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.9.

22 the lands that his father‟s had in Goǧǧam. Though the nobilities and other great men‟s of the kingdom did not give him all of them and they were not interested to give him recognition. Therefore Susǝnyos joined with some of the Oromo group called Boran and began to attack different parts of the kingdom with them early in his reign.128 While the nobility and other governors of the kingdom were attempted to seize Susǝnyos, the son of abeto Fasilädäs. However he was on hearing this, he left by another trail towards Abbay.129

As Merid Woldä Aregay stated that when king Śärsä Dǝngǝl died in 1597 he ordered Zä-Dǝngǝl (the son of Lǝsan Kǝrstos) to be his heir, due to his literary achievements and his commitment in political matters.130 However following his death the queen and other lords rejected him and enthroned young king Ya‟ǝqob and at the same time Susǝnyos become a potential claimant to the throne.131 Consequently Susǝnyos was deemed to be a threat by the leading nobles who contrived to exploit the experience of the new sovereign ya‟ǝqob, since 1597 to 1607 he was forced to take refuge and become bandit and lived the peripatetic life.132After Susnǝyos, was brought up at his father's residence in Goǧǧam, while he was still a child, Goǧǧam was attacked by the non- Christian Oromo, who had begun invading Ethiopia from the south, and were now posing a serious threat to the country.133

Following the accession of his young illegitimate son ya‟ǝqob (r.1597-1603), also known as Mäläk Säggäd II, the fortune of Susnǝyos changed.134 In order to eliminate Susǝnyos from the competition, itege Maryam Sena(the wife of king Śärsä Dǝngǝl) forced him to exile, but Susǝnyos managed to escape and find refuge amongst the Oromo, at the death of his one-time ally, abeto Zä-Dǝngǝl, he was proclaimed his successor and returned to the realm, he started fighting against the nobility and king Ya‟ǝqob.135

128Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.785. 129Ibid, p.786. 130Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp.357-358. 131 Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.90. 132Ibid.

133James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Vol.3, pp.287–289.

134Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.358.

135C.F. Buckingham and G.W.B. Hunting ford (Eds), 1954, p.613.

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He was now a possible claimant to the throne, and as such a threat to the ambitions of the chief nobles of the realm who hoped to exercise power themselves during the young king's minority and to escape from them, Susnǝyos took refuge in Goǧǧam and Šäwa, and had to lead the wandering life of a bandit prince with a few faithful followers. 136 In September 1603, king ya‟ǝqob, whom the nobles disliked because of his interest to show sign of independence, was exiled to Ǝnariya, and another cousin, Za-Dǝngǝl (r.1603-1604) succeeded him briefly. 137 Throughout the period of his two cousins Susnǝyos refrain from claiming the throne, but merely asked for the return of his father's land, in Goǧǧam.138

After the battle of Gol, Susnǝyos became the undisputed ruler of Ethiopia, with the throne of Sǝltän Säggäd.139He became king after Ethiopia had been ruled for some years by a clique of nobles, and therefore he decided to establish his authority firmly. To achieve his goal, Susǝnyos replaced former governors and administrators with his own relatives and faithful supporters, like his brothers ras Sǝ'la Krǝstos, Däǧǧazmač Hafa Krǝstos, ras Yämänä Krǝstos, and Melkä Krǝstos.140

Susǝnyos, who was later to be enthroned under the name of Negus Sǝltän Säggäd, led, as a young man, a nomadic raiding life and knew quite well aware of Oromo culture and way of life.141 When he came forward with his claim to substitute the appointed king Ya‟ǝqob, his legitimacy was questionable. As James Bruce precise that Susǝnyos steps towards legitimacy took various forms: he apparently succeeded in sustaining Oromo invasions and imposing himself as a war-lord against other factions, he managed the conversion to Christianity of some of the Oromo and Agäw groups, and was symbolically enthroned in the old capital of the ancient Aksumite Kingdom.142

Susǝnyos was crowned king of Ethiopia at Qeranio Medhane Alem Church in Goǧǧam with the additional name of Sǝltän Säggäd around 1607.143As the author state that When Susǝnyos came

136Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971 p.430. 137Mordechai Abir,1980, p.180. 138Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.42. 139Tellez Balthazar, 1710, p.170. 140TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.127. 141Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.167. 142James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of Nile, Vol.3, p.153. 143Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.12.

24 to power, he had a huge public relations problem and the clergy regarded Susǝnyos as the murderer of the Archbishop abuna Petros in the history of the Christian kingdom.144 According to Mohammed Hassen one of the most shocking events happened to the court and the clergy were an attempt made by Susǝnyos to consolidate his power and settling friendly Oromo, who support him during his banditry from the Barentu and Borena tribes in Goǧǧam, Bägemdǝr and, granting them lands145 That had previously been granted to the Monastery of Debrä Sematat (House of Martyrs) by king Gälawdewos, and to Mahdere Maryam Monastery by Queen Silus Haile and this created grievance among the clergy and nobility.146

To conclude Susnǝyos spent most of his formative years in banditry, a nomadic raiding life with the Oromo and strengthening his monarchial powers against the nobility and other great men of the kingdom. After he came to power, he adopted a policy of replacing the former governors and administrators with his close relatives and brothers. In addition following his accession he had huge public problems and was considered by the clergy as the murderer of the abun. Also his close relation with friendly Oromo, who played a great role to his enthronement and settling them in Goǧǧam, Bägǝmdǝr, and granting lands that previously granted to the churches by different Ethiopian rulers, became cause for the grievance of most of the clergy in the country throughout his reign. Hence the rise of Susǝnyos did not result in a universally accepted monarch assuming the throne, rather rival claimants, pretenders and discontented clergy continued to plague Susǝnyos throughout the early years of his reign.

1.2 PRETENDERS TO SUSƎNYOS POWER AND THEIR DEFEAT EARLY IN HIS REIGN

As Pedro Paez state that in the first two years of king Susǝnyos‟s reign approximately there had been sixteen or eighteen pretenders were proclaimed king in various parts of the country.147 One pretender who caused the kings serious concern was the false ya‟ǝqob of Tigre, also the author state that this pretender was the first of several imposter who claiming to be the late

144Ibid, p.15. 145Mohammed Hassen, 2015, p.274. 146TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.128. 147Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.879.

25 ya‟ǝqob.148As well, TäkläSadik Mäkuria precisely explained that when Susǝnyos(1607-1632) came to power, a pretender appeared at the Monastery of Debrä Bizen (in modern day Eritrea),who named Amdo and his face covered in bandages, claiming to have been severely wounded in the face during a great battle and also a pretender announced that he was the dead king Ya‟ǝqob.149

Pedro Paez also state that when the monks continued to interrogate him, the pretender announced that he was in fact king Ya‟ǝqob, who had been wounded in battle against Susǝnyos, but who had been miraculously saved and brought to Debrä Bizen by the protection of the Lord.150 According to TaklaSadik Makuria Soon news of this man who claimed to be king Ya‟ǝqob spread like wildfire across the north and a rebellious army was raised in Semen on his behalf. When Sǝla Krǝstos, brother of king Susǝnyos who was governor of Tigray attempted to crush and imprisoned the “false ya‟ǝqob, the pretender escaped and fled to Hamasen to raise yet another rebellion. 151 When the king and his brother had marched south to fight an Oromo uprising, at the end the pretender was defeated and killed by the soldiers left by Sahlǝ Christos to protect Tigray. The author also state that pretender (false ya‟ǝqob) was then revealed to have actually been an adventurer from Egypt.152

In addition another threat to Susǝnyos power came in the person of räs Zä-Selassie. Since the time of a regency Za-Sellasie had wish to seize a full power and authority in the Kingdom.153 As well mentioned by the author that the only thing excluded Zä-Selassie from seizing the throne was his lack of royal blood.154ras Za Selassie tried to engage Susǝnyos in battle, but he failed and, his army wiped out and barely escaping with his life, latter ras Zä-Selassie sued for peace, and submitted to Susǝnyos.155 Alemu Haile state that ras Zä-Selassie had been overheard during a drinking indulge to say “Just as I have brought ya‟ǝqob and Zä-Dǝngǝl down from the throne, so shall I bring Susǝnyos down.”156 As TäkläSadik Makuriä forward that this comment brought

148Ibid, pp.881-882. 149TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.132. 150Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.882. 151TäkläSadik Mäkuria,1953, p.132 152Ibid. 153Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.10-11. 154Ibid. p.11. 155Christophor, J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.741. 156Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.12.

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Zä-Selassie to immediate arrest and imprisonment on Amba Urey, however he escaped and joined other rebellious band and led a raiding in Goǧǧam for a few months, but he was defeated and killed by a band of Oromo tribes who were loyal to the king, and his head was cut off and presented by them to Susǝnyos. 157 Pedro Paez also states that this was not the end of the rebellions against Susǝnyos. The author also mentioned that after Susǝnyos formal coronation at Axum, the governor of Wägara, Melkasediq, announced that he was raising the flag of rebellion on behalf of abeto Arzon, a grandson of king Minas, whom he proclaimed himself as a king and the unit in Bägǝmdǝr and Dämbǝya were allied with the pretender and brought a serious threat up on Susǝnyos early in his reign.158

As Merid Woldä Aregay state that the rebellion was a serious threat to the king, but after several attempt; the pretenders were defeated by Susǝnyos‟s brother ras Yämänä Kǝrstos.159 beside all these rebellions, king Susǝnyos and his supporters blamed the clergy and the nobility as the cause for all these rebellion and also suspected them engaging in a whisper campaign against him and giving support first to ras Zä-Selassie, and then to Melkatsediq of Wägara and other pretenders to the throne, like abeto Arzon, forced them not to form smooth relationship throughout the first year of his reign.160

Another important group who play significant role during the reign of Susǝnyos was the Oromo. They had fought on the sides of Susǝnyos before his rise to power, but after a decade at the helm, some Oromo groups begun to threat the kingdom and his power, he managed to fight with them.161Susǝnyos also launched several unprecedented fierce campaigns against the other non- Christian group. Following battles in Lasta, Bägemdǝr, and Goǧǧam between 1607 and 1615, mainly Agäw were either enslaved or exterminated. Also the king devised a systematic plan for Christianizing the Agäw which was presided over by his Jesuit allies. Further Susǝnyos made a campaign to wards different area mainly the need for resources, the campaigns were also

157TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, pp.131-132. 158Christophor, J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia,, pp.890-892. 159 Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.399. 160Ibid. 161 Mohammed Hassen, 2015, p. 222.

27 essential to solidifying the kingdoms central authority on the periphery and its territorial integrity.162

1.3THE RISE OF SUSƎNYOS AGAINST YA’ƎQOB AND ZA-DENGEL (1603-1607)

According to Pedro Paez Since the time in which the nobility and other great men including ras Za sellasie decided to give the throne to Ya‟ǝqob again in 1603 , Susǝnyos fled to Wäläqa to avoid imprisonment, and joined a Karayu band of the Oromo and began to raid different parts of the provinces, like Bägemdǝr, Dämbǝya, and Goǧǧam. Hence in order to stop his devastating attack and to form smooth relation with him, king Ya‟ǝqob and other lords requested him to give the governorship of Wäläqa, Šäwa and parts of Goǧǧam but he refused the offer and continued his war against the nobility and king Ya‟ǝqob saying that “behold, God has given me the Kingdoms of my forefather‟s and has placed me on its chair”.163 As the author state that when this letter arrived to the great men and other governors of the kingdom, all were very afraid and resolved send the ichegé-the abbot of Debra Libanos and Abba Amd Haimanot to go and make peace with Susǝnyos behalf of king Ya‟ǝqob.164 While came to power, ya‟ǝqob attempt to form agreement and friendship with abeto Susǝnyos, because he was very strong and he would not be able to contact with him. In this case ya‟ǝqob send Ǝtege Hamalmal Worqu, the mother of Susǝnyos to conclude peace and agreement with her son.165 In this manner ya‟ǝqob would give Susǝnyos the land of Amhara, Walaqä and Säwa as well as his father‟s lands. In this perspective king Ya‟ǝqob thought this as a good idea to maintain peace with Susǝnyos. However he replied that he had not been given the kingdom by men, but by God, and could not abandon it.166

In addition Susǝnyos called the former regent and ruler of Bägemdǝr, ras Atnatewos, to appear before him and pay homage. Also he sent messengers to ras Za-Sellasie to obtain his willingness, including many of the nobility. However Ya‟ǝqob‟s arrival in 1605, changes the attitude of the lords and Atnatewos himself and ras Za-Sellasie gave their allegiance again to

162Steven Kaplan, 1992, pp.82-93. 163Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.797. 164 Ibid, 165Ibid, p.800. 166Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.11.

28 king Ya‟ǝqob. 167 When those lords started to give there swore allegiance to the late king, afterward abeto Susǝnyos was forced to escape and fled to Šäwa.168However well aware of how much the force of abeto Susǝnyos become more strong and power full king Ya‟ǝqob, agreed to offer Susǝnyos half of Amhara, all of Šäwa and Wäläqa to end his rebellions and aggressive attack.169 However, claiming himself as legitimate king Susǝnyos refused by sending the King a message that “All of Ethiopia has been given me by God, so I refuse this sort of offer from you.”170

In last the forces of king Ya‟ǝqob and abeto Susǝnyos met in battle, probably at Čäčäho Ber, once the victory goes to abeto Susǝnyos and king Ya‟ǝqob was defeated and his force became disintegrate. However the fighting again intensified and the Command was assumed by the Coptic Archbishop, abunä Petros, who raised his cross in his hand and ordered a new charge.171 As the battle intensified, one of the king‟s soldiers shot and killed the abune, and finally the army of King Ya‟ǝqob collapsed and fled.172 Following the battle Gedewon, the son of king Ya‟ǝqob was defeated and killed by Susǝnyos army in his attempt to rebel against the king, while abeto Tsega Krǝstos, Ya‟ǝqob‟s younger son, fled to Sennar in Sudan and made an attempt to launch an attack on Susǝnyos, however he was failed of several years later.173

In addition behalf of abeto Kǝflä Maryam and abeto Meteko, Gedewon the leader of the Falaśa in Semien and uncle of king ya‟ǝqob was inspiring a revolt claiming that both as legitimate King as the son of Śärsä Dǝngǝl and Ya‟ǝqob. But Susǝnyos marched out and defeated the Fäläśa‟s, capturing both abeto Kǝflä Maryam and abeto Meteko, later both were beheaded at Susǝnyos‟s order. In general On 10, March 1607, Susǝnyos ultimately waged war at the battle of Gol, Ya‟ǝqob become defeated and killed.174

After the battle of Gol, he became undisputed ruler of Ethiopia, but inherited the kingdom with a full of trouble. The king was constantly forced to tend off the intrigues of discontented nobles

167Ibid. 168TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.122. 169Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.185. 170Alemu Haile(Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.11 171Ibid. 172TäkläSadik Makuriä, 1953, pp.122-123. 173Ibid. p.123. 174Ibid. p.122.

29 and dignitaries, including several of his own relatives whom he had personally removed from their position and imposters claiming to be the late ya‟ǝqob. In addition from the very outset, the reign of king Susǝnyos was embroiled in bitter struggles against assorted prophets and religiously inspired insurrectionist movements, which challenged the king‟s authority.175

In general defeating Ya‟ǝqob, Zä-Sellasie and other pretenders, king Susǝnyos, was crowned in Goǧǧam and to reassume the power, and to bolster his legitimacy, he was anointed at the church of Aksum, the ancient coronation site of Ethiopian Kings, and took the name of Sǝltän Säggäd I in 1607.176

1.4 PLACE OF KING SUSƎNYOS (ROYAL RESIDENCES) AND ITS DESCRIPTION

For long time the court of the Christian king was mobile that means moved from place to place because of various reasons. The king moves his camp either to deter his rival‟s i.e. to wage war on different opponents, or to enforce the inhabitants of a given provinces to pay tributes as well as to recruit troops and royal guards from the entire territories.177 Due to this and other reasons the royal court moves from one place to another throughout the reign of king Susǝnyos.178The chronicles of Susǝnyos allows us to observe the movement of the royal place on two temporal levels: that of the entire reign and that of each year. As Tadase Tamrat explains that during the dry season the court was visited by many people from the different provinces because the time makes the journey easy. In this case the royal camp had an important integrative function in bringing together thousands of people of different linguistic, ethnic, and religious affiliation.179

As D. Toubkis and H. Pennec noticed that:

175Mohamed Hassen, 2015, pp.249-253..

176Tellez Balthazar, 1710, p.175. 177Tadesse Tamrat, “The Horn of Africa: The Solomonids in Ethiopia and the States of the Horn of Africa”, UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol.4, Africa from 12th to the 16th century, p., 437. 178Dimitri Toubkis, Reflection on the Notions of the Empire and Kingdom in the Seventeenth Century Ethiopia: Royal Power and Local Power, Journal of modern History, Brill, 2009, pp., 12-15.

179Taddesse Tamrat, p. 437.

30

“One level of the reign allows us to retrace the successive displacement of the center of gravity of royal place from one point another. After his definitive victory against King Ya‟ǝqob on March, 1607, King Susǝnyos laid siege to the sites of power and took possession of the camp of Qogä, which had been the head quarters of his predecessors. The courts remain there until 1609, when he moved it to Däkäna (1609-1611). Susǝnyos also subsequently moved to Gorgora (1611-1618) and finally to Dänqäz (1618-1632), it becomes the place of the King until the end of his reign. Also they justified that the regions that border Lake Tana to the north and to the east appears as the privileged anchor points of royal power. Gännatä Iyäsus in Azäzo and Dänqäz in Dämbiya and Märtulä maryam in Goğǧam, the church built on the initiative of King Susǝnyos.”180

In the preceding periods, royal place was circumscribed as place of manifestation of royal power. In the camp the King held his assemblies, received his tribute and so forth. The churches monasteries that Susǝnyos founded received the king and his court according to the liturgical calendar.

180Ibid., p.,14.

31

Daķana aa

Map1: The Royal Residences of king Susǝnyos early in the 17th century.181

181Map taken from Encyclopedia Ǝthiopic, Vol.2, 2005, p.40.

32

1.4.1 DÄNQÄZ, AN EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY CAPITAL OF KING SUSƎNYOS (1618-1632).

As Richard Pankhurst mention in encyclopedia Ethiopic that Dänqäz situated 30 Kilometer south east of Gondär. He state that it was served as the site of ase Zä-Dǝngǝl‟s court as early as 1604, but it became an important center, when King Susǝnyos established himself there in 1618.182 The settlement or the site was referred by his chronicles as the king‟s Kätama and his Mädina or principal place of residence. In this regard Alemu Haile forward on the chronicle of the king that following the defeat of Za-sellasie and ya‟ǝqob Susǝnyos crowned himself at Qeranio Medhane Alem church and made Dänqäz as his principal center or capital.183

Richard Pankhurst also explained by citing the Portuguese Jesuit missionary, Manuel de Almeida that it had been inhabited by approximately around 50,000 peoples. According to the chronicler Susǝnyos‟s palace at Dänqäz was built, by a Banyan architect called Abdal Kerim and an Egyptian head work man called Sädäqa Nǝsräni.184 In addition TaklaSadik Makuria told us that including Dabra Tabor, king Susǝnyos established around twenty towns in different parts of the kingdom, however according to the author, the king made Dänqäz as his main capital and built a great wall at the top of the Ambä (mountain top). The main reason that king Susǝnyos preferred the place was due to its strategic location. The wall built at the top of the mountain enabled king Susǝnyos to control and observe each activity that were conducted in the province of Tigre, Goǧǧam and Mätamä due to its strategic position.185

The building was described by Almeida as “wonder and something that had never been seen nor yet imagined” in the country and would have and been considered a beautiful building anywhere. As he stated that it was made of stone and lime and had a large profound water thank, the palace was one of the first Jesuit sponsored buildings to be erected with mortar, the use of which had been introduced by a Banyan, presumably in Portuguese employee only a few years earlier in 1621. There was also a fine basilicas royal church, the foundation stone of which was laid by the Jesuits in 1628. Remains of this building, like those of the palace, can be seen to this day.

182Richard Pankhurst, “Dänqäz”, Encyclopedia Ethiopica, Vol.2, 2005, p.92. 183Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.12. 184Richard Pankhurst, “Dänqäz”, Encyclopedia Ethiopica, p. 92. 185TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p.127.

33

During its efflorescence, Dänqäz was an important place in Ethiopian history: at this place for the first time king Susǝnyos publicized his conversion to Catholicism in 1622 and in last he also renounced his throne in favor of his son king Fasilädäs (1632-1667), while he established his new capital at Gondär.186

186Richard Pankhurst “Dänqäz” Encyclopedia Ethiopica, p. 92.

34

CHAPTER TWO

THE ROLE OF KING SUSENYOS IN THE IN THE CHRISTIAN KINGDOM OF ETHIOPIA DURING EARLY HIS REIGN (1607-1622)

As mentioned in the chronicle a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos (1607-1632) was categorized in two phases: the first phase from 1607 to 1622, a period before his conversion to Catholicism. This was a period in which important achievements were performed by king Susǝnyos in the history of the country, particularly in the history of Ethiopian Orthodox Church.187 Hence early in his reign the king had played an important role in the spread of Christianity among the large number of Falašä people and enforced the inhabitants of Wägära and Dämbǝya to adopt Christianity during his reign. 188 He also played great role in the strengthening and spread of Christianity among the traditional religious followers by sending religious teachers, beyond his formal coronation at Aksum in the hands of abunä Simeon, he made rules and regulations for the clergy of Aksum, played crucial role in the publication and distribution of religious book to the churches in the kingdom and translated it to Ge‟ez.189

According to Alemu Haile, Susǝnyos was the first Ethiopian king who attempted to stop slave trade in the Kingdom. In this regard the author state that the king formed clear laws and regulations that prohibit slave trade in the country. Further Susǝnyos came to power after the country went long time in lawlessness and the monarchy lost its privileges. When he came to power in 1607, he ended up the disorders and maintained peace, order as well as re stored the power of the Monarchy under Solomonic dynasty. 190 Even though it was not success full, following his accession to the throne in 1607, Susǝnyos had a desire to reform the whole frame work of the country and society as well as a wish to secure his throne and the stability of the kingdom, then he attempt to brought western civilization during early in his reign.191

187Alemu Haile (Tran.) The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.13.

188Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.34.

189Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.13. 190Ibid. 191Mordechai Abir1980, p.194.

35

In addition Merid Woldä Aregay states that Susǝnyos was the first king after Gäläwdǝwos who took a serious measure for the defense of his kingdom against the invasion of different Oromo groups, particularly the Märäwa. He took the advantage of building stone walls early in his reign and encouraged his governors to strengthen and defense strategic places and locations through walls. Hence Sǝla chrǝstos built a serious of wall in the Area around Däbrä Abraham, newly incorporated area during his reign.192

However the second decades of the reign of king Susǝnyos had been remembered in the general discontent in the country with the alien religious-cultural changes and their far reaching socio- political aspects which the king tried to impose in the 1610s and 1620s. The late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the political and religious belief of Ethiopia was challenged by king Susǝnyos adoption of Catholicism and subsequent presence of Jesuit missionaries.193

The cultural and spiritual stagnation which prevailed in the country following the devastating attacks of Ahmad Gran forced king Susǝnyos to adopt European culture and civilization. Early in his reign king Susǝnyos considered the national church and the traditional socio-cultural organization as a major reason for the decline and weakness of the country, as Alemu Haile justified that since the time of Gragñ, (nicknamed the left hand, the Muslim rulers of Adal), the Church was not as much strong spiritually and most of the clergy were dispersed due to the frequent wars as well the controversies in Ethiopian Christianity especially over the problem of Sabbath contributed to the decline of Ethiopia early in the seventeenth century.194

Therefore Observing the ability and way of life of the Jesuits and listening their logical theological argumentation and the description of European centralized government, military and social system, king Susǝnyos attempted to replace its institution, especially the church` with a new European socio-political frame work. 195 In addition Alemu Haile mentions that king Susǝnyos accepted the idea of the Jesuits about European culture as instrument to save Ethiopia and brought more integrated, stable, and advanced country. 196It was obvious that since the medieval period the Solomonic monarchs had great interest to reform the kingdom under

192Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp.504-505. 193Tellez Baltha, 1710, p.185. 194Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.15. 195Mordechai Abir, 1980, pp.206-207. 196Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susenyos p.16.

36

European administrative and socio-politico system, in this case Gälawdewos(r.1543-1559),the greatest Ethiopian monarch after Zara Ya‟ǝqob attempted to reform the country with the help of western and European technical and military aid. However well aware of the dangers inherent in Ethiopian historical and cultural heritage, he determined to achieve his objectives by reviving the national church as a major tool for his socio-political reforms and integrative policy. The same position was shared by king Šärsä Dǝngǝl during his reign (1563-1597), the monarch also gave his free hand to his ecclesiastics but this experiment, unfortunately cutoff by his premature death.197 Therefore following his accession to power king Susǝnyos attracted to the Jesuits, their teaching and way of life and systematically rejected and destroyed the supportive infrastructure which had been the basis of the Solomonic rulers in the past. 198 However his attempt to modernize the kingdom and society under European model early in the seventeenth century was failed due to lack of interest among the mass, the people were not ready to such reform and more it leads to frequent disagreement with the clergy and drew the country into bloody civil war.199

However what Susǝnyos and the fanatical Jesuits ignored was the strong correlation between the Ethiopian church and its ancient customs and traditions as well as the local socio-political system. Mordechai Abir state that Susǝnyos attitude towards the Ethiopian church should be examined in the context of his period.200

Since his public conversion in 1622, marked the official disestablishment of the church, and the king ordered the closure of many churches and monasteries everywhere. Hence by the middle of 1620 the orders were effectively carried out in Goǧǧam, Dämbǝya, Ǝmfranz, and the neighboring parts of Wägara and Bägemdǝr.201

Furthermore as mentioned in the chronicle abunä Petros, who had allied himself with the hated nobility, was among the suspected group who killed Zä-Dǝngǝl and who attempt to undermine the monarchial institution.202While the leader of the Ethiopian church including abuna Simeon was considered morally corrupt and relatively ignorant in the eyes of Susǝnyos.203 At the same

197Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p., 490. 198Tellez Balthazar, 1710, p.185. 199Mordechai Abir, 1980, pp.194-195. 200Ibid. p. 194. 201Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, pp.835-839. 202Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p., 15. 203Ibid.

37 time Ichege Za-wängǝl, from his retreat in Debrä Libanŏs, opened a campaign against the church leadership in order to strengthen his own position. In addition an attempt made by ecclesiastics and other church leaders claiming the possession of about one third of the land in Ethiopia and of other sources of revenue, aggravated the discontent between the clergy and king Susǝnyos attitude towards the national church.204 In this case the second decades of the reign of king Susǝnyos was full of troubles and had to struggle constantly against the intrigues of discontented nobles and dignitaries, who revolted against him, these also followed by the opposition of several of his own relatives and supporters to his reform.205

In addition king Susǝnyos had spent his formative years in banditry and making his government secure, he adopted the expediency of removing and changing many of the lords and replacing his brothers and other trusted companions on the throne following his accession to the throne. In this case Susǝnyos governors were mostly of his brothers, his cousins and his sons in law.206But in contradiction to some outstanding monarchs in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that relied on their sons and kinsmen, Susǝnyos delegated authority to his governors and fully decentralized his administrations. Hence his eldest half-brother Yämänä krǝstos was made Bitwäddad and governor of Bägemdǝr, Dämbǝya and the central provinces. Another half-brother, Afa Krǝstos ruled parts of Lästa, and Angŏt. His younger brother Sǝ‟la krǝstos was made governor general of Tigre while his son in law and oldest friend Yolyos governed Goǧǧam.207In general beside the alien religious-cultural changes that the king imposed in 1610s and 1620s, Susǝnyos attempt to change his governors from their governorships or replace them altogether as he saw fit became a source of constant friction with his supporters and it also became a major reason for the oppositions of the majorities to his revolutionary concepts and reforms early in his reign.208 As Steven Kaplan state that Susǝnyos long reign was a tragedy to himself and his country. The author also explains that the king invested his time and energy in re organizing the Ethiopian kingdom. His reign was also best known by uprisings of the non-Christian peoples of Ethiopia.

204Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.206. 205Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, p.399. 206Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.163. 207Christophor J. Tribe (Tran)., Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.879. 208Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp. 441-443.

38

Hence he fought persistently against the Agäw of Goǧǧam and the Fäläŝa of Semén, both of whom constantly harassed the imperial forces.209

In addition early in his reign the Oromo made considerable encroachment into the kingdom from the south and east, and they greatly threatened the kingdoms stability, while after his accession to the throne in 1607, Susǝnyos did not make a serious effort to regain the territories lost to the Oromo, rather he followed on the whole a defensive strategy based on the ability of each provincial governors to protect the existing borders of Ethiopia. This was mainly because of the aware of Oromo power and tactics as well as lack of royal army under the command of himself.210

Therefore king Susǝnyos allowed the governors to maintain all or most of the taxation of their respective provinces to enable them to build their own local forces to protect their provinces against Oromo conquest and suppress any rebellion. 211 The royal army which the king commanded at first was relatively small due to policy as well as financial and practical constraints. However at the same time, the king began to organize a group of body guard known as the Kokab cavalry, composed of Muslims and non-Ethiopian elements, contingent of Portuguese and Turkish musketeers and infantry from Gonja, Belaw and Agäw captives and converted Falaša called Qualya.212

However an important source of man power for Susǝnyos army came from Oromo bands who found themselves at odd with their brethren. Intimate knowledge of the Oromo society enabled Susǝnyos also to exploit and augment the different Oromo clans and the Oromo proper as well as helped him to incorporate in to their society either voluntarily or by coercion. Despite the advances of several clans of the Kärayu and the Maräwä tribes in Bägemdǝr, Lästa, and Amhara, the raids made by Ažebu on Tigre and repeated Boränä attempts to overrun Dämŏt and Ǝnariya was the main. However the king was introducing a Trojan horse in the kingdom by settling

209Steven Kaplan, 1992, pp. 82-92.

210Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp.496-497. 211Mohamed Hassen, 2015, p.278. 212Mordechai Abir, 1980, pp. 197-198.

39 friendly Oromo in different parts of Goǧǧam and on the borders of Amhara and Bägemdǝr to control their raids.213

So far early in his reign king Susǝnyos and his governors were preoccupied with civil wars in most provinces due to the state of Ethiopia and the limited resources, as well the ing was affected by the psychological impacts of the Oromo migration and their strategy, hence he increasingly need massive European help in the form of soldiers, artisans, and instructors.214 . Therefore as early as 1607, Susǝnyos wrote letters to the pope and the king of Portugal describing the state of Ethiopia, the Oromo threat to the country, and requesting about a thousand soldiers to save the Christian kingdom against various threat and to secure his power.215

In general the reign of king Susǝnyos was marked by dichotomies because of the strange policies that he imposed early in his reign as well as challenged by a score of claimants to the throne in different parts of the country, who were backed by local governors, nobles, and ecclesiastics.216 In addition due to his back ground and developments in the first year of his reign Susǝnyos badly needed legitimization, concerning his coronation, first the king made it in Goǧǧam but found it insufficient, so he went Tigre in 1609 to crown himself in Axum by abuna Simeon with all the pomp and according to the ancient tradition of Ethiopia.217 According to Balthazar Tellez the ceremony emphasized a unity between the Tigrean and Amhara territories under the Solomonic crown.218In general beside the alien religious-cultural changes that the king imposed in 1610s and 1620s, Susǝnyos attempt to change his governors from their governorships or replace them altogether as he saw fit became a source of constant friction with his supporters and it also became a major reason for the oppositions of most to his revolutionary concepts and reforms early in his reign.219

213Ibid, p.199. 214Mohammed Hassen, 2015, pp. 275-276. 215Ibid, p.276. 216Beckingham C.F. and Hunting ford G.W.B. (Eds), 1954, p.613. 217Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.91-92.

218Tellez, Balthazar, 1710, p.179. 219Mordechai Abir, 1980, p. 196.

40

To conclude following his accession to the throne early in the seventeenth century king Susǝnyos played an important role in the history of the country. It was clear that the king inherited the kingdom that was affected and weakened by war, the Oromo invasion as well as by the war lords after the death of Šärsä Dǝngǝl in 1597. However to maintain peace, order and establish centralized system under the Solomonic rule as well as to modernize the society and the kingdom under European model, he attempted to adopt western culture and replaced the traditional institution particularly the church with the new Catholic order, this should be examined in the context of his reign. But in last the plan was failed due to lack of interest among the people i.e. the people were not active to such changes rather it led to disagreement and oppositions throughout the country early in his reign.

2.1 SUSƎNYOS CAMPAIGN TOWARDS THE NORTH, WEST AND TO THE PERIPHERAL AREA AND ITS OBJECTIVE EARLY IN THE 17TH C

After recognizing his authority in the kingdom early in the seventeenth Century, Susǝnyos made his campaigns towards the North, west and the peripheral areas as far as the plain of Sudan. Factor which motivated the campaign of the king towards the Agäw and Falaša areas early in his reign was the need for resource, to consolidate his power and to re-establish Ethiopian hegemony in the area.220As Merid Woldä Aregay explains that during the period of interregnum these people did not pay the tribute due from them. Their continuous refusal to pay a greatly reduced tribute to Susǝnyos led for the mass looting of their land and the enslavement of thousands.221

In addition Susǝnyos campaigns to the north and west of Lake Tana resulted the exploitation of large amount of gold, ivory, wax, agricultural products and slaves. When Susǝnyos authority was relatively secured; it became his area of interests.222 Such raids also served to show the flag and to re-establish Ethiopian hegemony in areas which were economically and strategically important area.223 However Susǝnyos raids grow tension between Ethiopia and Funj, since its establishment, the Funj rulers were involved in the rapid Islamisation of the people and involved reviving the caravan trade in the region.224 In addition the detention and death of a new abun on

220Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.200. 221Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp. 471-472. 222Ibid. p.472. 223Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.201. 224Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.484.

41 his way from Egypt to Ethiopia in Senär also increased the hostility and Susǝnyos aggressive policy against his former friends. Despite counter measure by the Funj and rebellions at the home, Ethiopian armies repeatedly penetrated Senäri territory in the west and as far Dabarki and Taka in the north.225

Since the first decades of the sixteenth century Senär had become an important center for the great caravans traveling between the western Sudan and Säwakin as well as between Cairo and Ethiopia. At the same time the revival of the red sea trade since the middle of the sixteenth century became factor that push the ottoman interest to control.226 The development of trade at the beginning of the seventeenth century played an important role in the cooperation of the Funj with that of Ethiopian rulers. However king Susǝnyos attempt to reinforce his authority beyond the effective administration of the kingdom early in his reign brought disagreement between the Funj and people who inhabited in the region.227 The border between Ethiopia and Sudan was not clearly defined, therefore Ethiopian or Funj authority in different parts of this region depended on the ability of the respective rulers or their governors to show the flag and exact tribute. By its very nature these areas served as a center for a refuge or deposed officials and pretenders with their followers.228

However those political refugees and the pastoralists living in the border land exploited the weakness of Ethiopia from the end of the sixteenth century and began to raid Dämbǝya and Tigrea for slaves.229 However to suppress the raids and to exploit the sources of gold, slaves, wax and ivory, as well as to strengthen his position Susǝnyos made his campaign in the region.230 The gradual advance of the Ethiopians in the direction of the important source of gold in the Fazogli area (center of gold production) concluded with the capture of several Funji slave raids on Ethiopian territory under the campaign led by Sǝ‟la Krǝstos in 1615-1616.231

Further well aware of the importance of the control of the northern territories to protect the new settlers in the area as well as to establish all Ethiopian claims on the peripheral region. The king

225Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.202. 226James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of Nile, Vol.3, pp.12-314. 227Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.202. 228Ibid. p.202. 229James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of Nile Vol.3 p.314. 230Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp.483-484. 231Ibid. p.485.

42 commanded and led several Ethiopian troops to penetrate beyond the border land as far as Fazogli in the west and the delta of the Gash and Kassala in the north from 1616-1618.232 The struggle for the mastery of the border land greatly disturbed commercial activities in the region; subsequently much of the trade of Ethiopia which had gone by the way of Senar was diverted to Säwakin and Massawa.233

The attempt made by king Susǝnyos and his general to control Dämbǝya, Wägära and Semen affected the Fälaša. Suǝnyos and his general led a number of major campaigns in the area, either to suppress the rebellions among the opposed Fälaša or to break their resistance and finally annexed the province while the Fälaša were given the choice to convert to Christianity, those who volunteer to do were assimilated in to Christianity. But the other who clung to their religion and survived of the campaigns became serfs of the Ethiopian settlers or was allowed to practice different kinds of handicrafts.234

Susǝnyos policy concerning the Agäw of the west and Lästa, the Fälaša of the north western slopes of the Ethiopian plateau were partly motivated by the need for resources and operations were carefully co-ordinated and systematic analyzed. By the first quarter of the seventeenth century Ethiopian territory had been so diminished through the Oromo migration, this became a major factor for the consolidation of imperial authority in the northern provinces and in the peripheral areas beyond the Oromo controlled areas. This was aimed to determine the territorial continuity and strategic depth as well as to maintain its survival. At early seventeenth century king Susǝnyos had succeeded in consolidating his authority in the Ethiopian kingdom.235

In general king Susǝnyos campaign toward the different provinces in the kingdom early in his reign was motivated for various reasons, the need for resource to consolidate his authority and to suppress the rebellion and to break the resistances in each region were the main. However the kings attempt to reinforce his authority beyond his effective administration of the kingdom led to hostility and grows tension between the Ethiopia and the Funj rulers early in the seventeenth century.

232Ibid, 483. 233Tellez Balthazar, 1710, p.189. 234Steven Kaplan, 1992, pp. 82-92. 235Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.203.

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2.2 SUSƎNYOS AND THE OROMO

As grown with the Oromo, their role in rise to power and the adoption of Oromo military tactic by Susǝnyos were the most decisive.236 In this case it is better to trace the early contacts of the Oromo with the king of Ethiopia in the late Sixteenth and early Seventeenth century. Geräm Fasil, who was the father of Susǝnyos, had strong relation with Minas and Šärsä Dǝngǝl. Hence in 1567, he was appointed as governor of Quärä districts.237 However his province was raided by the Oromo tribe of Borana in 1585, while he was killed and his son, Susǝnyos was captured.238 This marked the contact of the Oromo with the Christian king particularly with that of king Susǝnyos. Capturing the young prince alive reveals the prevailing political consciousness of the Oromo. It is also written that the Oromo adopted Susǝnyos and made him their member of the Goša or clan. As Richard Pankhurst state that young Susǝnyos learnt more than his predecessors about the Oromo language and their warfare from his early Oromo contacts.239In addition Pedro Paez state that the king gained knowledge of the Oromo mode of ware far and arranging his soldiers in the Oromo style.240

Mordechai Abir explain through an elaborated narration that the prince have participated in the west ward migration with the Oromo early in his reign. The other major political factor which brought relationship between the Oromo with prince Susǝnyos was the refusal of the nobility‟s to throne him and give their allegiance to Zä-Dǝngǝl(1603-1604) and to Ya‟ǝqob (1604-1607) following the death of Šärsä Dǝngǝl. 241 Therefore, Susǝnyos started a war to conquer the kingdom by using his Oromo allies. In addition it was accelerated by the refusal of the nobility to return him his father‟s lands following his father‟s death. 242 When Za-Dǝndǝl was died, Susǝnyos wanted to take the throne, but it was not an easy for him because the lords betrayed Susǝnyos and once again they give there swore allegiance to ya‟ǝqob.243

236Richard Pankhurst, The Ethiopian Border Lands: Essays in Regional History from Ancient Times to the end of the 18th century, Lawrenceville, NJ 1997, p.292. 237Chernetsove Sevir, “Fasil Geräm” Encyclopedia Aethiopica, Vol.2, 2005, p. 499. 238 Awegichew Amare, “Oromo Elites in the post Medieval Christian Kingdom (1520-1769)”, MA., Thesis, Department of History and Heritage Management, Debre Berhan University, 2014, pp.101-102. 239Richard Pankhurst, The Ethiopian Border Lands, p.293. 240Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.865. 241Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.184. 242 Mohamed Hassen, 2015, p.269. 243Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, pp.800-801.

44

However the initial relationship Susǝnyos had with the Oromo came to an end with his coronation in Aksum in 1607.244 Afterward, he divided his kingdom among his brother. This did not mean that Susǝnyos put aside all the Oromo, as Alemu Haile state that the Oromo tribes of Tulämä, Mäcä, Wäräntǝsa and Wällo Oromo who played great role behind Susǝnyos rise to power get fruits of their implication.245 Hence king Susǝnyos used various form to integrate friendly Oromo, he used settlement of various Oromo tribes in the major provinces of the kingdom, like in Goǧǧam Bägǝmdǝr and etc.246 Sources related to the period also mention the settlement of the Käräyu in Yǝfat,Wällo in Mäkanä Śelläse and Betä Amhara and the Märäwa in Angŏt. As settlements were made in an already occupied area Susǝnyos take a measure to transform the Oromo from pastoralist‟s position to agriculturalists. In order to incorporate the Oromo in to settled life, Susǝnyos look for available plot of land from the institutions which were established on the Gult or rist system, hence he took shares of land from the church to settle the Oromo.247

Susǝnyos favor for the Oromo were not only for their assistance during his run for the throne, but the need to cultivate the military service of the Oromo in return for land. In addition in the royal court, the king had filled practically all the court military offices with boys from among the Oromo. The king had large number of units of Oromo warriors. Later on this provincial army was given the responsibility to check the advance of the still fighting Oromo forces.248 The far reaching consequence of the strategy was the growth of power full regional lords who could mobilize a large army, which could also, challenged the king himself.249

The attempt to end the attack and retreat military tactic of the Oromo so as to weaken their raids became successful with Susǝnyos settlement of the Oromo. The end of attack and retreat has long lasting consequences on the politico-military organization of the Oromo. One major impact is the gradual decay of the Gäda system, with dispersal occurring at times of their settlements, ties between the various tribes and clans became gradually less valued and latter brought

244Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p. 496. 245Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p. 54. 246 Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp. 504-505. 247Ibid.pp.490-492. 248Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, pp.597-578. 249Awegichew Amare, 2014, p.105.

45 divergence of interests amongst the various clans.250 With the collapse of the unity of the Oromo as a result of their integration with in the kingdom, the military attributes of the Gadaa institution started to pave the way for wealthy Oromo nobles. The other factor that motivated king Susǝnyos to settle friendly Oromo was his intension to break the alliance between various Oromo tribes and their clans, which could potentially put the royal hegemony under pressure, this brought about inter-tribal conflict among the Oromo. Some Oromo tribes retained hatred and enmity towards the tribes which were integrated and the king himself.251

Despite his early friendship with the Oromo Susǝnyos like his predecessors was disturbed by the raids of the Oromo in to Christian inhabited territories.252 Following to the death of ya‟ǝqob and his principal political and religious officers, the problem of succession was resolved and Susǝnyos adopted several policies which intended to consolidate his power. According to Mohammed Hassen, first in acknowledgement of Oromo supports, Susǝnyos settled several Oromo groups both from the Barentu and Borana moieties in Goǧǧam and Bägemdǝr. While settling his Oromo allies in the heart of the Christian kingdom, Susǝnyos turned against other Oromo who wanted to raid and occupy both Goǧǧam and Bägemdǝr.253At the beginning of 1608, Goǧǧam alone was invaded from three different directions. In addition early in his reign, several bands from all three clans of Märäwas (Anas, Urus, and Abatis) moved down the Takaza River and erupted in to the heart of Bägǝmdǝr while Susǝnyos rushed to confront them with small part of his army and was successfully defeated.254

Merid Woldä Aregay state that, Susǝnyos had no deliberate political or military plan for dealing with the Oromo, he state that throughout his long reign Susǝnyos did not contemplate and idea of recovering the provinces occupied by the Oromo by subduing and subjugating the conquerors. However in the early years of his reign, Susǝnyos seems to have thought of defending Goǧǧam and at the same time acquiring captives for sale, by striking at the various Oromo bases around the province. Therefore in 1608, Susǝnyos have plundered the Wäränshas settlements from

250Mohammed Hassen, 2015, pp.299.

251Ibid, pp.300-306. 252Richard Pankhurst, Ethiopian Border Lands, p.293. 253Ibid. p.278. 254Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.86.

46

Wälaqa. Again towards the end of 1612, Susǝnyos made surprise raid on them and he became successful, at the same time the soldiers of the king returned rich in cattle and slaves.255

In the same year Susǝnyos sent the combined armies of his own and his three brothers against the Tulama who were settled in the Šäwa districts, the expedition was profitable and the resistance of the Oromo has been determined.256 In addition in 1616, Susǝnyos tried to send an expedition against the Ittu bands which were joining the Tulama in north western Šäwa. One strategy that Susǝnyos and his provincial officers used with the repeated success against the Oromo was interception, the settlement of the Oromo in specific areas and their knowledge of the raiding habits of the bands, the Oromo quickly realized that Susǝnyos had betrayed them and they decided to remove him from power.

According to Asma Giyorgis, those of the Oromo who favored Susǝnyos remained with him and the rest who oppose him, decided to overthrow him. For that purpose the Oromo appear to have adopted two policies against Susǝnyos. The unsatisfied Oromo provided support to pretenders to the throne and those Christian elements who opposed Susǝnyos for various reasons. As Mohammed Hassen state that the first two years of Susǝnyos reign there had been around sixteen or eighteen pretenders were proclaimed kings in various parts of country and many of those pretenders sought and received support from various Oromo groups. In this case the Oromo goals in supporting the pretenders were to weaken and destabilize Susǝnyos government. For instance, in 1608, the Oromo groups who conquered and settled in Angŏt and Amhara provided support for a pretender of Amba Geshan, foreshadowing the massive Oromo involvement in Christian affairs during the 1620s and after.257

Moreover the Oromo formed a number of confederacies that conducted spirited warfare against Susǝnyos for several years. Their immediate objective was to overthrow the king and to occupy both Goǧǧam and Bägemdǝr. In response to the Oromo challenge, Susǝnyos adopted a very aggressive policy towards his Oromo enemies. His aggressive policy was a political expediency.258 It was obvious that Susǝnyos came to the throne with massive Oromo support and the indiscriminate raiding committed by Susǝnyos during the years of his banditry was fresh in

255 Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971,p.353 256Ibid, pp.500-501. 257Mohammed Hassen, 2015, pp.274-275. 258Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p, 778.

47 the mind of Christian peasantry. In addition there was a sense of deep fearing among the Christian as to why king Susǝnyos settled such large number of friendly Oromo both in Goǧǧam and Bägemdǝr.

The presence of large number Oromo groups after his accession to power intensified the Christian suspicion and fear. In order to alleviate their fears and reduce their opposition, Susǝnyos had to demonstrate his concern for defending the country by initiating a relentless attack on the Oromo. 259 The precarious alliance between the various Oromo groups and Susǝnyos came to an end as soon as he came to the throne in 1607.260 Those who allied with him and settled both in Goǧǧam and Bägǝmdǝr supported his cause, while those who decided to overthrow Susǝnyos forced him to seek the military support from the emperor of Spain and Portugal in his early reigns. While treating his Oromo soldiers with respect, Susǝnyos tried to stop his Oromo enemies across the Abbay from attacking Goǧǧam. The first major challenge came when the Warantisa Oromo warriors from Wäläqä attacked Goǧǧam. The governor of the province appealed urgently for help. Then Susǝnyos rushed to the area, and gave battle to the Warantisa on 10 February 1608, Susǝnyos became victorious and this was his first major victory against the Oromo. Then Susǝnyos wanted to exploit the benefit of this victory by pushing the war across the Abbay in to Wäläqa.261

In addition to prevent the Oromo from conquering Goǧǧam, Susǝnyos adopted four defensive measures in his reign. As Mohammed Hassen explained that first, Susǝnyos sought foreign military assistance against the Oromo in his letter of December 1607, Susǝnyos appealed to the king of Spain and Portugal requesting about thousands of soldiers to help him and save the Christian kingdom from the Oromo.262 Secondly, Susǝnyos ordered his provincial governors to adopt the defensive measure of intercepting Oromo warriors at strategic location. This measure depends on the knowledge of the dynamics with in Oromo society, their settlement patterns, the timing and the direction of their attack.263For that purpose Susǝnyos expanded and intensified the settlement of friendly Oromo groups in both Bägǝmdǝr and Goǧǧam. Thirdly, Susǝnyos realized the advantage of building stone walls early in his reign and sought the advice of Jesuits

259Ibid. 260Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p. 331. 261Mohammed Hassen, 2015, p. 277. 262Ibid. 263Alemu Haile (Tran.) The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.122.

48 missionaries on method of improving and strengthening the traditional mud and stone walls. Susǝnyo ordered his provincial governors to build stone walls at strategic pass and locations. For instance the fortification built by Sǝ‟la Chrǝstos, the governor of Goǧǧam, affected the effectiveness of Oromo attack.264

Finally, Susǝnyos intensified his offensive war against his Oromo enemies. By the combination of these defensive measures that Susǝnyos hoped to prevent the Oromo from occupying the northern central provinces. Susǝnyos was campaign at Suha while the Liban Oromo warriors had spread across Wasan Amba along the bank of the Abbay River.265 The Liban warriors that poured over eastern Goǧǧam were so numerous that Susǝnyos was forced to let them loot. Later he defeated and captured their cattle, women, and children. The reason for his action was to save Bägǝmdǝr and Goǧǧam from Oromo attack.266 Mohammed Hassen justified that in most of his engagement with the Oromo, Susǝnyos was victorious; this was mainly that Susǝnyos employed their own chiffra (fighting system) against them. In addition the king was more advantageous than the Oromo in good use of the firearms, choice of places, and time.267However, the Oromo warriors had repeatedly defeated several Christian regiments and routed provincial governors. The difference between the imperial army and those of the provincial governors was that the former was larger in number, better equipped with firearms, better trained and mounted.268

On the other hand the provincial regiments or the retainers of the land lord were usually small, they had limited muskets and their cavalry were inferior to those of various Oromo fighters, these was the reason why the regiments and retainers were usually defeated and scattered by highly mobile Oromo warriors. The Oromo had additional advantage over the Christian soldiers and peasants. Because of their diet based on milk, meat, butter and grain and their training in the art of warfare, their physique and their courageous in battle makes them advantageous. However the Oromo warriors defeated the army commanded by Susǝnyos only in some occasions. The reason for this was obvious that the increment of Susǝnyos army in time, the Oromo warrior numbered from 6000 to 8000men, while Susǝnyos had three to four times that number, by the middle of 1608, Susǝnyos had an army of 2500, while by 1622 this grown to around

264Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp.502-505. 265Mohammed Hassan, 2015, p.278-294. 266F. M. Esteves Pereira, Chronica de Susenyos, rei de Ethiopia, Lisbon: Imprensa, Nacional, 1892, p.105. 267Richard Pankhurst, Ethiopian Border Lands, p.293 268Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp.496-497. 49

40,000.269The size of Susǝnyos army, its weapons, training, and his military leadership, all contributed to the success of king Susǝnyos against the Oromo.270

To conclude the very existence of the Christian kingdom and the power of the king was hardly threatened by the frequent Oromo raids early in the seventeenth century. This led to the existence of bloody confrontation between the king and certain Oromo groups in different provinces, like Marawa and Warantesa in Bägemdǝr, Liban, and Tuläma of Borana in Šäwa and Kärayu in Tigre was the main. However to prevent their raids, king Susǝnyos used different methods, this includes interception means settlement of friendly Oromo who had a knowledge of their raiding habits, times and places in the conquered areas, establishments of stone walls, and in last he sought foreign military assistances to deter their raids. Beside king Susǝnyos also gave recognition for those Oromo tribes who played crucial in his accession to power early in his reign. Hence he used the settlement of friendly Oromo in major province of the kingdom. This in turn brought integration and changed the position of the Oromo from pastoralist to agriculturalists. However one major impacts following the settlement and integration of some Oromo groups with the kingdom during his reign brought dispersal among them and this led to the collapse of unity and tribal conflict among the various Oromo clans as well as gradual decay of Gadaa system. In general the strategy to challenge the fighting Oromo group had far reaching political and religious consequences early in the seventeenth century.

269Ibid. pp.475-476. 270Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.198.

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CHAPTER THREE

3. THE INTERVENTION OF JESUITS IN THE CHRISTIAN COURT AND THE CONSEQUENCES EARLY IN THE 17TH CENTURY ETHIOPIA

So far our knowledge about the first contacts between Ethiopia and the Jesuits has been based mainly on the Portuguese sources. 271 The existence of foreigners specially the Jesuit who influenced the social life of Ethiopia is mentioned in few Ethiopia chronicles. The sixteenth century was a period, in which the Jesuit orders, also known as The Society of Jesus, was founded by Ignatius Loyola and six other companions in 1534, and approved in 1540 by Pop Paul III.272 Since its establishment the mission had the goal of resisting Muslim expansion and protestant reformation into the Christian world through intensive Catholic missionary activity.273 Therefore the mission to Ethiopia was one of the first projects combing the interests of king of Portugal Dom Joao III to convert the Prester John and those of Ignatius to place the new catholic order in the country.274

A good number of scholars agree that the genesis of the Jesuits‟ mission to Ethiopia was a discourse and a politico-religious construct based on the legend of the Prester John. Merid Woldä Aregay, in his work states that for most contemporary Europeans, and partly for those who wrote on Ethiopia, it was the country of the Prester John.275 In Some Records of Ethiopia, C.F. Buckingham and G.W.B. Huntingford referring Manuel de Almeida the 17th century traveler to Ethiopia, also asserts that Prester John was “so common a name in Portugal and Europe for the king of the Abyssinians.276At the time that finding and identifying Prester John was important. Therefore the missionaries who came to identify the situation were mainly of the Portuguese. In the sixteenth century the Portuguese were expanding their exploration, their

271Sergew Hable Sellasie, 1974, p.547. 272 Lonardo Cohen and et ale. 2007, p.276. 273Matteo Salvador, 2010, p.18.

274Taddesse Tamrat, “Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the Horn,” in Ronald Oliver,( ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol.3, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977, p., 177. 275Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.18.

276Buckingham C.F. and Hunting ford G.W.B,(Eds), 1954, p. 3.

51 commerce and their conquest in the east at a rapid rate. In their way they thought of a mysterious Christian ruler in the east popularly known then as Prester John of Indies. 277 Therefore the background to the Portuguese mission was their desire to form an alliance with the fabled Prester John, identified at this time with the king of Ethiopia. However Prester John became a legend who ruled a mysterious Christian kingdom some were beyond the boundaries of the known world.278

According to Matteo Salvador the early contacts between Ethiopia and the Christian Europe was based on three aspects, these were diplomatic (1520-1526), military (1541-1543) and religious (1557-1632).279 Therefore a first Portuguese envoy who sent in 1487 and arrived in 1493 was Pedro de Covilham, other envoys followed in 1508. 280 In this case the dispatching of a representative to the Portuguese court by queen Ǝleni (1431-1522) opened the way to formal diplomatic relations between the two countries. This in turn led to the dispatch of the Portuguese embassy to Ethiopia in the year 1521.281Therefore the Portuguese diplomatic mission to Ethiopia in 1520 paved the way for subsequent military and religious contacts. After a stay of six years the embassy returned to Portugal. From then, periodic correspondence passed between the rulers of the two countries. One such correspondence was from King Lebnä Dǝngǝl of Ethiopia (1508- 1540) to king John III of Portugal (1521-1557) asking for military help in his war against Ethiopia‟s Muslim neighbors; however the expedition was sent to Ethiopia in 1540s.282

The military contacts of the two countries come to be true when the Christian king called Lebnä Dǝngǝl faced unprecedented invasion by the Muslim leader of the Sultanate of Adal, Ahmad Ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi (1506-1543). However with the support and intervention of the contingent of the Portuguese army under the leader ship of Christopher da Gama in 1543 lead to the defeat of the Muslim in the region.283 This was in response to an Ethiopian diplomatic mission sent to the Portuguese in 1512 by queen Ǝleni. Therefore the military expedition which sent from Portugal

277 Christophor J.Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.11. 278Taddesse Tamrat,(Ed), 1977, pp. 177-178. 279Matteo Salvador, 2010, pp. 12-18. 280Elias Kiptoo, “Catholic Counter-Reformation: A History of the Jesuits Mission to Ethiopia, 1557-1635”, The Church History Society of Southern Africa and Unisia Press, Vol.4, no.2, pp.104-115, (2016), p., 111. 281Matteo Salvador, p.18. 282Taddesse Tamrat, (Ed), 1977, pp. 181-182. 283Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, p.501.

52 consisted of approximately 400 armed troops.284 Followed the battle of Wayna Daga in Dämbǝya in February 1543, a combined force of the Portuguese and of ing Gälawdewos (1540-1559) inflicted a devastating defeat on the Muslim troops, and leaving their leader, Grañ, (the left hand) among the dead on the battlefield as well the Grañ‟s death led to the disintegration of his army and the collapse of Muslim administration on the highland285

In addition the alliance was aimed at opposing Muslim control over the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean trade route to the East. With the revival of trade on this route from the fifteenth century, its control by Muslim Turkey became a matter of great concern to Christian Europe, especially Portugal, which by the early sixteenth century had established a trading empire in the East. Thus commercial interests and a religious crusading spirit combined to pit Christian Portugal against Muslim Turkey in the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean, and the lands bordering these international commercial waterways.286

The third element in the Ethiopian-Portuguese relations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was religious. This was the attempt by Jesuit missionaries, with the support of king Susnǝyos (1607-1632), to convert monophysit Ethiopia to the Roman Catholic faith. The diplomatic and military relations between the two countries drew the attention of the Jesuit missionaries to Ethiopia to spread their faith. The years 1550 to 1633 witnessed a persistent attempt to establish the Roman Catholic Church in Ethiopia.287

The first permanent mission was started in 1557 under Bishop Oviedo. As Elias Kiptoo state that it was known by Ignatius de Loyola and Jesuit brothers that Ethiopia was an African country even before the coming of the Jesuits through the writing of Alvares. The author states that Ignatius was personally involved in the preparations to send the first Jesuit missionaries to Ethiopia for

284Matteo Salvador, 2010, p., 8. 285 አ ሇ ሙ: ሃ ይላ: የ አፄ:ገ ሊዉዳዎሰ: ዜና: መዋዕ ሌ (Addis Ababa, 2007) (Alemu Haile, The Chronicle of ase Gälawdewos) (Addis Ababa, 2007), pp.7-8. 286Mordechai Abir, 1980, pp.186-187. 287Leonardo Cohen Shabot and Martínez D.Alòs-moner, “The Jesuit Mission in Ethiopia (16th-17thCenturies): An analytical bibliography”. Aethiopica 9, 2006, p.190.

53 consecration. Therefore the three Jesuits who were consecrated includes: Nunez Baretto, Oviedo and Camero: Nunez being their patriarch.288

In general the early contact of Ethiopia with European countries particularly with the Portuguese was due to the legend of Prester John and their desire to form alliance with these mysteries Christian ከingdom. Since its foundation in the 16th century, the Jesuit order also known as

Society of Jesus had a goal to convert the Prester John and place the new catholic order in the country and the Jesuit mission to Ethiopia was one of this project. This in turn led to the diplomatic, military and religious contacts of successive Ethiopian Kings.

3.1 MOTIVES OF THE JESUIT PRESENCE IN ETHIOPIA

3.1.1Requests for Millitary and Technical Assistance in the Post Medieval Ethiopia (late 16th and early 17th Centurires

It is a debate among scholars about the motives behind the presence of the Jesuits in the late 16th and early 17th century post-Medieval Ethiopia. The main question rotates around whether it was purely a response to the request of military assistance of successive Ethiopian ከings of the

16thcentury or a westernization project, however exploiting the internal circumstances, supported bythe knowledge of Europeans about the rest of the world, which was started even before the coming of the Portuguese Society of Jesus in1555. The main background for any of these debates goes around the decline of the Christian ከingdom in the first half of the 16th century.

The Chronicle of king Gälawdewos (1540-1559) mentions the influence of the kingdom of Adal over the Christian kingdom in the first half of the 16th century. With this background it mentions the atrocities which Christians had faced at the face of the Muslims, the destruction of the Christian heritages as well as the fugitive lives of his father king Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl (1506-1540),

288Elias Kiptoo, 2016, p.112.

54 who was forced to wonder as far North as the monastery of Däbrä Damo.289 With the increasing threat on the Christian kingdom, therefore military assistance was a pressing issue, which many scholars agree as the main reason which brought Catholic elements.

Mordechai Abir is critical when examining the discourses of events which led to the Portuguese expeditions to Ethiopia and the rise of king Gälawdewos as equipoise to the Muslim power. When asserting the issue at hand, he seems indifferent between discriminating the conversion led process of European domination from that of the request of military assistance. However, his central argument about the presence of the Jesuits in Ethiopia outweighs to military request. He states that Joao Bermudez was sent by King Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl with a request from the Portuguese for military assistance against the Aḥmäd Grañ. The author claims that the king promised to “accept Catholicism if such aid would be forthcoming”.290

The military request which is said to have been accepted by the Portuguese in the reign of Gäläwdewos, was basically initiated by earlier decades. Matteo Salvadore insists that the dispatching of representatives to Portugal by Queen Ǝleni in 1521 was a new way which opened the relation between the two countries.291 In his translation and comparisons of the various letters of the Ge‟ez letters of the Queen and Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl, Sergew Hable Sellasie strengthens the claim that contacts with Europe which were materialized in the time of Gäläwdewos was an earlier phenomenon. He states that Queen Ǝleni foresaw the devastation of the country and frequently sent letters to the king of Portugal to seek assistance for her son. The author also mentions that the dignitaries did not know of the devastation of their country and their submission to Muslims, but they were amusing themselves chatting in Arabic and Amharic. Form of accusing the upper class for their ignorance of the danger of the Muslims threat which TäkläSadik Mäkuria attributes for King Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl himself.292

An excerpt from the letter of Ǝleni to the portugese king demonstrates the royal decesion to exploit military assiatnce at any cost. Her expression that, “the power of Islam is going to destroy us, we shall do our best from our part and you also help us”. Confirms the extent to which the readiness of the kigdom to support Portugese‟s foreign interests in return for military support.

289Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Gälawdewos, pp.7-8. 290Mordechai, Abir, 1980, p.97. 291Matteo Salvador, 2010, p.8. 292TäkläSadik Mäkuria, 1953, p. 37.

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The urge for suppressing the threat on the kingdom was also followed by letters from king Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl.293European traveler of the 16thcentury also mentions that the Portuguese thought their relation with Ethiopia would be perfected, when they receive letters from king Gäläwdewos. He mentions that the king pledged for military assistance against Aḥmäd Grañ.294 Hence, with the successive information they were availed from these royal messages, the Portuguese were well aware of the internal situation in Ethiopia, unlike many of Ethiopian dignitaries who have been criticized by many authors in their position to the prevailing circumstances.

The fruits of these royal encounters were felt with the arrival of the military assistance which had preoccupied Ethiopian Kings since the heydays of Aḥmäd Grañ. Gälawdewos‟ chronicler is very specific in describing the Portuguese military regiment which arrived at the court of the king. He states the “victory of the church in this year was because of the coming of the children of Ṭobäl and Yafet from the other side of the sea, who were war seekers like a lion and war monger like a wolf”.295 The contribution of the Portuguese is felt in the death of the Muslim warriors who led the war of the 16th century, Aḥmäd Ibn Ibrahim Al-Ghazi (1506-1543), in the hands of a Portuguese soldier. Hence, the success of the Portuguese military assistance was followed a wide range of European involvement in the internal affairs of the Christian kingdom, among which the conversion to Catholicism was the chief consequence.296

However Manuel de Almeida was considerably interested in telling the underpinning objectives behind the Jesuits issue in the 16-17th centuries Christian kingdom of Ethiopia. Apart from the existing literature‟s claim that it was a fulfillment of the military assistance requested by Ethiopian sovereigns, as forwarded by Richard Pankhurst. 297 Almeida mentions that the Portuguese project in Ethiopian kingdom “was not only against the Moslems. But also to the heretical Christian communities, of which the Abyssinians were one”. By this, he reduced the Ethiopian Coptic faith into requiring reformations or of civilizing mission forms the Catholic see of Rome.” However Matteo Salvadore mentions of a rather Eurocentric outlook of the discourse, stressing that Europeans image about Ethiopia was typical of their view of the Orient, a distant

293Sergew Hable Sellasie, 1974, p.5. 294Michael Wansleben, A Brief Account of the Rebellion and Bloodshed Occasioned by the Anti-Christian Practice of the Jesuits and other Popish Emissaries in the Empire of Ethiopia, (London: Jonathan Edwin, 1679), p., 8.

295Alemu Haile Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Gälawdewos, p.16. 296TäkläSadikMäkuria, 1953, p.38. 297Richard Pankhurst, Travelers in Ethiopia, p. 14.

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Christian land of the Prester John. Its purpose was the reduction of Ethiopia, meaning to impose their church and brought political and cultural changes in the country.298

Similar position is shared by Maria Jose Friedlande, in her Ethiopian hidden treasures who securitizes that the Jesuits mission was a form of westernization, which was a result of the counter between Catholicism and protestant reformation. She is not too much concerned about the military or technical assistance, which necessitated the Jesuit interference.299 This idea is equally supported by Matteo Salvador, who dealt with the elaborated objective of the Jesuits, saying that they aspired, since the arrival of the first group of missionaries to the Kingdom in 1555, in “establishing a province under the jurisdiction of the Portuguese assistance”.300 The author argues that the very aim of the Jesuits must be seen from a wide range of westernizing model, a means of contacting the Eurocentric view of “otherness”. He rejects the military thesis and rather insists that the Jesuits “contemplated the military option even before establishing a mission in Ethiopia in 1555”.301 The need to reform the Ethiopian Orthodox church, Almeida mentions, was based on its erroneous conception of the nature of God. He mentions that the Ethiopian Orthodox church shares the Alexandrian and Syrian claim of one nature of God.

Was the conversion to Catholicism and the Jesuits‟ claim of reforming the Ethiopian Orthodox church the sole agenda of the Portuguese discourse in medieval Ethiopia? The question sheds light to the non-religious motives which assumed enigmatic position in the presence of Jesuits. Richard Pankhurst is keen in this issue when explaining that the Portuguese were the chief contenders to the Ottomans rivalry over the Indian Ocean. Based on their knowledge of Ethiopia, they thought that they found a Christian ally against the Muslim contenders. This partially shows the economic motives which required interference on religious matters in the internal dynamics of the wars of Muslim- Christians.302

The Portuguese formulations of attracting Ethiopia as a regional power against the Ottoman influence was partly a reflection of the geographical knowledge they have been impacted by travelers, Merid Woldä Aregay insists that European knowledge of Ethiopia has influenced their

298Matteo Salvador, 2010, p. 1. 299Maria Jose Friedlander, Ethiopian Hidden Treasure, (England: 2005), p. 61. 300Matteo Salvador,2010, p.1 301Ibid, p.39. 302Richard Pankhurst, Travelers in Ethiopia, p.14.

57 view of the Kingdom as their external ally. Of the pioneers in the navigation of the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea, none knew better the east coast of Africa than Afonso de Albuquerque. Yet, even after he sailed into the Red Sea in 1513, he thought that Ethiopia extended in the south to Sofala and the Cape of Good Hope, in the west as far as Nubia and the Congo, and in the north up to Suakin. The first objective and trustworthy account of the country by European was written by the Portuguese priest Francisco Alvarez. Even though he was in Ethiopia for six years between 1520 and 1526, he too was unable to free himself from the lingering memory of the legend of Prester John. He not only stretched the country to the Indian Ocean but peopled some of its regions with amazons and sea people. Hence, such vague and erroneous information have brought an attractive knowledge from the Portuguese who found Ethiopia as a formidable ally against the Turks.303 To conclude generally, it is mentioned by the scholars that diplomatic, military and religious motives of the Jesuits as well as Ethiopian sovereigns request for technical assistance as a major factors which finally brought the establishment of the Jesuit era in the history of the country. Not only this but also the geographical knowledge they have about Ethiopia has influenced their view of the Kingdom as their external ally.

3.2 THE ROLE OF PEDRO PAEZ AND JESUIT SUCCESS IN ETHIOPIA DURING THE REIGN OF KING SUSƎNYOS

Scholars mention various factors for the success of the Jesuit mission in the Christian court of Ethiopia early in the 17th century. The internal turmoil in the royal court in one hand and the contribution of famous Jesuit missionaries in convincing Ethiopian sovereigns to conversion to Catholicism are the two main grounds attracting attention. Hence James Bruce mentions Pedro Paez, the Spaniard Jesuit, as one of the most capable as well as most successful missionary that ever entered Ethiopia. Paez‟s commitment to his religious duties, Bruce discusses, him as follow he spent an invincible application to attain the knowledge of the Ge‟ez written language, in which he arrived to a degree of knowledge “superior to that of the natives themselves”.304

303Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.6. 304James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of Nile, Vol.3, p.244.

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Also Matteo Salvador described Paez as one of the longest surviving and the most effective Jesuit missionary to be dispatched to Ethiopia throughout the era. As the author justified that under his leader ship the Jesuits returned to court life and expanded from their limited personal presence in Fremona to active involvement across the kingdom.305 Following his presence in the Christian court the number of religious fathers who involved in the Jesuit mission progressively increased. In addition area of their presence and destination of the missions moved from the specific area of Tigre in North to different areas throughout the kingdom. In addition by his initiation many of the followers involved in the construction of catholic churches, homes for the Jesuit fathers and also schools for the first generation of Ethiopian Catholic and it became an integral part of the conversion process.306

In addition Elias Kiptoo describes Paez as the most active and his involvement in a number of projects in the country. He state that Paez who lived in Ethiopia from 1603 to 1622, was not only a staunch missionary, but a builder and architect as well, and his ability along these lines proved to be very use full. Was a remarkable linguist who soon learned to read and write ge‟ez and Amharic, he was also success full in converting king Zä-Dǝngǝl (1603-1604) and king Susǝnyos (1607-1632) with some of his kinsmen to Catholicism.307

Moreover king Susǝnyos made a grant of land to Paez on the peninsula of Gorgora on the side of Lake Tana, where he built a new center for his fellow Jesuits starting with a stone church. He had played a great role in the court of Christian king and to have profound influence up on the king of Ethiopia. However soon civil war erupted and that ended with the king‟s abdication of the throne to his son Fasilädäs. Paez was believed to be the first European to have discovered the source of the Blue Nile on April 21, 1618.308

The most acceptable argument goes to the role of the missionaries who had exploited the advantage which was available to their commitment. Mordechai Abir denounces this claim and

305Matteo Salvador, 2010, p. 22.

306Ibid. 307Elias Kiptoo, 2016, pp. 112-113. 308Ibid.

59 insists that their role could only be measured in terms of the fragmented spiritual role they have put forward in the very presence of alien religious ground in the kingdom.309

James Bruce insists that court instability and pressure to stabilize the kingdom led to recurrent political factions, from which the Jesuits took an advantage.310 He mentions that after the death of Šärsä Dəngəl paving the way for Zä-Dəngəl and Ya‟ǝqob, who were alternatively ascended to the throne, Catholicism took a breakthrough in the royal court. Herbert Thurston, who‟s work on the Abyssinia and its Jesuit missionaries, details the whole agenda and processes of the issue, states some details about the role Pedro Paez played in the court of Zä-Dəngəl (1603-1604) and Susənyos (1607-1632) calling it a “wonderful success”.311The writer states that Paez has acquired an extraordinary personal influence over the kings of his days until 1632.312

The conversion of king Susənyos to Catholicism and the overthrow of Orthodox Christianity as state official religion can be understood as the climax of the Jesuit success. This was the landmark in the history of the country as it marked the deposition of Orthodox Christianity as the official religion of the state. Herbert mentions that the Susənyos fell under the spell of Pedro Paez persuasiveness, and he carried his acceptance of the Roman obedience to even greater length than any of his predecessors. 313 It was only after the 1620‟s that pro-Catholic proclamations were made, asserts G.W. Hunting ford, in his Historical geography of Ethiopia from the First century to 1704. This was followed by one of the worst moments in the history of the country when religious factions led to a fragmentation of the kingdom‟s stability.314

In general scholars mention various factors for the success of Jesuit project in the kingdom early in the seventeenth century: the internal turmoil in one hand and the contribution of famous Jesuit missionaries in convincing Ethiopian sovereigns to conversion to Catholicism on the other. Hence Pedro peaz mentioned as the most effective Jesuit missionary in acquiring extra ordinary personal influence in the court and under his leader ship the Jesuit returned to court life and

309Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.146. 310James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of Nile, Vol.3, p.239. 311Thurston Herbert, Abyssinia and its Jesuit Missionaries, An Irish Quarterly Review, Vol.2,1935, p.,361 312Ibid. 313Ibid, p.362. 314 G.W.B Hunting ford, Historical Geography of Ethiopia from the First Century to 1704(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), p.161.

60 actively involved in the Kingdom. In addition following the death of Šärsä Dǝngǝl in 1597 the stability of the Kingdom was challenged by many factors and it leads to recurrent political faction and the Jesuit took an advantage.

3.3 THE MISSIONARY METHODS OF JESUITS TO SPREAD CATHOLICISM IN ETHIOPIA

One of the most fundamental methods in which the Jesuits advanced their missionary goals was to join their forces, powers and made dependence mainly on those people who had power and authority. 315 In this case the members of the Society of Jesus under took their mission by converting those people in authority-political, religious, and intellectual position as a means of evangelizing from top to bottom. Hence the Jesuit strategy to spread Catholicism was first by conversion of the elites including the kings and then the mass. This leads to the successful conversion of Ethiopian rulers like Sǝla Krǝstos, Za-Dǝngǝl, and king Susǝnyos, and abbots of important monasteries such as Däbrä Libanos and Däbrä Bizan.316 According to the Jesuits strategy once the political and religious elites had been drawn to Catholicism it was necessary to control the local clergy. Furthermore in order to promote, and disseminate Catholicism and to convert the entire kingdom, the Jesuits followed the method of collaboration with people who had powers. Hence the Jesuits worked intensively amongst the Ethiopian nobility, attempting to form alliance with kings, and governors, providing them with religious services and serving as mediator and messengers in negotiation with hostile populations on the other hand, the missionaries aspired to overtook the Ethiopian ecclesiastical hierarchy, to sever the traditional connection to the Alexandrine Coptic church and replace it with ties to the Roman catholic church.317

In addition the Jesuit believed that gaining control over key position of power was the right formula for their success. Therefore the Jesuits played a major role as mediator of conflict in the service of local ruler and they became important land holders in their own right. Seeking collaboration with local governors and the nobility constituted an important element of the world

315Matteo Salvador, 2010, p.18. 316Leonardo Cohen, the Missionary Strategies of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, 1555-1632, Harrassowitz, Verlag Wiesbaden, 2009, pp. 28-29. 317 Matteo Salvador, 2010, pp. 23-24.

61 wide Jesuit missionary concept. The Jesuits also believed that it was necessary to develop consistent arguments in order to grapple with the Christological and theological truths of Ethiopian Christianity. In order to develop catholic culture in Ethiopia and to perform their objectives, the Jesuits preached sermons, held debates, argued with Ethiopian clergy men and translated catholic text in to Ethiopian.318

The missionaries also translated considerable amounts of theological studies to ge‟ez (classical Ethiopic) and engaged in the translation of masses and interpretation of books written by the greater Catholic reformers as well as that of simpler texts intended to enable children‟s and adults to learn about the truths of Catholicism. In addition the Jesuits composed original texts to disprove the theological tenets of Ethiopian Christianity and translated them with the help of Catholic Ethiopians and Portuguese nationals who had spent many years in the country. The Jesuit held Christological debates within narrow circled of lettered men, the king and the court, through the debate they sought not only to persuade the clergy and nobility of the truth of their claim, but also intended to strengthen their position and earn legitimacy in the king‟s court, in order to place Ethiopian Christianity outside the boundaries of the correct doctrine. Further, the Jesuits attempted and to a certain degree succeeded at joining the Ethiopian court, be friend with Ethiopian emperors as well as regional Ethiopian lords willing to support the reduction of Ethiopia in to the catholic see of Rome for personal gain.319

According to the Jesuits once the political and religious elites had been drawn to Catholicism, it was necessary to appoint the local clergy. To this purpose, the Jesuits suggested remuneration of its friendly members. Furthermore, the Ethiopian youth was also to be considered a primary target. Hence the education of the younger generations in the catholic and Latin traditions was seen as a necessary step to create a generational divide. Paint Catholicism as the future and pit the younger generations against their disobedient father. To this purpose the Jesuits suggested the establishment of schools and planning for the relocation of promising pupil abroad.320

In addition gaining control over the ecclesiastical position in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church gave Jesuits the opportunity to evangelize the people from top to bottom. The Jesuit made great

318Leonardo Cohen, 2009, p.17.

319Matteo Salvador, 2010, p.23. 320Ibid, pp.23-24.

62 effort to subdue the monastic leaders to catholic authority and to reform their religious life, because the role of the monastic leaders in the church-state relations and in the peasant‟s attitude toward religion was a lot. Following to the arrival of catholic patriarch Afonso Mendes to Ethiopia in 1624, local catholic clergy began to be appointed in order to propagate the new religion more effectively.321

3.4 THE CONVERSION OF KING SUSƎNYOS IN TO CATHOLICISM

According to Alemu Haile king Susǝnyos‟s admiration and sympathy towards the technologies of Europeans and the discipline of Jesuits was the basis for his inclination towards the Roman Catholics early in his reign. More over his ambition of annihilating the power of his political rivals by using the material and technical supports such as weapons, artisans etc. from the government of Portugal through Paez drew him towards the new Catholic religion.322

It was obvious that since the post medieval period, the kings of Ethiopia were admired by the expression of the Jesuits about the development of western technology, especially military techniques. Hence the arrival of the Portuguese and the Jesuits in Ethiopia demonstrated the superiority of western Christians, especially in the field of technology and war crafts.323While Susǝnyos came to power early in the seventeenth century, encountered greater difficulties than previous monarchs in maintaining the unity of the kingdom early in his reign. This was due to the frequent threat which faced the king both internally and externally. In addition as Alemu Haile state that early in the seventeenth century the Funj and ottoman Turks became a serious threat to the kingdoms. Also internally the king faced serious challenges from the Faläšä, the Oromo and the nobility.324 As well other pretenders attempted to usurp his power early in his reign, so to control and repel the above mentioned problems as well as to secure his power and to maintain the unity of the country, king Susǝnyos attempted to obtain military and technical assistance from Portugal and Spain, but such aid should be conditioned through conversion as described by the Jesuits. 325 Therefore to achieve his objective he adopted and converted to

321Leonardo Cohen,2009, p18. 322Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.15-16. 323Ibid, p.14. 324Ibid, p.14. 325Getatchew Haile, The Missionary Factor in Ethiopia, (Berlin: Peter Land), p.96.

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Catholicism, but his religious policy inevitably led Susǝnyos and the country as well as the clergy and adherent of the Ethiopia Orthodox church to bitter resentment.

In addition Alemu Haile mentions in the Chronicle that in the eyes of Susǝnyos the Ethiopian church was not strong spiritually and convinced by the Jesuits that some of the Coptic Church leaders were accused of corruption, having concubines and other public scandals. By and large, he was convinced and reached at conclusion that the Orthodox Church practices and the traditional socio-cultural organization were the major reasons for the weakness of the “Solomonic” dynasty and the backwardness of his kingdom. This exaggerated evaluation and generalization, as well as criticism on the role of the church made him to favor the Jesuits missionaries and their catholic faith since early in his reign.326As Mordechai Abir state that in Susǝnyos assumption conversion to Catholicism would bring reform in every aspect of Ethiopian polity, society, and culture. He also persuaded by the Jesuit missionary particularly Paez that conversion to Catholicism would bring a more cohesive, stable and culturally advanced Ethiopia under the leadership of the Solomonic monarchy and the help of Catholic power to overcome the Oromo invasion and other rebellions in the Kingdom.327

This condition gave an opportunity to Paez not only to increase his influence in the royal court but also to become the spiritual mentor and close advisor of King Susǝnyos both in political and military matter.

As well Izabella Ortowska in her work the chronicle of Susənyos as an Ethiopian source for research on the Jesuit period in Ethiopia asserted that the king‟s decision to adopt Catholicism as an official religion of the state was a response to the heterogeneous composition of the ethnography of the kingdom, which was rather complicated by the questions of the Oromo. The author writes that “Catholicism might have appeared an easier version of Christianity to adopt into Oromo culture and custom as it did not have a baggage associated with a national religion as Ethiopian Orthodoxy that over centuries had developed into its unique features”.328According to the author the objective of the king‟s religious reform and conversion to Catholicism was to

326Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susenyos, p.15. 327Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.211.

328Ortowska Izabela, “The Chronicle of Susǝnyos as an Ethiopian Source for Research on the Jesuit Period in Ethiopia Proceeding of 14th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies”, Vol.2, no.12, 2000, P.,427.

64 integrate the Oromo into the Christian ingdom under one religious ideology which fits best with them.

However Mohammed Hassen précised on his work, the Oromo and the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia from 1300-1700 that factor which push king Susǝnyos to accept Catholicism was the desire to obtain military assistance against the Oromo early in his reign.329 In his justification the influence of the learned and wise Jesuit missionaries Paez was not so much pressing issue. The author states that ing Susǝnyos clearly expressed in his letters of 14 October and 10 December 1607, to the king of Spain and Portugal respectively about the campaigns and the disorderly states of his kingdom and the constant in roads of the Oromo.330In addition Leonardo Cohen mentions that the conversion and collaboration of the king‟s like Za-Dǝngǝl and Susǝnyos with the missionaries was to get aid to strengthen their position in the Christian kingdom.331

In addition the Christian(the Portuguese) success against the Muslims in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean gave rise to an exaggerated notion of the power of Catholic nations which was enhanced by Jesuit descriptions of their military strength, government, social system and wealth of Catholic rulers. 332 Therefore in the mid sixteenth century, king Gäläwdewos (1543-1559) attempted to reform the kingdom with the help of western technical and military aids. The admiration for the materialistic culture and power of the Christian Europe and its increasingly centralized system of government became continued during the reign of king Susǝnyos early in the seventeenth century. As well as the success of a small military force of Cristovao da Gama against the Muslim occasionally led Susǝnyos to contemplate requesting European military– technical aid against the various pretenders of his reign, however informed by the Jesuit that such aid was conditional only by conversion.333 Hence early in the 17th century king Susǝnyos started to demonstrate enormous interest towards the religion brought by the missionaries and developed a hope to replace Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity with that of Catholicism. 334

329 Mohamed Hassen, 2015, p.276 330Ibid, p.308.

331Leonardo Cohen, 2009, p.16.

332Alemu Haile, (Tran.) The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.14. 333Leonardo Cohen,” Susǝnyos “Encyclopedia Ethiopica, Vol.4, P.771.

334Ibid, p.15

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Even though the king accepted the faith in 1622 by father Pedro Paez, he publicly served his connection with the Alexandrine church in 1624. Following that year Catholicism became the official religion of Ethiopia, however the attempt to forcefully impose Catholicism upon his constituents during his reign inspired further development of Ethiopian philosophy and it brought political instability in the kingdom.335

To conclude as mentioned above the Jesuit missionary were persistently describing about the developments of western technology particularly the military, government, and social system in the Christian court early in the 17th century. This became a factor that Ethiopian rulers to admire and request technical and military assistance in different time interval. Therefore early in his reign king Susǝnyos faced greater difficulty in maintaining the unity of the kingdom, hence to secure his power, to maintain the unity of the kingdom, and to repel internal and external threats the king attempted to request the military and technical assistance from Portuguese and Spaniards however justified by the Jesuits that the aid was conditioned only through conversion. In addition King Susǝnyos was persuaded by Pedro Paez that conversion to Catholicism would bring a more cohesive, stable and culturally advanced Ethiopia under the leadership of the Solomonic monarchy, this in turn attracted the king to embrace Catholicism and latter declared it as official state religion. However it brought bloody civil war and political instability throughout the kingdom early in the 17th century.

3.5 THE DECLARATION OF CATHOLICISM AS THE STATE OFFICIAL RELIGION IN ETHIOPIAN AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

The traveler account left by Pedro Paez, a Spanish Jesuit at the court of King Susənyos, which is translated into English by T. B. Christophor, Entitled Pedro Paez’s History of Ethiopia tells that a massive public outcry followed the official overthrow of the Orthodox basement of the state.336

Merid Woldä Aregay in his classic work on Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom 1508- 1708, with Special Reference to the Oromo Migrations and their Consequences explains that

335Leonardo Cohen,” Susǝnyos “Encyclopedia Ethiopica, p.771. 336Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez’s History of Ethiopia, p. 302.

66 following royal proclamation of Catholicism as official state religion in 1620‟s bloody civil wars incited throughout the out the kingdom.337

The Chronicle of Susənyos also confirms that after the official proclamations of Catholicism being the state religious ideology in the 1620‟s, at the expense of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, opposition grew intense against the king.338 It soon grew to have regional dimensions as the Lasta and Tigre region in particular stood firm against the Catholic edicts.339 In addition through Alfonso Mendez‟s advice that king Susǝnyos issued the prohibition of some of the practices of the Ethiopian Orthodox church such as observances of Sabbath, circumcision and baptization of Timket ceremony, all they were condemned and prohibited by the king. 340 Moreover all who wanted to call themselves Christian were ordered to be baptized. Susǝnyos had also ordered the people to accept Catholicism. Thus, the people of Damǒt were among his subjects who strongly reacted against Susǝnyos‟s forceful imposition of Catholicism.341

In 1619 Susǝnyos had also ordered the people of Damǒt to cease celebrating Saturday‟s Sabbath. But they were refused to obey the king‟s order and rebellion spirit was continued, however ras Sela krǝstos, half-brother of the king and other prominent pro catholic faith followers launched a fierce attack on the people of Damǒt. During this confrontation more than six hundred monk and other Ethiopian Orthodox church adherent were died in the battle and finally defeated.342 It was in 1622 that king Susǝnyos had officially converted to Catholicism which provoked wide popular opposition. After the death of Paez, the Portuguese government and the Roman church pop appointed new Bishop to Ethiopia called Alfonso Mendez who was welcomed by king Susǝnyos in 1625. Unlike Paez, the newly appointed Bishop Alfonso Mendez had little knowledge about Ethiopia and Ethiopians.343 Therefore his quick determination to Catholicize all the community at all cost resulted in the intensification of religious wars that in turn accelerated Susǝnyos‟s down fall. Initially king Susǝnyos tried to attack the Ethiopian

337Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p. 414. 338Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susənyos, p.209. 339Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p.415. 340Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susənyos, p.16. 341Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Peaz History of Ethiopia, pp.856-857. 342Ibid, p.856. 343Tellez Balthazar, 1710, pp.205-208.

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Orthodox church by weakening the strong supporters of the church and was succeeded by enforcing some of the ruling elites and his relatives including nobles.344

But his persuasion of mass conversion to Catholicism and the prohibition of all the traditional experiences of the Ethiopian Orthodox church brought huge popular discontents and rebellions against king Susǝnyos‟s rule. Indeed, the first organized rebellion and armed resistance was began after a secrete alliance was made between the disappointed nobles, royal officials, ecclesiastics and prominent religions leaders who stood against Susǝnyos anti- Ethiopian Orthodox church measures.345 This anti Susǝnyos alliance was organized by individuals like Yolyos , a governor of Gondär, Yämanä krǝstos who was the younger brother of the king, Belatengeta Kiflo one of the court officials, and Abunä Simon one of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church leader, including a number of nobles who were disappointed because of Susǝnyos‟s reforms. But this rebellion was collapsed soon after Susǝnyos was returned from his expedition to Bête Israel. Further the rebellion was continued under Yolyos and Abunä Simon until they were murdered by the king. In the violence a number of monks and ecclesiastics were also executed.346

However these harsh measures further strengthened the oppositions. Similarly the unwilling religious officials, nobles and some members of the royal court were considered as disloyal and potential threats to the king‟s religious policies and to his throne in general. In last strong resistance and direct military confrontation led under Malkǝ‟ä Krǝstos in 1629 in collaboration with the people of Amhara, Tigrie and some Oromo groups. This major rebellion became the final factor which directly leading to Susǝnyos‟s down fall.347 Particularly in the rebellion of 1631/32 Malkǝ‟ä Krǝstos able to eliminate great number of the King‟s army and conquered Gondär and then marched to Dembya. But finally king Susǝnyos defeated Malkǝ‟ä Krǝstos and his army in the horrible battle which consumed great numbers of human lives on both sides. By and large, the consequences of Mendez‟s strategy of forceful mass conversion in to the Roman

344James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of Nile, Vol.3, pp.379-400. 345Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, p.467. 346Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.222. 347James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of Nile, Vol.3, p.379.

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Catholic faith and king Susǝnyos‟s unwise measures popular resistances and continuous bloodshed.348

Contrary to this Mendez once more ordered king Susǝnyos to defend and realize the continuation of Catholicism in Ethiopia. But the exhausted king refused Mendez‟s order and decided to stop the bloodshed between his people. As a result finally on 14th Jun 1632 king Susǝnyos abdicated the throne in favor of his son Fasilädäs who ruled the Christian kingdom in the next thirty five years, from 1632 to 1667.349 Generally, the attempt of king Susǝnyos in the 17th century to catholicize his forefathers‟ Ethiopian Orthodox church and its adherents was failed by the strong popular resistances which finally completed him to abdicate his throne and also establish fertile ground for the restoration of the Ethiopian Orthodox church to its traditional position. In addition the resistance led by ecclesiastics, nobles, and pretenders of different kinds continued the struggle against foreign spiritual cultural domination with increasing tenacity and bitterness.350

Yet due to personal grievances and the Jesuits fanaticism of Mendez which affected Tigre through the Jesuits center in Fremona, Täklä Giorgis rebelled in 1628 against his master. In addition due to his reluctance to accept Susǝnyos rule and maintain relations with pretender, Malkea Chrǝstos, who appeared in Lǝsta.351 Mǝlka Krǝstos rebellion, served as an outlet for the frustration of the Agäw of Wag, Lasta and Bägǝmdǝr. The imposition of a strict Catholic code of personal behavior and the suppression of their ancient customs greatly aggravated the situation. The revolt in Lasta quickly attracted many of the opponents of Susǝnyos government. Even a loose coalition emerged between rebels in Amhara, the Lastans under Mǝlkä Krǝstos Tigrean nobles and the Oromo tribes.352 The Lastan rebellion was the final factor which led to the downfall of king Susǝnyos, at first, it was a purely ethnical-cultural protest movement, and later it became the nucleus of popular revolution against the king rejecting alien religious-cultural changes which the king wished to impose up on the Agäw.353

As Matteo Salvador explain that following to the public conversion of king Susǝnyos and declaration of Catholicism as the state official religion in 1624, there was a fierce repression of

348Tellez Balthazar, 1710, p.235. 349Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.225. 350Christophor J. Tribe (Tran.), Pedro Paez History of Ethiopia, pp.865-868. 351Ibid, pp.235-236. 352Ibid. 353Mordechai Abir,1980, pp.,232-224.

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Ethiopian traditions and institutions. Ethiopian churches were closed down and then re- consecrated as catholic. Divorce made illegal, circumcision forbidden, food prohibitions were challenged and the estates of the Ethiopian churches were reassigned to the Jesuits. Such radical developments turned a peaceful encounter and the possibility of coexistence for different Christian traditions in to violent confrontation. As the Ethiopian nobility was split between different camps and the country fell in to a civil war.354

Sevir Chernetsov, in his article on the Role of Catholicism in the History of Ethiopia of the first Half of 17th century, also affirms that the baptism of the various people of the kingdom under Roman Catholic doctrines gave rise for rebellions in various provinces of the kingdom, which was followed by the coercive measures of king Susənyos against anti-Catholics.355 The most serious reaction to the king‟s religious policy continued to grow in Susǝnyos own family and the orbits of his original followers. The immediate outcome was a secrete alliance between Yolyos, the governor of Bägemdǝr and Lästa Yämänä Krǝstos, the king‟s older brother and governor of Wogära and Dämbiya: bläten Keflo, one of the most power full personalities in the court administration: the ecclesiastics led by the abun and the traditional nobility. In this case opposition to the king‟s religious policy continued to spread and the anti-catholic party bided the opportunity to over through Susǝnyos.356

Abunä Simon emerged as an arch villain in the rebellion of 1618. He renewed the excommunication of all those who would betray Monophysitism, encouraged leaders of the opposition to rebel against their master in the name of the true Christianity. The official cause of the rebellion was the arbitrary dismissal of Yämänä Krǝstos (a fanatical catholic who tirelessly worked for Ethiopia‟s conversion to Rome) from his position as bǝthwädäd. Later king Susǝnyos employed his armies to capture strategic objectives and negotiated a military alliance with the Oromo of Bägemdǝr, Amhara, and Šäwa357 However Yolyos with the powerless abun and some ecclesiastics was determined to fight, but the battle concluded with the complete victory of the king and the death of Yolyos. The bloodshed only served to embitter further opposition to his anti-Ethiopian policy. Even though Susǝnyos professed the faith in 1622, the official conversion

354Matteo Salvador, 2010, p.30. 355Sevir Chernetsov, “The Role of Catholicism in the History of Ethiopia of the first half of 17th century”, Proceedings of the 10th International Conference on Ethiopian Studies, (1998), p. 211. 356Mordechai Abir, 1980, pp. 213-215. 357Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, p. 415.

70 to Catholicism was in 1625. From that year onwards opposition to Susǝnyos religious policy became open more violent and rapidly spread from one province to another.358 New grievance against the king assumed in different parts of the country. A religious ideology with xenophobic undertones relating to the Jesuits and alien dogmas which the kings drew heart more over from the expansion of the opposition to his reign359, also the rebellion of 1618 accelerated the process of complete alienation of king Susǝnyos from national church. Shortly after his victory Susǝnyos published a number of edicts, meant to erode the foundation of the church and to bring about Ethiopia‟s conversion to Catholicism. These were to enforce with the help of a hand full Jesuits and thousands of fanatical Ethiopian converts, above all Sǝ‟la Krǝstos.360 Governors and officials who considered disloyal to Catholicism were dismissed from their position and punished if they did not follow his religious policy. Ecclesiastics unwilling to cooperate with Susǝnyos religious policy were banished from their parishes and monasteries and in some cases cruelly punished.361 In an effort to re-educate the Ethiopians, the Jesuits instructed the populations in the new beliefs, supported their conversion and intervened in the affairs of the state on every level. Inevitably the frustration of all classes grew to such an extent that in the coming years one religiously motivated revolt followed another. Hence the rebellion of Yona‟ǝl (1620), the new governor of Bägemdǝr and one of Susǝnyos trusted officers was supported by ecclesiastics, the nobility, the people of Bägemdǝr, Wogära and Amhara and the local Oromo. Baraytuma clans actually fought in the rank of Yona‟el‟s army but he was defeated and taken by his Oromo friends, Followed that a general uprising broke out among the Agäw of the west simultaneously with that of Yona‟el, Led by monks, hermits, and nobles who found refuge among them. The Agäw demanded inter alia, that the catholic be expelled and their books burnt. But both rebellions were crushed with the help of Sǝ‟la Christos, and thousands of clergymen and monks were killed fighting for their faith. Yonael and other officials were murdered in 1622 by Oromo chiefs at the instigation of Susǝnyos. Merid Woldä Aregay also mentions that the king attempted to revert the rebellious groups by his Oromo dominated army.362

358Sevir Chernetsov, 1998, P.214. 359Leonardo Cohen,”Susǝnyos" Encyclopedia Ethiopica, (Vol.4), pp.770-771. 360Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.216. 361Merid Woldä Aregay, 1971, pp., 465-466. 362Ibid, p. 416.

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The abortive rebellion of Yonael and Yolyos signaled the final alienation between the Solomonic king and the national church. The latter lost its predominant position in the country and good part of its infrastructure was wiped out in the civil wars. The churches and monasteries were closed, their properties confiscated and the monks and clergy were dispersed or fled to remote areas. Furthermore until 1618 the attitude of the order of Täklä Haymanŏt to Susǝnyos policy was somewhat ambiguous, but once the king attempted to coerce the population to accept Catholicism and persecuted those loyal to the religion of the national church, the leaders of Täklä Haymanŏt could no longer remain neutral and involved in the support of the pretenders Gabriel in 1623. The early conversion of Sǝ‟la Krǝstos to Catholicism and his relation with the Jesuits played a major role in the development and expansion of the new religion in Ethiopia during the reign of king Susǝnyos. Sǝ‟la Krǝstos exercised an immense influence on his brother and greatly encouraged his revolutionary plans. Once appointed governor of Goǧǧam, Dämbǝya and the other territories, Sǝ‟la Krǝstos utilized his vast revenues to build a substantial private army from refugee and local military elements who became as devoted to Catholicism as himself and who received substantial estates previously allotted to the church and the nobility.363

Due to Suǝnyos public submission to Roman Catholicism, the traditional center of the Solomonic Dynasty in Šäwa and Amhara showed its disapproval by erupting in 1623 in to a general rebellion led by the pretender Woldä Gabriel. It was supported by the order of Täklä Haymanôt and the Abbot of Däbrä Libanos; this revolt ignited the central and eastern plateau with Muslim and Oromo elements actively participating in it. Ethiopia‟s vast Muslim population became increasingly apprehensive over the religious oriented civil wars caused by the Jesuits.364The Jabartis feared their religious enthusiasm and fanaticism and the socio- political reforms which the king wished to institute. This attitude influenced neighboring Muslim rulers previously friendly to Susǝnyos was to ally in the side of the pretenders. Therefore the sultan of Aussa, a tributary of king Susǝnyos, corresponded with Woldä Gabrel and sent him presents, in this case the Jesuits who reached Aussa in 1624 were murdered and their colleagues who landed in Sawäkin were prevented from proceeding to the plateau.365

363Mordechai Abir,1980, p.,216. 364Ibid, p.219. 365Tellez Balthazar, 1710, p.39.

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The arrival of Alfonso Mendez, who was ignorant of Ethiopia and determined to convert it at all cost, intensified the religious war. Also he was responsible for the cruelest and humiliating persecution of all Ethiopians since1625. The persecution which accompanied the persistent campaigns between 1625 and 1632 to implement Catholicism drove the Ethiopian people to rebel against the king.366 Furthermore the Jesuits were incapable of understanding the correlation between the church and culture in Ethiopia and the significance of the practices and customs which had become part of the beliefs of the national church.367 As Mordechai Abir state that European Catholicism was not only the product of an alien cultural revolution, but also did not tolerate any aspects of Ethiopian Christianity. In this case they ignored the correlation in Ethiopia between beliefs, customs, and local culture and dismissed the latter as being inferior in every aspect to their own. They had shown complete lack of understanding tact and common sense in their relation with the Ethiopians. They also rejected ancient Ethiopian-African institutions such as polygamy, concubine, divorce and circumcision as well as matter of belief, universally practiced in Ethiopia (and most of Africa.368

Finally when Fasilädäs (r.1632-1667) came to power, that ended the era of Jesuit in Ethiopia and he began to expel the Jesuits from Ethiopia. At the same time the Ethiopian who chosen to remain loyal to their new religion were constantly harassed, while Sǝ‟la Krǝstos was imprisoned on an amba in Simen and later killed.369 In last Fasilädäs attempted to create an anti-Portuguese alliance with the ottoman and the new Zaydi Imam of Yemen. Such an alliance was hoped to repulse any European attempt to intervene in the affairs of his country.370 In addition according to Merid Wolde Aregay, due to religious reform of the king, tension and theological disputes was intensified in the country. This was Controversies inspired by Catholic dogmas in the national church during the reign of king Susǝnyos. They focused on the problem of the nature of Christ.371These religious controversies were to become a major factor undermining Ethiopia‟s

366Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, pp.469-470. 367Tellez Balthazar, 1710, p.237. 368Mordechai Abir, 1980, pp.224-225. 369James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Sources of Nile, Vol.3, P.33. 370Mordechai Abir, 1980, p.551. 371Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, pp.459-503.

73 unity and political spiritual development throughout Fasilädäs reign and in the coming two centuries.372

In last the restoration of the Orthodox order was made by king Fasilädäs (1632-1667), son of king Susənyos. Richard Pankhurst writes that this religious reform ended the Jesuits‟ era.373 This reform ended with the expulsion of the Jesuits from the country and the beginning of Ethiopia‟s relation with Muslim neighbors. A recent translation of the chronicle of Susənyos unveil that the 1620‟s pro-Catholic proclamations were decayed by the Pro-Orthodox royal proclamations of the 1630‟s, which was made against the brief periods which Catholicism had prevailed in the kingdom. Part of the Amharic version of the proclamation which states:

“የ እስክንዳርያ፡ ሀይማኖት፡ ትጽና፡ ፡ የ ሳቱ፡ እና፡ ያሳቱ፡ ያመጣት፡ የ ሮምያ፡ ሀይማኖትም፡ የ ተጣሇችና፡ የ ተጠሊች፡ ትሁን፡ ፡ ”

[May the faith of Alexandria flourish. Let that religion of Rome, brought by the misled and misleading, be hated]374Underscores the royal commitment to establish a Catholic free Christian kingdom. This proclamation did not last long, however, as the legacy of the Jesuits was felt in the religious debates of the Christology which raged the Kingdom at the second half of the 17th century.

372Ibid. 373Richard Pankhurst, Travelers in Ethiopia, p. 51. 374Alemu Haile (Tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susənyos, p.24.

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3.6 Chronological orders of events in the Chronicle of king Susǝnyos early in the seventeenth century chapter Subject raised Chronological index

24 -The return of Ya‟əqob375 1605

25 -Susənyos requested the royal dignitaries to collaborate with him376 1605

26 -Susənyos urged gult possession for reconciliation 1605-1606

-The submission of the Käräyu and Wällo Oromo to Susənyos377

27 -War with Zä-Śəlläśe and Susənyos‟ adoption of Oromo‟s war tactic 1605-1606 leading him to victory378

28 -Susənyos reconciled with Zä-Səlasse and spent in Goğğam379 1606

29 -Refusal of the Qurban to accept Susənyos as King380 1606

30 - Susənyos‟ battle and victory over Ya‟əqob at Gol 1606

-Susənyos‟s adoption of the Čəffera‟s war tactic of the 17th century‟s Oromo381

31 -Susənyos wonders from one province to the other 1606-1607

-Visited Maryam Śəna, widow of Sarś a Dǝngǝl in Taqar382

32 -Susənyos set out a punitive expedition, directed against those who 1607

375Alemu Haile (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.53-54. 376Ibid, p.55. 377Ibid.p.56-60 378Ibid.pp.60-62. 379Ibid,pp.63-64 380Ibid.p.65-67 381Ibid.pp.68-71 382G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 159

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refused to pay tax383

33 -Oromo understood that Susənyos was a Christian king 1608

-Wäräntəša‟s attack on Bägemədər

- Susənyos fought the Libän Oromo in Ğan.

- Susənyos troops refused to fight the Oromo in Wäläqa384

34 -Zä-Səlasse killed and beheaded385 1608

35 -War with rebellious Tigrean imposter386 1608

36 -Märäwa tribes invaded BägeMədir387 1608

37 -Defeat of Susənyos by the Marawa league 1609

-Reprisal against Marawa388

38 -Susənyos journey to Aksum389 1609-1610

39 -Arzo, grandson of Minas falsely proclaimed as king 1611

-Punitive expedition against the supporters of the Tigrean imposters390

40 Punished the Agäw in Taqusa391 1611-1612

383Ibid,p.160 384Alemu Haile (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos,pp.76-82 385Ibid, p.85. 386G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p.161. 387Alemu Haile (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, p.86-90. 388 G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 162. 389Ibid., p. 162. 390Ibid, p.164. 391Alemu Haile (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp. 102-108.

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41 -Reconciliation with the Warantisha Oromo in Wälaqa 1613

- Susənyos settled the Warantisha in Ganz, Ačäfär, and Goğğam392

42 - Susənyos war against the Borän‟s Tulama Oromo393 1614

43 -War with the Agäw394 1614-1615

44 -Death of his mother, Hämälmalawit395 1615

45 -Operation against the Fälaša, Karayu‟s raid against Tigre396 1616

46 - Wäld Śä‟ala concerned about the royal conspiracy against Susənyos 1617-1618

- Susənyos‟s positivity towards Catholicism

-Yolyos‟s anti-Catholic position397

47 -Events in Dämbya398 1617-1618

48 -Concerns of Catholicism in the royal family -Events in Amḥara399 1619

49 -Inter-tribal war among the Oromo 1619

-Journey to Ǝnarya

-Settled the Yahabatta400

50 War with the Oromo in south of Abbay401 1619

392Ibid, pp.108-110. 393G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 166. 394Alemu Haile (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.113-114. 395G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 167. 396Ibid. 397Alemu Haile (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp.115-124. 398G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p.168. 399Alemu Haile (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp. 131-135. 400Ibid.pp. 139-143. 401G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p.169.

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51 -Establishment of Dänqaz the capital 1619

-War with deserted Warantisha Oromo402

52 The chronicler wrote on himself403 1619

53 -Expedition against the Muslims in the country located at the 1619-1620 Northwest of Ethiopia, in the kingdom of Deqin404

54 -Political issues in the court405 1619-1620

55 -Christianization of the Warantisha Oromo 1619-1620

-The chronicler wrote on the Oromo culture and ethnography406

56 -Theological debates between Qəbat and Täwaḥədo 1619-1620

-Allied expedition against various Oromo raids407

57 -Theological chaos inside the Ethiopian church 1619-1620

-Susənyos‟s attempted to stop Mäča Oromo‟s raid to Goğğam

-Tulama‟s raid to Goğğam

-Marawa‟s raid to Tigre

-Prince (abeto) Fasilädäs ordered to face the Oromo raids

- Susənyos‟ war against the still fighting Oromo408

58 -Controversies inside the traditional church409 1620

402Alemu Haile,( tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp. 148-152. 403Ibid.p. 152. 404 G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p.171 405Alemu Haile,( tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos,p.154. 406 Ibid.pp.156-159. 407Ibid., pp. 159-17. 408Ibid., pp. 171-172. 409Ibid., p. 172

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59 Events in Bäge Mədir and Goğğam410 1620

60 -Raid against potential power contenders411 1620

61 -Yona‟el got the support of the Oromo in his anti-Catholic stand 1620-1621

-Matcha raid into Goğğam and Susənyos‟ use of integrated Oromo warriors against them412

62 …………………………………………………….413 ………………

63 -Pro-catholic proclamations414 1620-1621

64 -Pedro Paez (“Padri Pay”) mentioned415 1620-1621

65 …………………………………………… …………..

66 -Oromo fighting in the side of Yona‟el as anti-Catholic agents 1622

-Integrated Oromo fighting with Susənyos with pro-catholic stand

- Susənyos fought the Wollo Oromo416

67 -Pro-catholic Oromo beheaded Yona‟el417 1623

68 -Death of Yona‟el418 1623

410G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 173. 411Alemu Haile, (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos,p.176. 412Ibid., pp. 177-183. 413The chronicle has missing chapters. These are 62 and 65. 414Ibid., pp. 186-187 415G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 176. 416Alemu Haile, (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos,pp. 189-194. 417Ibid. 194. 418Ibid. p. 195.

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69 -Concerns with the Fälaša419 1624

70 -Anti-Catholic stand by Wäldä Qebreyal and his Oromo allies in 1625 Mälza and Wäläqa420

71 Events in Amḥara, Ḥayq, and Wadla421 1625-1626

72 -War with the Fälaša‟s Gedeon422 1625

73 -Events in Amḥara, Märḥabete and Mänz423 1626

74 -War with the son of Gedeon the Fälaša in Səmen424 1626

75 -Pro-catholic Oromo beheaded the imposter Wäldä Qebreya425 1625-1626

76 -land grant by Susənyos to his brother ras Sə‟əlä Krəstos in 1627 Goğğam426 and Bägemədir427

77 -Events in Damot and Agäwmədər428 1627

78 -Jesuits‟ involvement in constructing churches in Gorgora429 1627

79 -Susənyos and Wäldä Sä‟ala settled at Dänqaz 1627

-Construction of bridge under royal order430

419G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 178. 420Alemu Haile, (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos, pp. 70. 421G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 178. 422Alemu Haile, (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos. 203. 423G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 178. 424Ibid.p. 179. 425Alemu Haile, (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos. 209. 426G.W.B. Huntingford, 1989, p. 179. 427Ibid., p. 179. 428Alemu Haile, (tran.), The Chronicle of ase Susǝnyos. 211. 429Ibid. pp. 211-213. 430Ibid.

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CONCLUSIONS

Documents which are compiled on a history of the reign of king Susǝnyos early in the 17th Ethiopia focus heavily on the advent of the Jesuits, their contacts with the Christian court and the religious policies of the king. The attempt made by the king to maintain, peace and order after a long period of instability and the role of king Susǝnyos in the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia left untapped subject. It was obvious following the death of Šärsä Dǝngǝl in the late sixteenth century the country was filled by lawlessness and turmoil. This was due to power contention between the emergent war lords, nobility and the monarchs. Hence throughout the period of anarchy the power of the monarchs was less secure and weakened, while the lords maintained their privileges. However the accession of power by Susǝnyos in 1607 relatively peace and order maintained in the country as well as the power of the monarchy‟s restored under the Solomonic dynasty in the kingdom. But early in his reign king Susǝnyos inherited the kingdom that was weak and a full of trouble. Therefore to maintain the unity and stability of the kingdom, to secure his power and to modernize the society under European model as well the frequent threat made by the internal and external power forced the king to request technical and military aid from European powers particularly from Portugal and Spain early in his reign.

Gradually this technical and military requests as well as the description of the Jesuits about the development of western culture leads the conversion of king Susǝnyos and Ethiopian sovereign to Catholicism in the early 17th century. Scholars mention various factors for the success of the Jesuit project in the Christian court during the reign of King Susǝnyos. The internal turmoil in the royal court in one hand and the contribution of famous Jesuit missionaries in convincing Ethiopian sovereigns to conversion to Catholicism were on the other. However following the declaration of Catholicism as official state religion instead of Ethiopian orthodox Christianity in 1622 brought bloody civil wars and instability incited throughout Susǝnyos reign and opposition against the king‟s religious policy grew in various region led by the clergy, nobility and other pretenders. Finally it leads to the dawn fall of ing Susǝnyos. In last the restoration of the orthodox order was maintained by king Fäsilädäs (1632-1667), the son of king Susǝnyos. This ended up the Jesuit era and their expulsion in the country and the beginning of Ethiopia‟s relation with Muslim neighbours.

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Declaration

I, the undersigned declare that this paper is purely my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any university. All the material used for this study is prudently acknowledged.

Name Abdo Mubarik

Signature ______

Date ______

Place Debre Berhan University

I confirm that this thesis has been submitted with my approval as academic advisor.

______

Marguax Herman (PhD.)

______

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