ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXIX, FASC. 178 2020-II

Research Notes

Bert Daelemans SJ, La primera imagen del examen de conciencia en la espiritualidad ignaciana: orar con el Via vitae Aeternae (1620) de Antonius Sucquet SJ 313

Guglielmo Pireddu SJ, Gli studi superiori nel collegio di Santa Croce a Cagliari (1606–1773) 337

Mark A. Lewis SJ, Evaluating an Early Modern Soteriology: Nicholas Bobadilla’s Question on Meriting Eternal Life 379

Paul Begheyn SJ and Vincent Hunink, Peter Canisius SJ to Cardinal Giovanni Morone: Two Fabricated Letters Dated in the Mid-Sixteenth Century 419

Carlo Pelliccia, Il viaggio degli ambasciatori giapponesi tra Venezia e Mantova (1585) nelle epistole del codice Ital. 159 dell’Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu 437

Review Essay

Jakub Zouhar, Historical Research in the Czech Republic between 1979 and 2019 on the Pre-Suppression Society of Jesus 467 Bibliography (Wenceslao Soto Artuñedo SJ) 499

Book Reviews

C. Casalini, ed., Jesuit Philosophy on the Eve of Modernity (Daniel Canaris) 619

C. Casalini and C. Pavur SJ, eds, The Way to Learn and the Way to Teach (Yasmin Haskell) 625

J. Bernauer SJ, Jesuit Kaddish: Jesuits, Jews, and Holocaust Remembrance (P. Chenaux) 626

W. Soto Artuñedo SJ, coord., El Jesuita Pedro Páez. Cartas desde el Nilo Azul ( J. García de Castro Valdés) 629

M. Molesky, O Abismo de Fogo. O Grande Terramoto de Lisboa ou Apocalipse na Idade da Ciência e da Razão (F. Malta Romeiras) 633

C.J. de León Perera, La Compañía de Jesús en la Salamanca universitaria (1548-1767). Aspectos institucionales, socioeconómicos y culturales (W. Soto Artuñedo SJ) 637

M. Ferrero, ed., Il primo Confucio latino. Il Grande Studio, La Dottrina del Giusto Mezzo, I Dialoghi. Trascrizione, traduzione e commento di un manoscritto inedito di Michele Ruggieri SJ (1543-1607) (Michela Catto) 641

F. Verbiest, Postulata Vice-Provinciae Sinensis in Urbe Proponenda. A Blueprint for a Renewed SJ Mission in China (Y. Wu) 643

T. Meynard y R. Villasante, La filosofía moral de Confucio: La primera traducción de las obras de Confucio al español en 1590 (J. E. Borao Mateo) 648

B. McShea, Apostles of Empire: The Jesuits and New France (Riley Wallace) 653

Notes and News in Jesuit History

“Gracias y hasta la vista”, P. Francisco de Borja Medina (Wenceslao Soto Artuñedo SJ) 657 Archival Networks in Jesuit History: Responding to the 36th General Congregation on Collaboration and Networking (Raúl González Bernardi SJ) 659

XIV Seminario Internacional «La Corte en Europa»: La lucha por la hegemonía mundial. Entre política y religión: jesuitas, castellanos y portugueses (online 22-23 octubre 2020) (Wenceslao Soto Artuñedo SJ) 660

In ricordo di padre Diego Brunello SJ (1930–2020) (Maria Macchi) 665

Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesi (ARSI) Report on Works 669 and Activities, 2019–2020 (Brian Mac Cuarta SJ) 675 Index volume LXXXIX

Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu vol. lxxxix, fasc. 178 (2020-II)

Book Reviews

Cristiano Casalini, ed., Jesuit Philosophy on the Eve of Modernity. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019. ix, 463pp. $178.00. ISBN 978-90-04- 39439-1.

The role of Jesuit philosophers in the formation of modern thought has long been recognised by intellectual historians and philosophers. Many of the leading lights of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries acquired the fundaments of their philosophical formation in Jesuit schools which were then among the most prestigious institutes of learning. The influence of Jesuit philosophy was even felt (albeit often tacitly or indirectly) in Protestant Europe, especially in the fields of political philosophy and logic. Yet while numerous studies have reflected on the intellectual contributions of individual Jesuits such as Molina and Suárez and their influence on later thinkers, our understanding of what is meant by ‘Jesuit philosophy’ is patchy at best. This volume, edited by Cristiano Casalini, an expert in Jesuit pedagogy based at Boston College, seeks to produce a holistic overview of Jesuit philosophy by bringing together leading authorities in Jesuit studies. Its impressive scope comprehensively covers most major topics of Jesuit philosophy, including epistemology, logic, psychology, rhetoric, pedagogy, moral theology, metaphysics, and political philosophy. Casalini has devised a neat structure of four parts to organise this highly diverse range of subject matters, which could easily become unwieldy and bewildering for the lay reader. The first part eases the reader with the historical context, outlining the pedagogical links between Jesuit philosophy and the Jesuit curriculum (Grendler) and impact of censorship over Jesuit philosophy (Sander). The placing of these two chapters at the beginning of this volume is very apt because the themes raised in these two chapters can be considered programmatic for the entire volume. As almost every other chapter points out, the production of Jesuit philosophical texts was intricately tied to the needs of the Jesuit curriculum (Ratio studiorum), which revolved around a selective reading and explanation of the Aristotelian corpus. Jesuit philosophers were also constrained by the Jesuit Constitutions, which enjoined Jesuits to follow Aristotle and Aquinas as models for philosophy and theology respectively. Grendler’s chapter 620 Book Reviews magisterially ploughs through archival sources to reconstruct the development of the Jesuit curriculum and its geographical variations. To those familiar with Grendler’s extensive and pioneering work, this chapter offers little new, but it remains an invaluable and accessible introduction to the Jesuit curriculum. As Sander argues, Jesuit philosophy was founded upon the belief in the need for doctrinal uniformity and solidity. Hence sophisticated censorship apparati were developed over time to ensure that Jesuits remained faithful to the magisterium and homogenous in their doctrine. While this pursuit of uniformity bestowed a distinct and readily identifiable character to many Jesuit writings, the Jesuits were anything but “uniform” in their thought. Indeed, Jesuits did not even agree on what doctrinal “solidity” and “uniformity” meant for their intellectual endeavours. They would balance these normalising forces with the principle of libertas opinionum (freedom of opinion), which granted Jesuits a certain freedom to argue for alternative positions in their teaching and writings. Yet Jesuit philosophers also differed on the extent and scope of intellectual freedom. The rich tapestry of thought unveiled through this volume reveals that the Jesuits were far from slavish adherents to medieval precedents, but sought to reflect the contributions of the scientific revolution and humanist textual practices in their reading of Aristotle. Even in their metaphysics, Jesuits would temper Thomistic realism with concessions to Scotism and voluntarism (Hill). Indeed, as Gatto argues, Jesuit philosophers were not passive spectators of the seventeenth century, but laid the groundwork for the profound epistemic changes taking place. The contributions contained in Part 2 concern more in-depth discussion of particular philosophic issues within Jesuit thought. With seven chapters and 170 pages, this is the weightiest—and arguably the most philosophically interesting—section of the volume. Régent-Susini seeks to shed light on the centrality of rhetoric in Jesuit thought, pointing to its role in the development of Jesuit casuistry and views about the relationship between truth and verisimilitude and probability and certainty. Ashworth presents a rich overview of Jesuit logic, encompassing among others the logical works of Fonseca, Toledo, Rubio, Śmiglecki and Couto. Her study reveals the new features of Jesuit works of logic compared to their medieval predecessors. Under the influence of humanist rhetoric, Jesuit logicians returned to focus on the concerns raised by Aristotle’s Organon, simplifying the complex technical lexicon developed by Book Reviews Book Reviews 621

medieval logicians and their original contributions to logic. Heider looks into the paradigm shifts that took place in Jesuit cognitive psychology by comparing the theories of the soul and knowledge developed by Suárez and Hurtado. Heider shows how the revival of medieval nominalism brought Hurtado to question Suárez’ view that the soul was distinct from its vital powers (real distinction thesis) and to partially eliminate the intentional species from his account of cognition. Hence, while mechanist theories of psychology in vogue among early modern philosophers typically rejected the real distinction thesis and the intentional species, their critiques were preceded by both Jesuit philosophy and late medieval nominalism. Blum’s contribution argues that the tendency in scholarship to denominate Jesuit philosophers as either “Scholastic Aristotelians” or “modern scientists” fails to consider their critical reception of Aristotelian physics. Discussing the works of Toledo, Perera, and the Conimbricenses, Blum argues that Jesuits both built upon and challenged features of Aristotle’s theory of space, place and vacuum with empirical observations. Blum’s desire to move away from the dichotomisation of modern science and Aristotelianism is shared by Caroti, who discusses Góis’s commentary on De generatione et corruptione in relation to the vexed theological question of transubstantiation. Góis subtly revises Aquinas’ understanding of the relationship between substance and accidents, conceptualising accidents almost as substances, which can maintain their essential properties without inhering in a substance. Caroti stresses that Góis’ intention to develop Aquinas’ views is reflected by his varied use of medieval and humanist source materials. Jesuit ethics and political philosophy are represented in two articles by Haar and Bom respectively. Haar’s chapter argues that Jesuit ethics was distinguished by its practical orientation, which led Jesuits to avoid speculative discussion of virtues and privilege a juridical approach to moral philosophy. This led to a unique emphasis upon practical moral manuals, such as Juan Azor’s Institutiones morales and the development of casuistry, which focuses on the contextual discussion of moral problems, as well as probabilism, a theory for evaluating action in doubtful moral situations mirroring juridical principles. Bom demonstrates the deep connection between these innovations in Jesuit ethics for Jesuit political theory, which sought to develop a theory of reason of state compatible with Christian virtue. Bom portrays the Jesuit emphasis upon the virtue of prudence as a grand synthesis between humanist reasoning and Scholastic casuistry. 622 Book Reviews

One of the recurrent themes of this volume is that despite the centralising influences on Jesuit thought, there was significant regional variation. Uniquely, therefore, in part 3 major Jesuit thinkers are grouped together according to the intellectual sphere in which they operated: the Roman College, Madrid and Coimbra. The chapters in this part present rich intellectual biographies of figures who while well-known at the turn of the seventeenth century are relatively unknown to non-specialists (with the obvious exceptions of Molina and Suárez). Tropia surveys Toledo’s broad corpus of philosophical, theological and exegetic works. Tropia presents Toledo as a lucid and original thinker who was the most important reference point for Jesuit pedagogy until the publication of the Conimbricenses. Despite the emphasis on Aquinas in the Society of Jesus, Tropia stresses that Toledo’s works were characterised by a degree of freedom in their choice of authority, which verged on eclecticism. Toledo even makes risky interventions in controversial theological debates. For instance, in his commentary on De anima he slyly suggests that Pomponazzi was not mistaken in asserting that the immortality of the soul cannot be proven with natural reason. Lamanna is tasked with presenting the thought of Perera, a highly original thinker whose eclecticism and interest in pagan and Muslim philosophy led other Jesuits to accuse him of Averroism. Perera provides evocative insights into the intellectual tensions within Jesuit thought, pointing to Perera’s influence on Bruno, who cited Perera’s grappling with the unbridgeable chasm between God’s infinity and the finitude of Creation to challenge the notion that Creation could be ontologically inferior to its cause. Yet ironically another Jesuit, Bellarmine, played a leading role in Bruno’s trial. The Madrid Jesuits are represented by Aichele’s discussion of Molina, who was famed for his theory of middle knowledge (scientia media) which Molina developed to explain the age-old problem of how God can know future contingents without determining them. Aichele’s contribution provides a rigorous and thorough outline of the metaphysical and logical underpinnings of Molina’s theory with reference to Molina’s Concordia and Commentary on the first part of Aquinas’ Summa theologiae. The next section considers the Jesuits at the University of Coimbra, which in the latter half of the sixteenth century supplanted the University of Salamanca as the most important centre for theology and philosophy in the Iberian peninsula. Martins considers the Book Reviews Book Reviews 623

metaphysics of Fonseca, a figure who towered in the sixteenth century but has been largely forgotten by intellectual historians. He reveals the crucial role that Fonseca played in the development of Jesuit logic and the ratio studiorum. As Martins argues, Fonseca’s commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics uniquely stressed the importance of studying and interpreting Aristotle’s original text, presenting the text in the Greek original, a Latin translation and an explanation of Aristotle’s meaning. But Fonseca did not advocate a passive or uncritical stance towards the Aristotelian text: the main aim of philosophical inquiry was the search for truth. For this reason, he added “quaestiones” (questions) as a fourth section to his commentary, which sought to conduct a broader and freer discussion of metaphysical themes unbeholden to the Aristotelian text. Carvalho presents the important figure of Góis who was the driving force behind the famed Coimbra commentaries. Carvalho provides a thorough overview of Góis’ prolific corpus of philosophic works, with a particular emphasis on the themes of physics and theories of the soul. Carvalho emphasises that despite the traditional categorisation of Góis’ works as commentaries, not all of these works contain Aristotle’s text in Latin and only some published outside of Portugal contained the Greek text. While the Ethics abandons the commentary form for the more modern method of disputation, other works of Góis, such as his commentaries on the Meteorology and the Parva naturalia should be more properly considered philosophical treatises. The last Jesuit thinker considered in this volume is Suárez. Hill expertly configures Suárez’s thought as a revised form of Thomism which makes concessions to voluntarism while preserving the core of Thomist intellectualism. Hill’s account encompasses the full breadth of Suárez’s intellectual project, covering essential concepts in his metaphysics, theory of the soul, and political theory. Hill demonstrates how Suárez sought to provide a need: the rigorous defence of Thomism in the face of challenges from later thinkers. Yet Hill emphasises that Suárez was willing to jettison Aquinas when his arguments are clearly untenable, such as Aquinas’ attempt to use motion to prove the existence of God. The fourth and final part of this volume considers the influence of Jesuit thought on early modern philosophy. Gatto convincingly dismantles the view that Descartes sought to distance his philosophy from scholasticism. In fact, as Gatto argues, Descartes’ criticism of Jesuit scholasticism in his Discours de la méthode can be 624 Book Reviews contrasted with the praise in his letters for the philosophy teaching he received at La Flèche. Gatto demonstrates that in the aftermath of his Meditations and Principles of Philosophy, Descartes sought to relearn the scholastic philosophy that he learnt in his youth and began a process of reinterpreting his thought to reconcile it with scholasticism. Indeed, there were continuities between Descartes’ innovations and trends in Jesuit scholasticism. For instance, Descartes’ rejection of final causation in explaining the material built upon Suárez’s emphasis on efficient causation in creation. The last chapter of this volume is devoted to a comparative study of Locke and Jesuit political philosophy. As Rossiter acknowledges, such a comparison might seem surprising, given that Locke was ve- hemently critical of Scholasticism and attempted to ground moral philosophy solely on empirically derived ideas. Yet there were un- canny similarities between Locke and Suárez in how they explain the normative force of moral laws. Both thinkers adopt a position that might be considered moderate theological voluntarism, in that they believe that there is a correspondence between moral laws and human nature but the injunctive force of moral laws is an act of the divine will. Jesuit philosophy encompasses such a broad range of disciplines that an exhaustive introduction is not possible in a single volume. Yet there is one feature of Jesuit philosophy that this reviewer wishes was afforded more attention. While the Jesuits werea global institute, this volume almost exclusively considers Jesuits active in Europe. Only passing reference is made to the role of the Asian and North American Jesuit missions in broadening the Jesuits’ understanding of philosophy (notably Carvalho’s chapter on the Coimbra course). This Eurocentric focus is especially surprising because it was precisely the Jesuits’ globalising impetus that placed them at the cutting edge of Catholic thought and afforded them continuing influence in the Enlightenment as their scholastic methods fell out of fashion. Nevertheless, the editor is to be commended for assembling such an impressive volume which no doubt will become a standard introduction for Jesuit philosophy.

Sun Yat-sen University, China Daniel Canaris Book Reviews Book Reviews 625

Cristiano Casalini and Claude Pavur, S.J., eds and trans., Joseph de Jouvancy, S.J., The Way to Learn and the Way to Teach. Boston: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2020. iv, 270pp. $39.95. ISBN 978-1-947617-04-9.

This useful book happily fell into my hands as I began to teach a large cohort of elementary Latin students – online perforce, because of the pandemic. The modern Classics teacher may still glean inspiration and consolation from Joseph de Jouvancy’s Ratio discendi et docendi (1703). Father Jouvancy (1643-1719) was addressing a perceptible decline in the quality of literary education in France at the turn of the eighteenth century, which he imputed not so much to the deficiencies of students as to a lack of preparation and zeal on the part of their teachers. In truth, the ‘burden of the schools’ had always weighed heavily on young Jesuits fulfilling theirmagisterium (that is, the period of formation after their formal studies in which they were deployed in teaching junior classes). The mission fields were apparently more appealing than the classroom management of adolescent boys. The discendi of the book’s title is, in fact, directed more to the teacher’s learning than that of his students. Jouvancy’s concerns in this matter were shared by his newly appointed superior, Louis Genevray (1632-96), who undertook to reinvigorate both the study of letters and spirituality within the French Province. An extra year of rhetorical training was added to ensure that Jesuit scholastics bound for teaching were up to the task. Meanwhile, the 14th General Congregation at Rome was discussing the necessity of a Society-wide renewal of letters, and — to cut a long story short — Jouvancy was commissioned to revise his earlier popular booklet on the subject, with the blessing of the Superior General. The editors’ introduction provides a neat account of the genesis of the present work and its character, and makes a convincing case for its enduring significance, even into the nineteenth century. Topics treated by Jouvancy in the first half include acquisition of languages (Greek and Latin), virtues and faults of style, the divisions and delivery of a speech, poetic and dramatic genres, the uses of history, geography, and ‘polymathy’, note-taking and studying. The second half contains advice on instilling devotion and a spirit of competition in boys, the engagement of the emotions, praise and punishment, and offers specimen lessons praelectiones( ). Some of the recommendations go against the grain of our times: ‘Derision and ironic praise sometimes burn and sting more than does the serious castigation of a sin. Some set up a certain poor bench in the middle 626 Book Reviews of the classroom, or in one of its corners, and they call it Barathrum or Lautumiae or even the Gemonian stairs’ (p. 181). But Jouvancy is no whip-wielding schoolmaster of the kind deplored by Erasmus. He warns the teacher to be ‘more sparing of blame than of praise. And in this he should take very special care not to come across as aloof and hostile to the one he is criticizing or blaming; he should not show contempt or exasperation’ (p. 183). The notes to the translation give readers a good sense of the range of sources, both ancient and recentiores, cited by Jouvancy. The translation itself, with en face Latin, is smooth and accurate, and the book as a whole nicely produced, with a useful index. One small quibble: Prima, ut monuimus, studiosi magistri cura merito tribuenda Graecae linguae, utpote antiquiori is translated ‘As I have mentioned, a zealous teacher’s first concern should rightfully be given to Greek, in so far as it is more important’ (pp. 44–5). Surely ‘antiquiori’ here just means ‘older’. As Jouvancy’s book bears out, Latinity was always the main game in Jesuit learning, teaching and writing.

University of Western Australia, Perth Yasmin Haskell

James Bernauer SJ. Jesuit Kaddish: Jesuits, Jews, and Holocaust Remembrance. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2020. 220pp. $55.00. ISBN 9780268107017.

Professor of philosophy and director of the Center for Christian- Jewish Learning at Boston College, James Bernauer addresses in this book a very delicate and debated topic: the Jesuits’ attitude towards the attempt of Nazis to exterminate the Jews during the Second World War, an attempt better known under the name of Shoah. As a result of its long development through meetings, lectures and readings, the volume is much more than a history book in the classical sense of the term: it is presented as a very personal text, “as a meditation on the drama of the Holocaust and the Jesuits”. The author does not hide his complete adherence to the spiritual revolution in the Catholic Church — from the Second Vatican Council and especially under the pontificate of John Paul II — that included the abandonment of a secular anti-Jewish tradition and soul-searching about Christians’ responsibilities in the drama Book Reviews Book Reviews 627

experienced by the Jewish people. This spiritual revolution or, what one might term, a transformation in Judeo-Christian relations, which finds itsmagna carta in the conciliar declaration Nostra Aetate, would not have been possible without the courageous action of pioneers of interreligious dialogue. Among these pioneers, we find many Jesuits, some of whom have been recognized as “Righteous among Nations”. In the appendix, the volume traces a brief biographical profile of the fifteen fathers of the Society (five Belgians, five French, two Italians, one Greek, one Polish, and one Hungarian) who were honored by this prestigious title in the Yad Vashem Memorial. However, a merit of the volume is not to limit itself to the “glorious” side of the history of relations between Jesuits and Jews, but to investigate also their darker face (The Demonic Milieu). In order to characterize the attitude of distrust and hostility that has long prevailed the author uses a neologism: the term of “asemitism”. “While urging a renunciation of any violent anti- Jewish activities, asemitism advocated a religious, racial and political separation between Jews and Christians” (p. 30). Despite the open position of founder St. Ignatius of Loyola regarding the membership of the Jews in the Society, the Fifth General Congregation, under pressure from ecclesiastical and political authorities, ratified the principle of their exclusion. The decree of 23 December 1593, “perhaps the most shameful day in Jesuit history” (J.D. Donnelly), was to remain in force until the aftermath of World War II. At the end of the nineteenth century, La Civiltà Cattolica contributed to the spread of anti-Semitic stereotypes in the Catholic world in the name of the principle of “friendly segregation” (to take up the title of a study that appeared in 2000).1 When the Holy Office issued a decree condemning anti-Semitism (1928), the Roman Jesuits’ periodical gave this condemnation an interpretation at least as restrictive, arguing that what had been condemned was not so much anti-Semitism as its excesses, that is to say, that form of radical and extreme anti-Semitism, incompatible with the Christian spirit, which had spread in certain fundamentalist Catholic circles. Consequently, they argued, this condemnation took nothing away from the reality of a “Jewish danger” that threatened the Christian people, especially the Catholic and Latin peoples, and against whom they had the duty to defend themselves. This distinction between

1 Ruggero Taradel and Barbara Raggi, La segregazione amichevole: «La Civiltà Cattolica» e la questione ebraica 1850-1945, Torino: Editori riuniti 1999. 628 Book Reviews two forms of anti-Semitism, one, racial and “anti-Christian”, formally forbidden, the other, political and legal, “allowed”, if not encouraged, was taken up and formalized by Gustav Gundlach under the heading “Antisemitismus”, which appeared in the Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche (1930). The German Jesuit, together with the Frenchman Gustave Desbuquois, was to be one of the two religious called to collaborate with the American John Lafarge in the drawing of an encyclical draft against racism and anti-Semitism that Pius XI had commissioned to the latter. As is well known, the encyclical entitled Humani Generis Unitas never saw the light. If, on the one hand the author does not hide the responsibility of the Polish general Wlodimir Ledòchowski who “deliberately kept it from the Pope for several months”, on the other hand he does not lament the non-publication of the text. “The fact that Pius XI died before the encyclical was released has certainly spared Jesuits much criticism inasmuch as the document manifests the sorry state of Jesuit attitudes toward Jews at that time” (p. 40). Yet the shared features between aspects of modern anti-Semitism and anti-Jesuitism are remarkable. The author notes the “obvious correspondence” between two fabricated texts, the Monita secreta (published for the first time in Krakow in 1615 to denounce Jesuit political influence in Europe) and the Protocols of the Sages of Zion (widely circulated after the First World War, claiming a Judaeo-Bolshevik conspiracy on a world scale). In the Europe of the 1920s, the Jesuits were accused in certain fundamentalist Catholic circles of being at the service of the Judeo-Bolshevik revolution.2 It should not be forgotten, however, that it was a Jesuit, the Belgian Pierre Charles, who first demonstrated that the Protocols were false. The fathers of the Society who illustrated their fight against Nazi anti-Semitism represent the other side (The Divine Milieu) of the story told. The emblematic figure of Augustin Bea, the father of the conciliar declaration on the Jews, is rightly highlighted. Even if it does not completely clarify the “Bea enigma”, the book shows that a whole process led the future “Cardinal of Unity” gradually to become a “New Frontiersman” starting from a personal reflection on the Holocaust. In Vichy France, the Cahiers du Témoignage Chrétien, founded in Lyon by Pierre Chaillet, appeared as the greatest expression of spiritual resistance to the

2 See the recent book of Nina Valbousquet, Catholique et antisémite. Le réseau de Mgr Benigni, 1918-1934. Paris: CNRS, 2020. Book Reviews Book Reviews 629

German occupation and the policy of collaboration. In 1941, Henri de Lubac warned his superiors against anti-Semitism, which was “gaining ground among Catholic elite, even in our own religious house” (p. 82). At the end of the war, in a memorandum delivered to the new ambassador of France to the Holy See, the philosopher Jacques Maritain did not hesitate to call into question the too- submissive attitude of the French episcopate towards the regime. In Nazi Germany, some Jesuits entered into resistance against the regime. The best-known case is that of Alfred Delp, a convert from Lutheranism, who, at the request of his provincial Augustin Rösch, participated in the meetings of the Kreisau Circle, in the name of this clandestine resistance group, which was behind the failed attack against Hitler on 20 July 1944. Arrested and tried, he interpreted his death sentence as an attack against the Jesuits: for the Nazis, he wrote shortly before his execution, a “Jesuit commits a crime every time he draws a breath” (letter of January 11, 1945, p. 93). Another Jesuit figure of resistance to Hitler was Rupert Mayer, beatified by John Paul II in 1987. Concluding his reflection on the Jesuit resistance, the author laments the lack of attention of Holocaust historiography towards “rescuers”. This is not only because their courageous Christian witness should not “disappear in silent anonymity” (according to the expression of the philosopher Hannah Arendt) as the Nazi leaders would have wished, but also because it opened a new era in the Society’s relationship with the Jews. This observations informs the author’s conclusion to his interesting book, and drawn from the statement of Jesuit Repentance: “May the witness and sacrifice of the Jesuits recognized by Yad Vashem form the foundation of the new relationship between Jesuits and their Jewish brothers and sisters”.

Pontificia Università Lateranense, Rome Philippe Chenaux

Wenceslao Soto Artuñedo (coord.). El Jesuita Pedro Páez. Cartas desde el Nilo Azul. Aranjuez / Madrid: Xerión / Provincia de España de la Compañía de Jesús, 2020. 510 pp. ISBN 978-84-120210-7-3

Este libro viene a alentar la memoria del patrimonio misionero, cultural y espiritual de la Compañía de Jesús en plena época de expansión por los cinco continentes. Las palabras de la Fórmula del Instituto (1540) de la Compañía de Jesús, comenzaban a hacerse realidad con el temprano envío de Francisco Javier a La India (1541): 630 Book Reviews

“ir inmediatamente a cualquier parte del mundo […] a los turcos, o a cualesquiera otros infieles, aun a aquellas partes que llaman Indias, o a otras tierras de herejes, cismáticos…”. Grandes figuras como Mateo Ricci († 1610, Pekín) y Diego de Pantoja († 1618, Macao) han sido recordadas recientemente con motivo de sus respectivos centenarios. A ellos, entre otros muchos que permanecerán para siempre en el anonimato, vino a sumarse la estupenda biografía sobre Alonso de Barzana (1530-1597) publicada por Wenceslao Soto (Bilbao: Mensajero, 2018). Pedro Páez (Olmeda de las Fuentes [Madrid] ca. 1565-Gorgora [Etiopía] 1622) ha tenido también su momento “de gloria” en el ámbito histórico y científico al celebrarse hace dos años el cuarto centenario del descubrimiento de las fuentes del Nilo Azul (2018). Su faceta de aventurero y de explorador, divulgada a través de obras como la de Javier Reverte (Dios, el Diablo y la Aventura, 2001) quedaba así muy enfatizada, mientras que la de jesuita, misionero y evangelizador permanecía todavía un tanto ensombrecida. “¿No se ha dicho ya todo lo que puede contarse de él”? se pregunta Mª del Carmen de la Peña Corcuera en el prólogo del libro (10). ¿Qué aporta de novedoso este texto de 500 páginas sobre el misionero madrileño? Soto ha logrado integrar con maestría cuatro piezas del puzle en torno a Pedro Páez: la persona, la obra, el contexto y la historia, todo ello con un rigor académico impecable y al mismo tiempo atractivo para un amplio público interesado en las misiones, la aventura, la evangelización o el personaje que a todas las aglutina; el resultado ha sido una valiosa y original obra. Tras un prólogo (9-12) que sitúa a Páez en el panorama cultural contemporáneo y tras una breve introducción (13-16, Javier Reverte) que prepara y anima al lector para adentrarse en la lectura, encontramos la biografía crítica a cargo de Wenceslao Soto “El jesuita Pedro Páez” (17-72); cincuenta y cinco páginas construidas desde el sólido cimiento de la documentación primera de archivo y de las fuentes impresas en la serie Documenta Indica (de la colección Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu) especialmente dedicadas a sus años en España. Tras presentar la vida, Soto continúa con los escritos de Páez (60-66), ofreciendo la localización del documento, así como las ediciones y traducciones a lenguas modernas, cuando de ellas se disponga. De especial valor nos parece la tabla con la información tan completa como detallada (64-65). Las 125 páginas siguientes (73-198) rescatan el capítulo 5 (1584) de la Crono-historia de la Provincia de Toledo, del P. Bartolomé Alcázar, Book Reviews Book Reviews 631

fuente documental de primer orden para conocer gran parte de la historia de la Compañía de Jesús en España y sus primeras misiones. Además de la valiosa labor de transcripción del texto, agradecemos las 342 notas de carácter histórico, documental, cultural, patrístico, lingüístico que Wenceslao adjunta en su labor de editor. Un tesoro. La presentación de los escritos se completa en el capítulo IV “Las otras cartas de Pedro Páez” (199-394). Andreu Martínez d’Alòs–Moner presenta el epistolario completo del misionero, incluidas algunas cartas “que hasta el momento habían quedado inexplicablemente inéditas” (201). Algunas de ellas, como la larga carta enviada a Tomás de Ituren (Dambia 14 de septiembre de 1612) (273-344) pueden considerarse como preciosos documentos autobiográficos, imprescindibles para conocer los hechos externos y la vida interna del misionero. La edición consta de una introducción, una tabla de los 29 documentos (fecha y destinatario, fuente de archivo y lugar de publicación) y de 213 notas informativas de carácter interdisciplinar. Es importante señalar que, puesto que ya está editada su obra “Historia de Etiopía”, con la publicación de este epistolario ve la luz el resto de la obra conservada y conocida de Pedro Páez. El corpus principal del libro continúa con el capítulo V, “Las misiones jesuitas en Etiopía (1557-1632)” a cargo de Víctor M. Fernández Martínez (Universidad Complutense de Madrid). Esta etapa cubre desde la llegada de los primeros jesuitas a Etiopía (Andrés de Oviedo y compañeros), hasta la expulsión de los jesuitas a cargo del rey Fasilidas. Tras una breve introducción general, Fernández Martínez presenta brevemente cada una de las misiones: Fremona, Azäzo-Gännätä Iyäsus, Gorgora Nova, Däbsan, Dänqäz, Särka, Märtulä Maryam, Aba Gis Fasil y Qwälläla. El apartado “Las ‘misiones perdidas’” da cuenta de aquellas que “no han sido localizadas todavía con seguridad, y es probable que nunca lo sean al haber desaparecido sus restos” (411). El trabajo de excavación arqueológica llevada a cabo por parte del equipo del Prof. Fernández Martínez da cuenta de la importancia de la presencia jesuítica en esos 75 años en Etiopía. La arqueología y la historia de la cultura en general estarán siempre agradecidas a esta investigación que perpetúa la memoria de esta labor jesuítica “más allá de lo que puedan resistir sus humildes muros” (416). El libro concluye con dos capítulos complementarios: “La Iglesia católica en Etiopía desde Páez hasta nuestros días” (417-434) y “Los jesuitas y Etiopía en los tiempos recientes” (435-457). El primero de ellos (cap. 6, Juan González Núñez, misionero comboniano) 632 Book Reviews da cuenta de los mártires capuchinos y franciscanos durante la persecución a la Iglesia católica. Más tarde llegarían los Padres Blancos, los Combonianos, los misioneros de la Consolata, los Paúles. Poco a poco se fue construyendo lo que el autor llama “La pequeña grey”, una comunidad católica de unos 786.00 fieles el 0.8 % de una población de más de 100 millones de habitantes en la actual Etiopía. Por lo que respecta a los jesuitas, expulsados en 1632, no regresaron hasta 1945 con la misión de abrir un colegio de educación secundaria, en la que se implicaron con gran determinación los jesuitas canadienses. Festo Mkenda SJ (Hekima College, Nairobi), expone la presencia de la Compañía de Jesús en la época contemporánea. Con el tiempo y el desarrollo interno de la Orden surgió la Región jesuita de África Oriental (1976) que sería transformada en provincia diez años después, en 1986. Es significativo que uno de los obispos de Etiopía sea actualmente el jesuita Rodrigo Mejía Saldarriaga (457). El libro viene acompañado de tres pliegos de ilustraciones a color de 32, 12 y 21 fotografías, respectivamente. En total 65 imágenes que ponen rostro tanto al entorno familiar de Pedro Páez como al estilo misionero que él mismo y sus compañeros desarrollaron. Además de estos pliegos, encontramos en el libro la reproducción fotográfica del texto original de Pedro Páez en el que describe las fuentes del Nilo Azul (190-198), así como mapas del Nilo o de Etiopía (165.167.171) o ilustraciones de la época como “la alegoría de las misiones (57) o el retrato de Alejandro Valignano, visitador de las Indias orientales (43) Por su parte el capítulo V (“Las misiones jesuitas”) viene acompañado de planos de edificios conservados (401.404). Echamos de menos un índice final que pudiera visualizar la riqueza de todas las ilustraciones que el libro ofrece. El libro se cierra con un nutrido y sabroso “Apéndice onomástico” (459-500) donde cada término incluye una breve descripción o comentario; más que un clásico “índice” puede ser considerado un “Diccionario básico sobre jesuitas y Etiopía”. No podía faltar en un libro como este, una amplia bibliografía final (501-508) que será punto de referencia obligada para futuros historiadores. Estamos ante un gran libro en el que vienen a coincidir y convivir armónicamente diferentes disciplinas y métodos: historia de la Compañía de Jesús y de la Iglesia, fuentes documentales, escritas, pictóricas y cartográficas, arqueología, inculturación, antropología cultural, sociología... La organización interna diseñada en el Índice va llevando con suavidad al lector desde el hogar materno de Pedro Book Reviews Book Reviews 633

Páez hasta las instituciones de la actual Compañía de Jesús en Etiopía. El libro saca a la luz mucho más que el personaje histórico fascinante y cautivador que es Pedro Páez. A través de él se va desvelando toda una estrategia misionera de la Compañía de Jesús y de la Iglesia, enraizada en el celo evangelizador, en el respeto y en la profunda experiencia espiritual de aquellas personas, que como en el caso del Franciscano capuchino Cassien de Nantes llegaron a ofrecer el bordón de su hábito para que, a falta de otras cuerdas, con él les ahorcaran (421). Para su publicación, el libro ha contado con el apoyo de la provincia jesuítica de España y con la fundación PalArq, que ya había colaborado en excavaciones arqueológicas relacionadas con las misiones jesuíticas en Etiopía. La comunidad científica saluda con alegría esta nueva aportación bajo la sabia coordinación de Wenceslao Soto, esperando que sea solo una primera contribución al próximo IV Centenario de la muerte de Pedro Páez (1624) que esperamos poder celebrar pronto, en diálogo fecundo entre España y Etiopía.

Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Madrid José García de Castro Valdés

Mark Molesky, O Abismo de Fogo. O Grande Terramoto de Lisboa ou Apocalipse na Idade da Ciência e da Razão. Lisboa: Relógio D’Água, 2019. 542 pp. 23 €. ISBN 978-9896419455.

O Abismo de Fogo é o livro mais recente sobre o grande terramoto de 1755. Publicada em 2015 com o título This Gulf of Fire: The Destruction of Lisbon, or Apocalypse in the Age of Science and Reason (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2015), a obra foi traduzida e editada pela Relógio D’Água em 2019. O autor é Mark Molesky, historiador americano formado na Universidade de Harvard e actualmente professor na Universidade de Seton Hall, em Nova Iorque. O Abismo de Fogo é, a todos os níveis, monumental. Por um lado, Molesky revela um profundo conhecimento de fontes e arquivos portugueses, espanhóis, franceses, alemães, britânicos e brasileiros e da vasta bibliografia sobre o terramoto, a reconstrução de Lisboa e a vida e obra do Marquês de Pombal. Por outro, a escrita é clara, acessível e prende o leitor desde o primeiro instante. Finalmente, a obra tem como objectivo enquadrar a história do terramoto no contexto do debate entre fé e razão, contribuindo assim de forma significativa 634 Book Reviews para uma história intelectual do Iluminismo na Europa. O prólogo do livro é dedicado ao suplício do padre jesuíta Gabriel Malagrida (1688–1761), apresentado como a última vítima do terramoto. Em Dezembro de 1760, Malagrida foi denunciado à Inquisição pelo Conde de Oeiras pela sua hipotética implicação no atentado perpetrado contra o rei D. José no dia 3 de Setembro de 1758. Foi então transferido do Forte da Junqueira—onde estivera preso dois anos—para os cárceres do Santo Ofício, tendo sido garrotado e queimado como heresiarca em auto-de-fé no dia 21 de Setembro de 1761. Missionário no Brasil e pregador influente junto das elites lisboetas, publicou em 1756 o Juízo da verdadeira causa do terremoto que padeceo a corte de Lisboa, no primeiro de Novembro de 1755 (Lisboa: Na Officina de Manoel Soares, 1756). Impresso com todas as licenças necessárias—isto é, com as licenças do Santo Ofício, do Ordinário e do Desembargo do Paço—o pequeno folheto (31 pp.) defendia que o terramoto não se podia a atribuir apenas a causas naturais, mas “unicamente à indignação de Deus, pela exorbitância das nossas culpas” (p. 16). De acordo com o jesuíta italiano, a ira de Deus “pelos pecados de todo o Reino, e muito mais de Lisboa” (p. 16) só podia ser apaziguada com jejum, penitências, retiros e exercícios espirituais (pp. 28–29). A discussão em torno da verdadeira causa do terramoto (incluindo os pecados da corte Lisboeta) e a acção de Pombal, tornam-se, assim, num dos panos de fundo de O Abismo de Fogo. No primeiro capítulo, Mark Molesky brinda o leitor com uma descrição viva da Lisboa setecentista. É uma contextualização brilhante da história da cidade desde a fundação lendária por Ulisses até ao reinado de D. João V. A capital é apresentada como uma verdadeira cidade do mundo, uma “Babilónia Portuguesa”. Molesky detém-se longamente sobre o contexto artístico, arquitectónico, religioso e intelectual de Lisboa, referindo-se, por exemplo, à construção da Real Casa da Ópera (concluída poucos meses antes do terramoto), à criação da Academia Real da História, à construção do Convento de Mafra e às importantes procissões do Corpo de Deus e dos Passos. O livro aborda ainda questões pouco habituais em história intelectual como: o papel e destino das mulheres (desde os casamentos nobres até à vida das trabalhadoras, passando pela opção do convento), a moda, as casas da aristocracia, os hábitos alimentares, e a criminalidade em Lisboa. O livro prossegue com a história do grande terramoto de Lisboa, e do debate que se seguiu, definido por Molesky como “um dos acontecimentos estruturantes do Iluminismo europeu” (p. 31). Ao Book Reviews Book Reviews 635

longo de três capítulos, são descritos e avaliados, com pormenor e erudição, os danos materiais e humanos causados pelos abalos sísmicos, pelo inesperado maremoto que se seguiu, e pelas centenas de fogos que deflagraram por toda a cidade. A minúcia do livro é evidente nos mais pequenos detalhes, como, por exemplo, a indicação da hora do nascer do Sol no Dia de Todos os Santos de 1755 (6h02; p. 95). Além de relatos impressionantes de um conjunto de testemunhas que assistiram à destruição de Lisboa, estes capítulos comparam o terramoto com outros desastres naturais, permitindo assim uma avaliação informada sobre o impacto e danos do sismo de 1755. O terramoto de Lisboa é comparado com os maiores abalos sismos da história, incluindo os grandes terramotos de Sumatra-

Andamam (2004; 9,1 MW; 230 000 mortos); Haiyuan (1920; 7,9 MW;

200 000 mortos); Tangshan (1976; 7,8 MW; 240 000 mortos); Haiti

(2010; 7,0 MW; 160 000 mortos); e de Shaanxi (1556; 8,0 MW; 830 000 mortos) (pp. 125–126). Molesky defende que o maremoto teve um impacto mitigado, sobretudo em comparação com o terramoto e com o fogo, e estima que terá feito entre duas a três mil vítimas mortais em Lisboa (p. 155). De acordo com o autor, quatro factores principais terão contribuído para a Baixa ter sido “poupada aos efeitos mais sinistros da fúria do maremoto” nomeadamente: a absorção da energia do maremoto pelo baixio formado na foz do Tejo; a dispersão da água pela bacia do Tejo; a protecção do torreão filipino e o facto da baixa ser um labirinto (pp. 152–153). Por outro lado, como o Tejo se estava a aproximar da maré alta, a variação da altura das águas não foi tão grande como seria de esperar se o tsunami tivesse ocorrido durante a maré baixa. Tal como o título da obra sugere, o fogo foi o principal destruidor da cidade. Ao entardecer, centenas de fogos menores convergiram num “único inferno ardente” (p. 182). Apesar de ter sido “este incêndio um dos maiores que se tem visto”, de acordo com uma importante testemunha, o fogo do Dia de Todos os Santos não consta, habitualmente, da lista dos maiores incêndios do mundo, provavelmente por ter sido ofuscado pela destruição memorável causada pelo terramoto (p. 182). Entre vários outros danos, o fogo foi responsável pela destruição da importante biblioteca e colecção de arte do marquês de Louriçal—constituídas por 18 mil volumes e por obras de Ticiano, Correggio e Rubens—e pela destruição da Biblioteca Real e do Paço da Ribeira—composta por cerca de 70 mil volumes impressos e pilhas de manuscritos de valor incalculável, incluindo diários de bordo originais de Vasco da Gama (pp. 190–191). 636 Book Reviews

Molesky estima que, em Lisboa, os danos materiais tenham ascendido a cerca de 79 000 contos (51 a 55% do PIB), e no país inteiro a cerca de 85 000 contos (54 a 59% do PIB). (p. 312). Em termos de danos humanos, o autor considera que, no total, terão morrido cerca de 40 mil vítimas em Lisboa (38 mil lisboetas e 2 mil visitantes ocasionais). O terramoto terá sido responsável por 25 mil mortos, o incêndio por 7 mil, e o maremoto por outras 3 mil. Terão ainda morrido cerca de 5 mil pessoas por doenças ou ferimentos nos meses seguintes. Fora da capital, morreram 1500 pessoas no Algarve e 1500 nas outras regiões do país. Assim, Molesky estima 43 mil vítimas em Portugal e 10 mil fora do país, num total de 53 mil vítimas mortais no mundo inteiro (pp. 333–334). Além de concentrar, em termos absolutos, a maior parte dos óbitos mundiais (aproximadamente 75%), Lisboa sofreu também bastante em termos relativos. Com uma população de cerca de 200 mil, Lisboa terá perdido 19% dos seus habitantes. Como Molesky tão bem descreve, a situação era catastrófica e “clamava por um salvador” (p. 212). O capítulo dedicado a Pombal começa com uma descrição acutilante de Sebastião José pela pena do embaixador da Grã-Bretanha em Portugal, no ano de 1745. Sir Benjamin Keene advertia que “um pequeno génio com intelecto para se tornar um grande homem num país pequeno é um animal muito inquieto” (p. 213). Depois de esquissar a vida diplomática e política de Carvalho e Melo antes do terramoto, O Abismo de Fogo enumera as medidas tomadas por Pombal no rescaldo do Dia de Todos os Santos, desde a convocação de todos os militares para manter a ordem até à execução dos planos de Eugénio dos Santos e Carlos Mardel para reconstruir a cidade. Entre outras novidades, o livro refere que, ao contrário do que se habitualmente se pensa, terá sido na sequência do terramoto (e não das Guerras Napoleónicas) que tiveram lugar os primeiros ensaios de triagem médica, selecionando-se os pacientes de. acordo com a gravidade das suas lesões (p. 219). Um dos contributos mais significativos da segunda metade do livro é a análise exaustiva da difusão das notícias sobre o terramoto. De Lisboa a Madrid, passando por Paris, Avignon, Londres, Hamburgo, São Petersburgo e Roma, as notícias sobre a destruição da capital portuguesa suscitaram pânico, comoção, penitências e acções de socorro no mundo ocidental. Além de ser um tema recorrente na imprensa nacional e estrangeira, as reflexões sobre o terramoto puseram em causa a Teodiceia de Leibniz e desencadearam um debate estruturante no Iluminismo Book Reviews Book Reviews 637

europeu sobre a origem do mal e a ordem natural do mundo. Nas reverberações finais, Molesky debruça-se sobre a temática do terramoto nas obras e correspondência de Voltaire, Rousseau e Kant e sobre o seu impacto na Idade da Razão. A obra termina com uma breve narrativa sobre o reinado de terror, assim designado pelo historiador Charles R. Boxer. Como Molesky bem nota, enquanto que em França o reinado de terror durou onze meses, o reinado de terror Pombalino durou dezoito anos, uma vez que se iniciou com o suplício dos Távoras em Janeiro de 1759 e terminou apenas com a exoneração e desterro de Carvalho e Melo para Pombal em Fevereiro de 1777 (pp. 391–392). O Abismo de Fogo é, muito provavelmente, a obra mais completa, expressiva e erudita sobre o terramoto publicada até aos dias de hoje. Repleta de relatos vívidos, e escrita numa prosa clara e elegante, esta obra é uma leitura fundamental não só para os estudiosos do grande terramoto de 1755, mas também para todos os que se interessam pela subsequente expulsão dos jesuítas, pela história da cidade de Lisboa e pela história intelectual do Iluminismo.

CIUHCT, Universidade de Lisboa Francisco Malta Romeiras

Cristo José de León Perera, La Compañía de Jesús en la Salamanca universitaria (1548-1767). Aspectos institucionales, socioeconómicos y culturales. Salamanca / Madrid: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca / Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2020. 852pp. € 55,00. ISBN Salamanca: 978-84-1311-155-1; ISBN Madrid: 978-84-8468- 824-2.

El autor es ya un conocido investigador con varias publicaciones sobre la Compañía de Jesús, por ejemplo, La Compañía de Jesús en Salamanca (1548-1767). Vida cotidiana entre la misión y a Universidad, Centro de Estudios Salmantinos 2018, premio Villas y Macías 2018. El presente libro es el fruto de la investigación de tres años (2015-2018), con las garantías del rigor de una tesis doctoral en una universidad prestigiosa como la de Salamanca, con un director de tesis avezado como es Luis E. Rodríguez-San Pedro Bezares y motivado, pues hubiera deseado acabar una investigación similar hace 40 años, y con la defensa pública ante un tribunal el 4 de septiembre de 2018, obteniendo la máxima calificación. La tesis ha merecido también el Premio de Humanidades 2019 de la Real 638 Book Reviews

Academia de Doctores de España, y ahora es publicada en la Colección Historia de la Universidad, 110. Se trata del primer estudio sistemático y completo de una institución tan importante como es el real colegio jesuita del Espíritu Santo, cuyo edificio, conocido como la Clerecía, alberga actualmente la Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca. Suponiendo aspectos ya estudiados, como la dimensión artística por el profesor Alfonso Rodríguez Gutiérrez de Ceballos, el autor trata los aspectos institucionales, sociales, económicos, culturales, religiosos y de vida cotidiana de sus más de dos siglos de historia desde la llegada de los primeros jesuitas a Salamanca (1548) hasta la expulsión por Carlos III (1767). La recolección de fuentes se puede decir que es exhaustiva, pues ha visitado los archivos donde se pueden encontrar trazas documentales de esta institución, desde el Archivo Vaticano y el ARSI, hasta el de Simancas, el Histórico Nacional y los archivos locales de la Universidad de Salamanca, que heredaron el del antiguo colegio del Espíritu Santo. Eso le permitió añadir a su tesis un apéndice documental de 1.200 páginas, que en el libro se reducen a unas 150. En la bibliografía se reconocen los estudios clásicos de los diversos ámbitos y una suficiente cantidad de monografías, si bien la cantidad y calidad de la bibliografía, al ser tan extensa, siempre es susceptible de ser ampliada. La bibliografía es útil especialmente, para reconstruir los contextos de cada tema, pero al ser tantos los ámbitos estudiados, no se puede realizar una investigación completa de todos y hay que acudir a algún especialista autorizado para ello. En algunos casos se podría ahorrar esta introducción, pues son aspectos muy estudiados, como el de la Ratio Studiorum. En la primera parte, a modo de Introducción, además de explicar la metodología, fuentes y estado de la cuestión, entra en materia, estudiando los ecos de la breve estancia de San Ignacio a Salamanca 1527, después del dificultoso curso escolar en Alcalá de Henares y antes de marchar a la universidad de París, la mejor quizás, del momento. Reconstruye los meses vividos por el santo en Salamanca, incluida la encerrona de los frailes dominicos, que sospecharon de una persona que, con sus extrañas características, ya había conseguido cierto auditorio en la ciudad. En una visita turística, cuando un servidor preguntó si se conservaba la celda donde estuvo recluido san Ignacio, recibió como respuesta algunos improperios contra los inventores de esa falsedad, según decía el guía. El hecho es que el peregrino fue examinado y muy examinado, Book Reviews Book Reviews 639

si bien, no se encontró de qué condenarlo, como también sucedió en Alcalá. Es una pena que el autor, aunque lo ha intentado, no ha conseguido localizar, si es que se conservan, los papeles que el santo entregó para esa pesquisa, que debían contener la primera versión de los Ejercicios Espirituales. Finaliza esta parte con el contexto de la ciudad de Salamanca en la Edad Moderna, la ciudad-universidad, pues era quizás la universidad más importante de la monarquía hispana, con une enorme impronta en la ciudad, por la gran densidad de estudiantes en una población que, prácticamente, giraba en torno a la institución educativa. La segunda parte la dedica a las características estructurales e institucionales, es decir, la estructura interna del colegio, explicando desde la llegada de los jesuitas a España y Salamanca, hasta el proceso de fundación y el patrocinio real, por Margarita de Austria y su marido, Felipe III. Reconstruye la organización jerárquica explicando los distintos cargos como el de rector y los oficios que le ayudaban, así como las relaciones de la Compañía con la Universidad de Salamanca. Estudia la hacienda y administración, reconstruyendo el entramado económico del patrimonio inmueble y bienes raíces (escasos en el siglo XVI), obras pías, fundaciones, capellanías, patrimonio mobiliario (censos y juros). Acaba esta parte analizando la vida interna de la comunidad recorriendo las etapas vitales de un jesuita, sus votos, y su muerte, así como un interesante análisis demográfico de los jesuitas y los candidatos, ofreciendo pinceladas de “historia de las emociones” según lo califica Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga. Se echa de menos más análisis de los datos estadísticos y sociológicos de las vocaciones, por ejemplo, si se producían más en determinados lugares, o coincidiendo con determinados acontecimientos como las celebraciones por las beatificaciones y canonizaciones; su origen social… En la tercera parte analiza la actividad de esta comunidad, su acción educativa, aplicando la Ratio Studiorum, los rasgos humanísticos del movimiento pedagógico que representa, dinámica de las lecciones, el calendario, las luchas entre la oligarquía jesuita y el poder rectoral universitario. Hubiera sido muy ilustrativo conocer las aportaciones del colegio de Salamanca a la elaboración de la Ratio Studiorum a través de los documentos de Monumenta Paedagogica. Igualmente, estudia las manifestaciones religiosas como las misiones populares, congregaciones de fieles, predicación, trabajo en cárceles y hospitales, ayuda a bien morir… Acaba 640 Book Reviews esta parte presentando elementos concretos de la vida cotidiana que descienden a las habitaciones, refectorio, indumentaria, dolencias, etc. Incluye un apartado de lo que llama Las “necesarias relaciones” entre los jesuitas y las mujeres, que, al mismo tiempo, eran destinatarias de su apostolado y patrocinadoras del mismo. Introduce el tema con la decisión de san Ignacio de renunciar a una rama femenina, después del fracaso del grupo de catalanas en Roma, y menciona la excepción de la jesuita Juana de Austria, aunque hubo al menos, otra excepción, Catalina de Mendoza, fundadora del colegio de Alcalá. La cuarta parte contiene, un avance de la expulsión, a modo de epílogo, que sabe a poco. Se echa de menos un seguimiento de los jesuitas tras la expulsión y el destino de los edificios y sus propiedades, pero esto daría materia para otro libro. Incluye un abundante apéndice documental, anexo fotográfico, estadístico y bibliográfico. Quizás le hubiera sacado más partido introduciendo los gráficos estadísticos en el propio texto. Se trata, pues, del esquema clásico del estudio de una casa, en este caso, de una de las más importantes de España, a través del cual se ofrece una visión completa de todos los aspectos de la vida de un colegio, recorriendo desde lo normativo de las Constituciones, hasta lo real de las cartas y documentos concretos. Es un modo de presentar toda la vida de la Compañía partiendo de la particularidad de un colegio: vida cotidiana, académica, social, religiosa, ministerios, economía… Supone, pues, un buen acercamiento a la cultura jesuítica con su jerga, que no es fácil para un no jesuita, que, al no haberse familiarizado con esa cultura en la práctica, tiene que deducir el significado de los conceptos propios, de las fuentes. La metodología de extraer contenidos de los documentos y registros concretos a veces es confusa, pues no es fácil poner orden en la maraña de fuentes documentales de una orden tan “escrita” como los jesuitas. Quizás, por eso, por ejemplo, parece que supone que el procurador tiene que ser un coadjutor temporal (p. 331); o le concede poca entidad al voto de obediencia al papa, casi como uno de los votos simples que acompañan a la profesión (pág. 342). También es mejor el nominativo Societas Iesu, que el genitivo Societatis Iesu que usa varias veces el autor. La dificultad del empeño está en que quizás es demasiada materia para un solo libro (y aún hemos sugerido más materia): toda la vida de la Compañía reflejada en un colegio. Pero, dicho todo lo anterior, en definitiva, estamos ante un trabajo arduo, con competencia y completo que el autor ha sabido resolver con Book Reviews Book Reviews 641

maestría. Si para muestra basta un botón, podemos augurar al autor una prolífica vida académica e investigadora.

ARSI, Roma Wenceslao Soto Artuñedo SJ

Michele Ferrero, ed. Il primo Confucio latino. Il Grande Studio, La Dottrina del Giusto Mezzo, I Dialoghi. Trascrizione, traduzione e commento di un manoscritto inedito di Michele Ruggieri SJ (1543-1607). Roma: LAS, 2019. 282 pp. € 22,00. ISBN 9788821313509.

Erano trascorsi solo pochi anni da quando il gesuita Michele Ruggieri aveva lasciato Macao per iniziare la sua attività missionaria in Cina (1581) che già si apprestava a lavorare alla traduzione latina dei Quattro libri confuciani, uno dei pilastri del curriculum formativo dei mandarini e dei funzionari cinesi. Il manoscritto di questa prima – e non terminata – traduzione è conservato presso la Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele II di RomaFondo ( gesuitico n. 1185/3314) ed è stato ora per la prima volta pubblicato, accompagnato dalla sua traduzione italiana e cinese, da Michele Ferrero. Si mette così a disposizione degli studiosi, e del più vasto pubblico, un testo che per la sua precocità temporale rappresenta la prima traduzione e la prima interpretazione del confucianesimo ad uso degli europei e con esso della dottrina che regola e disciplina la vita politica e sociale dell’impero cinese. Il manoscritto è di grande interesse e solo le alterne vicende vissute dal suo autore, non ancora del tutto chiarite, e della missione gesuitica in Cina possono spiegare il ritardo nella sua diffusione. Michele Ruggieri, primo sinologo e fondatore assieme a Matteo Ricci della missione gesuitica in Cina, non condivise con il maceratese i successi e la fama dei gesuiti in Oriente. Dopo aver promosso a tutti i livelli, e con qualche fatica, lo studio del mandarino presso i confratelli e gettato le premesse per l’entrata e la fondazione di una prima residenza gesuitica in Cina, Michele Ruggieri fu inviato da Alessandro Valignano in Europa il 20 novembre del 1588 per promuovere una ambasceria papale presso la corte dell’imperatore Wanli e con essa favorire la stabilizzazione della presenza dei missionari del Regno di mezzo. Non tornò mai più in Cina. Nel suo bagaglio il manoscritto dei Quattro libri su cui lavorò ininterrottamente. Sbarcato a Lisbona fu ospite dapprima del governatore di Filippo II, il cardinale d’Austria, e nel dicembre 642 Book Reviews del 1589 si spostò a Madrid dove fu accolto dal re spagnolo. Per Filippo II rimise mano al manoscritto preparando una prima, non completa, traduzione spagnola (Confucio. La morale della Cina. Ovvero il Grande Studio, L’Invariabile Mezzo e parte dei Dialoghi tradotti nel 1590 dal gesuita Michele Ruggieri per Sua Maestà Filippo II, a cura e con un saggio di Eugenio Lo Sardo. Roma: De Luca Editori d’Arte, 2016). A Roma il progetto di ambasceria promosso dal visitatore d’Oriente non trovò un clima favorevole: in rapidissima successione, dall’agosto del 1590 al dicembre 1591, morivano Sisto V, Urbano VII, Gregorio XIV e poco dopo Innocenzo IX. In questo momento di particolare fragilità della corte papale era scarso l’interesse della corte papale nell’organizzare una missione diplomatica in Cina, ma non così l’interesse verso la missione cinese e per la Cina, per le notizie esotiche che il missionario conduceva con sé. I primi tre quarti del Dexue (Il Grande Studio) di Michele Ruggieri furono pubblicati, insieme a altre notizie provenienti dalle carte e dall’esperienza del missionario, nella Bibliotheca Selecta di Antonio Possevino (Roma, 1593), entrando a far parte del canone educativo del buon cattolico della Controriforma. Ruggieri, molto probabilmente, continuò a lavorare alacremente alla traduzione e revisione dei Quattro libri dalla sede napoletana a cui l’aveva destinato il generale Claudio Acquaviva. La traduzione di Ruggieri, scritta quando ancora il nome di Confucio, «Confusius», era pressoché sconosciuto in Europa, riflette tutte le incertezze interpretative del mondo cinese e getterà le premesse dell’interpretazione del confucianesimo, offrendo la chiave di lettura del confucianesimo come dottrina morale, fondamento della vita amministrativa e politica dell’impero cinese. Bisognerà attendere il Confucius Sinarum Philosophus di Prospero Intorcetta, Christian Herdtrich, Philippe Couplet e François Rougemont (1687) per disporre della prima traduzione latina, messa a servizio dei missionari, desiderosi di prepararsi alla terra di missione tanto ardentemente anelata, e del pubblico colto e devoto, sempre attento e curioso delle notizie dal mondo. Ruggieri ci parla di una dottrina politica, non religiosa, basata su virtù, sincerità e pietà filiale, di un Confucio come un sottile teorico dell’arte di governo, come maestro ed educatore di una classe di governo il cui fine è l’armonia, il progresso e la felicità. L’opera di Ferrero è tutta rivolta alla trascrizione del testo latino, e alla sua traduzione in italiano e in cinese, con i pregi e i limiti che questo comporta. Gli storici senza dubbio avrebbero voluto capire di più sul manoscritto – e non accontentarsi di un semplice Book Reviews Book Reviews 643

rimando alle discussioni paleografiche e diplomatiche degli studi precedenti – sulla presenza di eventuali cancellature, correzioni, scelte stilistiche. Il lettore è però gratificato dalla bella traduzione che fa rivivere, con i suoi passaggi dal latino, all’italiano e al cinese, l’andirivieni linguistico mentale del primo traduttore di Confucio. Un’elegante traduzione per chi, come avverte l’autore, ama il latino e desidera avvicinarsi alla cultura cinese.

Università degli Studi di Modena e Reggio Emilia Michela Catto

Ferdinand Verbiest, Postulata Vice-Provinciae Sinensis in Urbe Proponenda. A Blueprint for a Renewed SJ Mission in China. Edited, translated and annotated by Noël Golvers. Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Institute, 2018. 248pp. ISBN 978-94-9276-805-6.

The signed and autograph manuscript, now published as Postulata Vice-Provinciae Sinensis in Urbe Proponenda, had lain neglected at ARSI for over 330 years. At a mere twenty pages, although rich in content, this booklet by the prolific Jesuit Ferdinand Verbiest (1623–88) is now available thanks to the work of Noël Golvers and the Verbiest Institute. The Postulata Vice-Provinciae Sinensis in Urbe Proponenda. A Blueprint for a Renewed SJ Mission in China commands attention: the value of this edition is obvious, despite the ubiquitous imprecisions that seem to have escaped the editor’s final review. Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), in his capacity as Vice- Provincial (1676-1680) and on the occasion of the centenary of the China mission, initiated a process to obtain facilities and privileges he deemed necessary for addressing the challenges of a mission in great expansion and forced to face the reality of Propaganda Fide sending men to the field. This naturally extended the influence of Propaganda in what up to then had been a Padroado-led reserve of the Jesuits. Verbiest personally wrote, signed and sealed the Postulata, a work important enough to be carried thousands of miles over a perilous sea voyage to be delivered into the hands of the Superior General in Rome. Noël Golvers seeks to get the most out of the text, even though his discussion of the background and the circumstances under which it was produced are often conjectural, and even though the document itself eventually failed to achieve the purpose for which it had been written. 644 Book Reviews

This edition comprises 248 pages, of which forty-two comprise an introduction that offers a general, codicological, archival and typological outline of the Postulata, its context, direct background and contents. It also includes a few details about the year (Dec. 1684 to Dec. 1685) that Philippe Couplet spent in Rome handling the Vice- Province’s multiple affairs. The conclusion, while disappointing, nonetheless is important and quite revealing about the silence of the Jesuit archives regarding the way the Postulata were received by Superior General Charles de Noyelle. Abbreviations and an ample bibliography follow. The Latin text of the Postulata, together with a facing English translation, take up almost an equal number of pages as the introduction, forty-eight in all. Then, seventy pages are dedicated to commentaries, comprising 384 solid footnotes to the translation. These are then followed by an Index nominum et rerum of both text and commentaries, eight pages in all. The remaining sixty-one pages contain three Appendices. The first is a helpful translation of Latin fragments quoted in the notes. The second comprises five documents of which the most useful are the Postulata of the Prospero Intorcetta mission in 1666, the 1672 Responsa of General Giovanni Paolo Oliva, and Intorcetta’s own memorial to João Cardoso, Provincial of Japan. The third appendix contains the precious Facsimile edition of the Postulata, from ARSI, Congr. Prov. 81, ff. 219a-l. There were fivePostulata submitted: 1.1 The authorization to admit into the Society local candidates at the discretion of the Vice-Provincial with the advice of the more experienced missionaries. 1.2 The dispensation to admit into the Society bigamists and candidates over 50 years of age. 1.3 The faculty to approve books for printing in accordance with the privilege once accorded by Pope Paul V, but withdrawn by General Oliva in 1672. 1.4 The return of Guangdong and Guangxi, entrusted to the Japanese Province in 1660, to the Chinese Vice-Province. 1.5 The upgrading of the Chinese Vice-Province to the rank of Province. The five requests were actually not new. The ‘Chinese Fathers’ had long felt the need for each of them, and above all to be able to function with the full powers of a Province, for which they had repeatedly submitted petitions. Their pleadings were met with a gentle refusal in view of internal and external resistance: on the one hand this came from Portugal and its Macau Padroado, and on the Book Reviews Book Reviews 645

other hand it derived from the anachronistic Macau-based Province of Japan. This resistance was situated above all among fellow Jesuits in Macau, where the Japanese Province had its headquarters.1 Any attempt at decoupling the China Mission from Macau was viewed unfavourably in Macau as well as in Rome.2 Verbiest argued his case with competence and passion, but what made him hopeful of finally achieving a breakthrough was imploring the benevolence and liberality of the Superior General, not by claiming rights and dues. The centenary of the Vice-Province provided a further opportunity for Verbeist to seek a review of the past and plan for the future with a keen eye on the challenges at hand. In the course of his argumentation, the strong and weak points of the Mission emerge: strategic presences, contacts and connections that mattered, well-honed practices, influential publications, and a wealth of experience acquired over 100 years. All of these came into play for overcoming recurrent political and ideological storms as well as for fostering the remarkable growth and expansion the mission was experiencing, which — in the view of the “Chinese Fathers” — required local vocations in greater numbers, adequate financial resources and more effective administrative powers. As he argued his case, Verbiest could not hide a pervading sense of precariousness as he witnessed destabilizing developments in the making: the result of Propaganda Fide’s new policies and the inexperience that he believed its missionaries relied upon. The task was entrusted to Philippe Couplet, who had been appointed Procurator. Though well planned, the mission met with many delays, the first of which came from Domingo Navarrete’s public attack on the Jesuit missionary policies, which eventually delayed Couplet’s departure, and above all caused an escalation of the Rites Controversy.3 The Procurator arrived in Rome three years later than had been planned, when the results of the controversy were evident, and the climate had changed for the worse. Couplet’s mission had several objectives: he was carrying Ludovico Buglio’s (incomplete) Chinese translations of the Missal, the Breviary and

1 Fortunato Margiotti, Il cattolicesimo nello Shansi dalle origini al 1738. Rome: Sinica Franciscana, 1958, 56–67.

2 Daniello Bartoli, Dell’historia della Compagnia di Giesu. La Cina, terza parte dell’Asia. Rome: Varese, 1663, 715.

3 Domingos Fernández Navarrete, Tratados historicos, politicos, ethicos de la monarquia de China. Madrid: en la Imprenta Real por Iuan Garcia Infançon, 1676. 646 Book Reviews the Ritual4 to convince Rome to grant faculties for a Chinese liturgy – essential if local men were to be ordained. He also brought 400 gift-books to present to the Urban College and the Vatican Library.5 Furthermore, he had planned to travel in the company of young Chinese converts: eventually only Michael Alphonsus Shen Fuzong accompanied him for the whole journey.6 All of these initiatives had the obvious intention of impressing Rome. Couplet was also assigned the task of recruiting French missionaries to increase scarce local resources in Beijing and in the provinces. This move was politically very sensitive. This was the only aim that eventually was achieved, while in the process causing problems for Verbiest,7 suggesting that what seemed sensible in China appeared in Rome instead to be problematic. Superior General de Noyelle courteously received Philippe Couplet, but nothing transpired from that encounter. In Europe, and Rome in particular, the Society was facing an increasingly adverse climate exemplified by the Navarrete bombshell, Antoine Arnauld’s attacks,8 and the policies of Propaganda Fide aimed at bypassing the Padroado, which induced Portugal to denounce Propaganda’s efforts as hostile. With the Society adversely affected by these developments, Couplet was also personally caught up in them, and he encountered still more caution from his interlocutors than on the occasion of the Intorcetta mission, when, also at that time,

4 Giuliano Bertuccioli, Buglio Ludovico, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 15 (1972), online at: https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ludovico-buglio_ (Dizionario-Biografico)/.

5 Patrizio Foresta, Philip Couplet e il ritorno della Bibbia in Europa, in In via in saecula. La Bibbia di Marco Polo tra Europa e Cina. Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 2012, 122.

6 Isabel Murta Pina, “Shen Fuzong 沈福宗 (Michael Alphonsus)”. In Luisa M. Paternicò, ed., The Generation of Giants 2. Other Champions of the Cultural Dialogue between Europe and China. Trent: Centro Studi Martino Martini, 2015, 47–52.

7 Golvers Noël, “The correspondence of Ferdinand Verbiest, SJ (1623-1688) between Europe and China: the contribution of the Ajuda Library”. Paper from the International conference, “A missão jesuíta da China nas coleções da Biblioteca Ajuda”, 15 de Maio 2017.

8 Reference is made here to Antoine Arnauld’s eight-volume work of 1669–95, Morale pratique des jésuites and, among others, Michel Le Tellier’s reply, of 1687, Defense des nouveaux Chrestiens et des missionaires de la Chine, du Japon & des Indes. Book Reviews Book Reviews 647

it was deemed “not advisable to make any changes”.9 The petition to have Guangdong and Guangxi returned to the Vice-Province would have aroused the ire of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in Macau, which deemed the two Provinces as belonging to their area of influence, and would have met with very strong opposition from the Japanese Province, so this proposal did not proceed. Despite the apparent defeats for Verbiest, the Postulata does reveal a certain ambiguity as well: while Verbeist demonstrated a certain obsequious attitude towards the Padroado, his proposal of a new Province would have placed Beijing as its centre (not Portuguese Macau) and would have drawn Jesuits recruited from France. The requests attracted several well-founded doubts from Rome and Macau as well, such as those concerning the Vice-Province’s ability to handle several open internal issues, including vocational discernment and the wisdom of admitting bigamists and men over the age of fifty. The religious formation of locals was a concern as well, only having met with intermittent success in the past, and many problems. The document highlighted the successes, challenges and precariousness of the China mission, all differently visible depending on the perspective, from the caution of Eurocentric Rome and Padroado Macau, to the desire for new opportunities in Beijing’s South Church. The Tridentine paradigm was still the norm in Rome, but it was proving inadequate in China: Portugal, the Papacy, the European Regimes, and the Sorbonne all formed their views on how the Jesuits were moving at home and abroad; each acted accordingly, thereby putting the Society, always keen on preserving its identity, on the defensive.10 The twenty-page Postulata outlined a host of problems that Ferdinand Verbiest and his confreres were facing in China. In presenting this text, Noël Golvers delivers a study rich in philology but comparatively light, in the view of this reviewer, in historical explanations, leaving many open questions, and some baffling unresolved issues.11 Looking beyond the document itself, one

9 Responsa […] ad Postulata V-Provinciae Sinensis anno 1666, quoted in Golvers, Postulata, 206.

10 Frei Elisa, Book Review of Martin Maria Morales e Roberto Ricci, eds, Padre Claudio Acquaviva S.J. preposito generale della Compagnia di Gesù e il suo tempo. Atti del convegno, in AHSI 88/175 (2019-I), 218.

11 For example, further explanation by the editor of the volume would have been 648 Book Reviews can see the missionaries sparing no effort in trying to fulfil the evangelizing mission entrusted to them, and to establish the institutional framework needed for performing their work, whilst also facing an extremely challenging, if promising, environment. In reflecting on this work and its value for the rich historiographical tradition to which it belongs, perhaps it is time to draw on these studies of individual missionaries, favored by scholars in recent times,12 to produce an overall history of the Vice-Province of China up to its dissolution with the worldwide Society at the end of the eighteenth century. In this regard, while well documented, Fortunato Margiotti’s often-cited work perhaps no longer satisfies the discerning scholar, nor does it reflect the historiographical progress of the more-than-sixty years since its publication.13 Works like this volume under review certainly provide ample material towards the writing of such a history.

Ningbo University, China Yinlan Wu

Thierry Meynard y Roberto Villasante, La filosofía moral de Confucio: La primera traducción de las obras de Confucio al español en 1590. Bilbao, Santander, Madrid: Mensajero, Sal Terrae, Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2018. 247 pp. € 17.50. ISBN 9788427141896.

Ruggieri ha atraído nuevamente la atención de los investigadores por haberse puesto en valor el hecho de que hiciera la primera traducción al español de las obras de Confucio en 1590. En realidad esto es algo que en cierto modo ya se conocía desde hacía un siglo, cuando el agustino Julián Zarco Cuevas dio noticias del texto manuscrito con dicha traducción, conservado en la Biblioteca del Escorial. El manuscrito llevaba por título “Libro de la Moral de la

welcome about the reasons for seeking admission of ‘bigamists’ (pp. 56–57) and why the Hangzhou Church is described as ‘Intorcetta’s church’ (p. 164), when Intorcetta himself calls it the church “olim fabricata dal P. Martino de Martinis” (ARSI, Jap. Sin. 163, 223v), and still known thus in Hangzhou.

12 Michela Catto, “Note e Rassegne: La Compagnia di Gesù in Cina in età moderna: studi e tendenze storiografiche”, in Rivista di Storia del Cristianesimo 7 (2010/2), 535–36.

13 Il cattolicesimo nello Shansi. Book Reviews Book Reviews 649

China”, y de él presentó un estudio en la revista La Ciudad de Dios (1921), citando incluso al traductor, Miguel Roggiero, aunque no supiera identificarlo. Era una noticia temprana que no pudo valorarse pues no ha sido hasta las últimas décadas en que se ha estudiado la actividad de los jesuitas en los primeros estudios de sinología, y en particular la figura de Mateo Ricci. La revalorización del documento empezó en 2016 cuando Eugenio Lo Sardo e Isabel Turull editaban y traducían al italiano dicho manuscrito en su libro 孔子 Confucio. La morale della Cina: ovvero il Grande Studio, l'Invariabile Mezzo e parte dei Dialoghi tradotti nel 1590 dal gesuita Michele Ruggieri per Sua Maestà Filippo II (Roma: De Luca Editori d’Arte). Esta puesta en valor ha continuado con los jesuitas Thierry Meynard y Roberto Villasante (2018) que nos han ofrecido la versión del original en castellano, comentada y comparada con el texto chino, en el libro que comentamos. ¿Qué es lo que movió a Ruggieri a hacer dicha traducción? Para responder esta pregunta habría que empezar hablando del conocido proyecto de los jesuitas en China de estudiar las obras confucianas. Explica Villasante en la introducción (pp. 19-58) que Ruggieri llegó a Macao en 1579 con claras instrucciones de establecer contactos con el cuerpo diplomático y cultural de Macao, ganarse su favor, y sobre todo, aprender la lengua y cultura chinas, tarea que no le fue fácil al principio por la poca receptividad de los otros jesuitas, por la falta de profesores y materiales, y porque la lengua china de Macao era el cantonés. Pero en 1581 ya consiguió una residencia relativamente estable en Guangzhou que le permitió un proceso de inmersión en la lengua, convirtiéndose así en el primer sinólogo europeo. Esto facilitó las cosas para que se sumara a él su compañero Pasio, y poco después Mateo Ricci, llegado a Macao en 1582. Tras varios desencuentros con las autoridades chinas –como el motivado indirectamente por la llegada a Macao en 1582 (aunque Villasante la sitúa en 1580) de una misión diplomática de españoles desde Filipinas, con el jesuita español Alonso Sánchez al frente– y nuevos reencuentros llegó a Ruggieri el permiso del virrey de las provincias de Guangdong y Guangxi, Chen Rui, para que pudiera establecerse en la ciudad de Zhaoqing. Además Ruggieri consiguió que el permiso se hiciera extensivo a sus dos compañeros. Allí residieron de 1582 a 1588, aunque con altibajos y expulsiones transitorias, dependiendo de la afinidad de los gobernadores locales. De hecho, en la primera de las interrupciones, en 1583, Pasio dejó el proyecto de China, al ser enviado a Japón. Sin embargo, cuando a finales de ese mismo año Ruggieri y Ricci volvieron, lo hacían esta 650 Book Reviews vez con permiso para construir una iglesia. Durante estos años tanto él como Ricci estuvieron trabajando en la confección de un catecismo chino y desde 1583 Ruggieri empezó a traducir los clásicos confucianos al latín. Villasante da nutrida cuenta de los avatares de Ruggieri durante estos años, y en particular de su estancia en Shaoxing (1585-1587), en donde realizó varias conversiones entre los letrados. Pero en 1587 vuelven las dificultades para continuar en la misión de Guangdong, aunque Ruggieri lograra estar aún un año más. El año 1588 fue decisivo en la vida Ruggieri pues el modo en que el visitador Valignano consideraba que debía superarse la crisis de Guangdong era mediante el envío de una embajada pontificia a Beijing, para la cual había que ir a Roma a proponerla, y Valignano pensó que Ruggieri debía ir a la ciudad eterna a proponerla. Aquí Villasante toma parte por Ruggieri al presentar esta decisión como una especie de conspiración de Valignano contra Ruggieri para eliminarlo de la misión de China, que se explicaría por razones de índole personal, pero difíciles de desentrañar pues las explicaciones que Valignano presentaba –edad madura en Ruggieri y dificultad en su dominio de la lengua china– no parecen convincentes. El caso es que cuando Ruggieri sale de Macao en 1588 camino de Roma es portador de una carta sellada para el General Acquaviva en la que Valignano le solicita que Ruggieri no vuelva a China. A partir de aquí Villasante sigue narrando la vida de Ruggieri como si de un thriller se tratara. Llegada a Lisboa a finales de 1589 y preparación del viaje hacia Roma, y –siguiendo las instrucciones de Valignano– intentar pasar desapercibido por España, para evitar dar cuenta a Felipe II del proyecto de embajada. Naturalmente, no fue posible pues Felipe ya era rey de Portugal desde 1580, con lo que tras conocer la llegada de Ruggieri a Lisboa le invitó al Escorial para dar cuenta de las cosas de China, lo cual no parece que desagradara a Ruggieri. Y aquí viene lo que da sentido al libro que comentamos, pues es entonces cuando Felipe II le pidió que –antes de salir camino de Roma– tradujera al castellano las obras de Confucio en las que había venido trabajando. Y así lo hizo Ruggieri. Nos queda la duda de si tradujo directamente del chino al castellano, o de si, como parece más probable, llevaba una traducción previa en latín que utilizaría para hacer su versión en castellano. En cualquier caso, estaba produciendo la primera traducción de libros de la tradición confuciana a una lengua europea (excluida el latín). No obstante, como el propio Ruggieri explica en su introducción, solo incluía una parte de los famosos Cuatro Libros atribuidos a Confucio: el Daxue Book Reviews Book Reviews 651

(o el Gran Saber), el Zhongyong (o Gran Medio) y la parte inicial del Lunyu (o Analectas). Quedaba por tanto excluido el Mengzi (o el libro de Mencio), justificando que no pudo traducirlo por falta de tiempo. Estos textos son presentados en el libro que comentamos tanto en su versión original, como transcritos y comparados con la versión china, con gran cantidad de excelentes notas comentando el texto. Esta presentación histórica y textual viene continuada por el estudio interno de la traducción hecho por Thierry Meynard, profesor de Filosofía en la Universidad Sun Yat-sen, en Guangzhou. En primer lugar, señala Meynard que Ruggieri habría estudiado los libros confucianos al menos entre 1584 y 1588, a la par que también lo habría hecho Mateo Ricci. A modo de prolegómeno, Meynard se plantea la cuestión de quién fue el verdadero traductor de una versión latina de los libros confucianos (más extensa que el texto del Escorial, pues incluye el Mencio), fechada en 1591-1592, firmada por Ruggieri, y conservada en la Biblioteca Nazionale di Roma (Fondo Jesuitico 1185). ¿Fue original de Ruggieri, o este utilizó la traducción de Ricci que hizo en esos mismos años? Meynard hace un repaso de las teorías de Pasquale d’Elia y de las de Francesco d’Arelli, las cuales se inclinan más bien del lado de Ricci, como la fuente de la que se sirvió Ruggieri. Pero Meynard se muestra contundente señalando en primer lugar que no hay razones que justifiquen la autoría moral de este texto por parte de Ricci; y en segundo lugar, que antes de los años 1591-1592, Ruggieri ya tendría un borrador en latín, que es el que utilizaría para hacer precisamente la traducción al español que entregó a Felipe II en 1590. Añade incluso que sería de gran interés seguir con los estudios del texto latino conservado en la Biblioteca Nazionale, para verificar esta hipótesis; trabajo harto difícil por las dificultades de conservación, abreviaturas, etc., para lo cual, añade, el texto del Escorial podría ayudar a cubrir alguna de las lagunas, aunque esté en español. Lo que se acaba de exponer nos da pie para señalar que también podría ser de utilidad en este trabajo de reconstrucción del texto latino, otra versión idéntica de la misma traducción que hizo Ruggieri para Felipe II, y que ha sido descubierta por el autor de esta reseña en la Universidad Nacional de Taiwan, y que los estudios previos de Villasante permitieron la identificación de la autoría. Según la investigación que hemos realizado, y que va a ser publicada en 2021 en el Boletín de la Real Academia de Española, concluimos que la versión taiwanesa corresponde a una copia que hizo el propio Ruggieri del texto que iba a presentar a Felipe II, y 652 Book Reviews que encargaría para él mismo, por lo que no está tan ornamentada. La haría justo antes de presentar al rey la que se conserva en El Escorial, dándole así tiempo para introducir algunas pequeñas correcciones. Meynard pasa después a preguntarse por la calidad de la traducción de Ruggieri, ¿seguía el texto original literalmente, o lo modificaba con interpretaciones cristianas interesadas o fruto del solipsismo? La pregunta es además relevante ya que una de las razones por las que Valignano apartaba a Ruggieri de la misión de China era su lenta progresión en el estudio del chino. Esta pregunta se la responde Thierry Meynard (pp. 59-78), recordando que los Cuatro Libros asociados a Confucio de la dinastía Han, fueron formalizados en un canon por Zhu Xi (1130-1200) durante la dinastía Song, y que fue esta la versión que siguió Ruggieri. En base a ese texto y a los comentarios del propio Zhu Xi, Meynard analiza el modo en que Ruggieri tradujo algunas nociones confucianas, como junzi (hombre de bien, u hombre virtuoso), o shengren (el santo, o persona con poder casi divino). Lo mismo hace con conceptos como gewudu (literalmente “investigando cosas”), que Zhu Xi lo identifica con una realidad intelectual y ética, mientras que Ruggieri, con un prisma neoplatónico lo traduce como “conocer las razones de los negocios y de las cosas”. Igualmente Ruggieri llevado de su formación en derecho civil y eclesiástico traduce li, como “leyes”, o “leyes y ceremonias”. Son varios más los usos de las nociones confucianas analizados por Meynard, por los que –no obstante algunas otras diferencias con la interpretación Zhu Xi en su compilación– le lleva a concluir: “La lectura cristiana de la traducción de Ruggieri no es excesiva, y se refiere únicamente a algunos párrafos. Debido a lo literal de la traducción Ruggieri transmitió con éxito la principal relevancia de los textos, que no tiene que ver con Dios o con la religión, sino con la filosofía moral y la política” (p. 78). Incluso va más lejos señalando que Ruggieri creó un marco de interpretación que fue seguido luego por Ricci y otros jesuitas en China durante más de 200 años. En definitiva, este libro es una aportación importante a la figura de Ruggieri, y su creciente relevancia en el campo de la primera sinología.

National Taiwan University José Eugenio Borao Mateo Book Reviews Book Reviews 653

Bronwen McShea, Apostles of Empire: The Jesuits and New France. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2020. 378pp. $60.00. ISBN 978-1496208903

In Apostles of Empire: The Jesuits and New France, Bronwen McShea provides a crucial reexamination of Jesuits in the early modern French empire of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. While most historians of the Jesuits in New France have focused on their evangelizing efforts among various Indigenous populations, more recently stressing Indigenous peoples’ reactions and incorporation of certain aspects of Catholicism, the author looks at French Jesuits’ this-worldly actions and aspirations. Thus, the Jesuits of New France were exceptionally zealous in promoting not only the expansion of Roman Catholicism to the New World, but also the expansion of the French Bourbon Atlantic empire and “civilizing” aspects of a new Parisian, urban culture. By revealing the Society’s transatlantic, Parisian, and royalist connections, McShea shows how French Jesuits portrayed themselves as resolutely loyal to the French crown and its empire in face of Gallican accusations that Jesuits were instruments of the Papacy. With keen attention to politics in France and the world of religious patronage and publishing, the author has expanded our understanding of the Jesuit missions to New France in the Old Society, from 1611 until the death of the last Canadian Jesuit in 1800. In fact, she has provided the first history of the Jesuits to span the whole colonial period in New France since Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle France au XVIIe siècle (1895) and XVIIIe siècle (1906) by Camille de Rochemonteix SJ (1834–1923). For looking beyond more famous points of this history — the Huron (Wendat) mission and the Canadian martyr saints — and engaging with lesser known Jesuits of the eighteenth century, McShea is to be commended. First, a word on sources. As most historians of the Jesuits in New France, the author relies heavily on the Reuben Gold Thwaites (1853–1913) edition of The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (73 vols. 1896–1901). Lucien Campeau SJ’s (1914–2003) Monumenta No- vae Franciae (9 vols. 1967–2003) is cited when the Thwaites edition is lacking. The less documented eighteenth century is rounded off with different works including Pierre-François-Xavier de Charle- vois SJ’s (1682–1761) Histoire et description Générale de la Nouvelle France (1744) and Joseph-François Lafitau SJ’s (1681–1746) Mœurs des sauvages amériquains (1724). Archival materials from ARSI are consulted sparingly but provide original insights when they are. The book is organized into two equal parts. The first section Book Reviews explores the role of the Jesuit Relations (1632–73), an annual publication of missionary letters from New France, in promoting not only the Jesuit missions, but also the expansion of the French empire. Paul Le Jeune SJ (1591–1664) and publisher Sébastien Cramoisy (1584–1669) loom large in this meticulously researched excavation of lay and religious elite networks of charity, patronage, and political alliance. Readers familiar with the Jesuit Relations will be interested in McShea’s illumination of Cramoisy’s political connections in Parisian high society and even to General Mutio Vitelleschi SJ (1563–1645), as well as his leading role as a layperson in religious and charitable institutions. Le Jeune’s career from missionary to procureur of the mission in Paris and his efforts to secure patronage for his confrères is engaging and fascinating. Indeed, one of the true strengths of this book is placing these missionaries and their benefactors into their metropolitan and transatlantic contexts, exploring their backgrounds and reminding the reader that missionary work was not detached from secular, political, or personal concerns back home. McShea traces how the early Relations became important “wartime propaganda for the Crown” as Cardinal Richelieu (1585–1642) allied France with Protestant countries against Catholic Spain during the Thirty Years’ War (p. 30). Under pressure from the piously Catholic dévots party, Richelieu’s support for Jesuit missionaries in New France, expressed positively through the state-sponsored Relations, was a bulwark for the crown. Praise for Richelieu in the Relations, McShea writes, was also a deft political maneuver for French Jesuits who were determined to show their loyalty to the Crown in light of suspicions surrounding their fourth vow to the Papacy (p. 28). Through the rest of the seventeenth century, and especially with the ascendancy of Louis XIV, the Jesuits used the Relations to campaign for a holy war against the Iroquois whom Le Jeune had called “the little Turk of New France” (p. 3). McShea writes that Jesuits’ call for holy war has “whitewashed from the mission’s history… [and when] noted at all it has generally been overspiritualized or too readily interpreted as a metaphor” (p. 130). In fact, the Relations and other publications, notably François Du Creux SJ’s (1596– 1666) Historiae canadensis (1664), used recently martyred Jesuits to justify “Louis XIV’s vigorous intervention into conflicts that had been plaguing the mission and hampering French trade and colonial development” (p. 92). Furthermore, McShea nuances the martyrdom of Saint Isaac Jogues SJ (1607–1646) by showing his intelligence-gathering efforts in service of the colonial government Book Reviews Book Reviews 655

at Quebec and his “willingness to die among the Mohawks in both political and religious terms” (75). While calls for military action to spread Catholicism and empire is a main theme of the book, McShea also reveals the Jesuits’ attempts to import Catholic social-charity to New France and raise the material well-being and health of Indigenous peoples. This “civilizing mission,” as the Jesuits saw it, was rooted in cultural and material developments in Paris, the new sensibilities of civilité and sociabilité among Parisian elites. McShea corrects the misconception that by virtue of their opposition to francisation (Frenchification) of Indigenous peoples through intermarriage and assimilation, the Jesuits were somehow anti-French. New France Jesuits, she writes, in fact, supported importing French social and cultural norms. For Jesuits, problems arose from relations with the wrong Frenchmen – brandy traders and coureurs de bois whose influences “differed from the courtly and urbane manners, aesthetics, consumption patterns, and identification with the French monarch that the Jesuits associated with true ‘Frenchness’” (p. 161). According to McShea, these secular goals and the Jesuits’ ability to pool resources through a transatlantic network of benefactors “corrects a contemporary misperception that French missionaries only became swept up in a nation-imperial mission civilatrice after being pulled in that ‘modern’ direction by nineteenth-century colonial experiences, away from a pre-Enlightenment fixation on religious conversion, moral purity, and otherworldly salvation” (p. 256). McShea’s connection of missionary efforts from the early modern to the modern French empire is a welcome historiographical intervention that invites further research. The second section of the book chronicles the Jesuits’ continued calls for imperial expansion and offensive wars against the Iroquois, the British, and France’s other enemies, even in the face of growing metropolitan neglect and disinterest in New France as a colonial venture. In fact, the Jesuits are seen, time and again, as crusading for economic investment and military action. McShea argues that the “Jesuits understood Christian conversion and heroism as unfolding through, not despite, the colonial-era violence that surrounded them” (p. 130). Famous among these militant missionaries is Sébastien Râle SJ (1657–1724) whose death in the Fourth Anglo-Abenaki War of 1722–25 was recounted in the Lettres Édifiantes et Curieuses(1726) . Others, such as Lafitau in his Moeurs (1724) and Charlevoix in his Histoire (1744) used print to convince metropolitan elites to take-up once more the cause of New France. The missions, however, would 656 Book Reviews never again see the funding and support they had received during the era of the Relations. The dénouement of the book covers familiar ground for those knowledgeable about the Jansenist attacks of the 1750s, the Suppression of the Society of Jesus in France in 1764, and by the Holy See in 1773. In the last pages, McShea illuminates the lives of less well-known Jesuits, the last in Canada before the Restoration, and their “Quiet Death under British, Protestant Rule” (p. 247). This is a book about Jesuits and their relationship to empire building, but more attention could have been paid to the Indigenous peoples who settled at mission sites such as Kahnawake, Sillery, and Saint-François-de-Sales. The complexity of their identities, kinship networks, and actions are sometimes lost to generalization. Take for example the statement which overemphasizes Jesuit influence: “mission Indians [were] mustered by the Jesuits” to fight the British at Fort Necessity in 1754 (p. 235). Similar examples could be pulled from the Abenaki in their wars against the British in the 1720s and the Choctaws during the Chickasaw Wars of 1721–52 (p. 226–29). The book may also have benefited from a broader reading of literature on the early modern French empire, as the “neglectful” colonial state sometimes seems a caricature of a more complex situation. These two points being made, McShea more than accomplishes her goal of revealing the Jesuits’ enthusiasm for French imperialism; their calls for military intervention, economic development, and secular charity in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Apostles of Empire is an important addition to the historiography of Jesuit missions, New France, and the French Atlantic World.

McGill University, Montréal Riley Wallace ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXIX, FASC. 177 2020-I

Research Notes

Miguel Gabriel Garí Pallicer, La alimentación en el Colegio jesuita de Montesión de Palma de Mallorca: cultura, productos y prácticas (1561–1715) 5

Lorenzo Mancini, I bibliotecari del Collegio Romano (1551– 1873): un contributo per la storia delle biblioteche della Compagnia di Gesù 45

Carla Benocci, La presenza dei Gesuiti a Tivoli (XVI–XVIII secolo): strategie imprenditoriali al servizio della Missione 117

Dario Di Maso, L’idea primigenia dell’Apostolato della preghiera nei documenti dell’Archivum Romanum 185 Societatis Iesu

Emanuele Colombo, From Paper to Screen. The Digital Indipetae Database, a New Resource for Jesuit Studies 213

Review Essays

Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, One World is Not Enough: The Oxford Handbook of the Jesuits 231 Living History

John W. O’Malley SJ, Jesuit History and Me 247

Book Reviews

T.M. McCoog, ed., With Eyes and Ears Open: The Role of Visitors in the Society of Jesus (E. Frei) 259

V. Houliston, G. Crosignani and T.M.McCoog SJ, eds, The Correspondence and Unpublished Papaers of Robert Persons, SJ (D. Fenlon) 261

B. Mac Cuarta SJ, ed., Henry Piers’s Continental Travels, 1595– 1598 (V. Houliston) 263

Ž. Nedzinskaitė, D. Antanavičius, eds, Fontes Collegii Crosensis, qui in Archivo Romano Societatis Iesu asservantur = Kražių kolegijos šaltiniai, saugomi Jėzaus Draugijos Archyve Romoje, tomus/tomas I, pars/dalis 1: 1608–1700 (A. Mariani) 266

K. Stumpf SJ, The Acta Pekinensia or Historical Records of the Maillard de Tournon Legation.Volume II: September 1706– December 1707 (D. Canaris) 270

C.W.M. Schunck, Intolerante tolerantie. De geschiedenis van de katholieke missionering op Curaçao (1499–1776) (M. Lindeijer) 275

M. Miranda, Miguel Venegas and the Earliest Jesuit Theater. Choruses for Tragedies in Sixteenth-Century Europe (M. Saulini) 278

K. Czibula, J. Demeter and M. Zsuzsanna Pintér, eds, Theory and Practice in 17th–19th Century Theatre. Sources, Influences, Texts in Latin and Vernacular Ways towards Professional Stage (M. Saulini) 281

C. Ferlan e M. Plesnicar, eds, Historia Collegii Goritiensis. Gli Annali del collegio dei gesuiti di Gorizia (1615–1772) (M. Turrini) 283

J. Iwaszko, ed, Motecta scripta in Collegio. Braunsbergensis Societatis Jesu (Utl.vok.mus.tr. 394–399); B. Bohdanowicz, Tomasz Jeż, eds, Universalia et particularia. Ars et praxis Societatis Jesu in Polonia (K. Spurgjasz) 292 Notes and News in Jesuit History

Workshop Training for Archivists and their Supervisors in Africa and Madagascar (J.L. Enyegue SJ) 299

Philippe Lecrivain SJ (1941–2020) (H. Laux) 302

Urbano Valero SJ (1928–2019) (G. La Bella) 304

Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu vol. lxxxix, fasc. 177 (2020-I)

Book Reviews

Thomas M. McCoog, ed., With Eyes and Ears Open: The Role of Visitors in the Society of Jesus. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019. 315 pp. $179.00. ISBN 978-90-04-39484-1.

This edited volume investigates an office of utmost importance in the Society of Jesus, which only recently became of interest for scholars: visitors (visitatores). As the volume’s editor Thomas M. McCoog SJ rightly observes, a particularly important stimulus to the field is Liam Brockey’s study of the life and works of André Palmeiro (1569—1635), one of the first and most influential visitors of Asia (The Visitor: Andre Palmeiro and the Jesuits in Asia (Cambridge, MA, 2014). This volume is different in that, rather than focusing on one individual, it considers several visitors throughout the history of the Society of Jesus, paying particular attention to the office itself from a theoretical and practical point of view. In 12 chapters, the authors (6 Jesuits and 6 lay scholars) follow the lives and work of different visitors and the historical figures closely related to them, from the early modern age until the twentieth century. In his thorough Introduction, McCoog points out how other religious orders employed visitors, but only in the Society of Jesus they became so important, and mainly for two reasons: “the centralized government of the Society, and its rapid expansion” (p. 1). Visitors were directly appointed by the superior general, “for difficult situations where a resolution has proved elusive” (p. 2). The “powers and nature” of their role were “defined according to the circumstances”, as Wiktor Gramatowski SJ explained in Glossario Gesuitico (p. 2). Representing the general, a visitor had to be his “eyes and ears”: not simply and not only a “policeman but a formulator of policy, and adaptor of the general principles of the Society” (p. 3). The first chapter is a detailed and essential introduction on the office of visitor. Robert Danieluk SJ shows how itcould consistently vary depending on the generals’ needs. Visitors were needed for periodic ‘visits’, indeed, to every Jesuit province. As external members, they came into direct contact with Jesuits of every age and importance, listening to complaints, doubts and issues—and trying to solve them as fast (and painlessly) as they could. The general’s comprehensive trust allowed them to act based on their own judgment. This was even more in the case for 260 Book Reviews visitors of the missions in the Eastern and Western Indies: even if the corporate network of the Society of Jesus was remarkable, the inevitable problems of communications led visitors to act very autonomously. Jesuit visitors had to deal with every kind of geographical, political and religious situation. The book covers all the years of the Jesuit endeavour, from the sixteenth century until contemporaneity, recognizing successes and limits of visitors on four continents: Europe, the Americas, Africa and Australia. The chapters dedicated to early modern Europe focus on what is today France (Eric Nelson), the Low Countries (McCoog), Ireland (Tadhg Ó hAnnracháin), the Czech Republic (Paul Shore) and Portugal (Francisco Malta Romeiras). As for the twentieth century, Klaus Schatz SJ and Oliver P. Rafferty SJ’s contributions underline the challenges and complexities of the German and British provinces. The Jesuit policies in the Americas are at the core of the essays written by Andrés I. Prieto and Robert Emmett Curran, respectively the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries in Peru and Maryland (where former Jesuits were able to survive and thrive until the official restoration of the order in 1814). Finally, Africa and Australia respectively are the focus of Festo Mkenda SJ and David Strong SJ’s contributions. During the last fifty years, the office of visitor ceased tobe necessary. As Danieluk well explains, visitors were “intended to bridge the gap between Rome and the peripheries, between the superior general and his men distributed throughout the world” (p. 46). Thanks to technological innovations, Jesuits are constantly connected and able to communicate and, if needed, generals (or their assistants) can promptly and easily travel everywhere. This melancholic note closes the book: such an important Jesuit office belongs to the past more than it does to the present or future. This collection hopefully will inspire scholars to pay more attention to these high ranked Jesuits whose role was essential not only in the overseas missions, but in Europe as well. Visitors had to deal with ordinary as well as extraordinary issues, with religious brothers or ‘rivals’ and with political powers. Since their mission was to act, as well as take note of what they did and saw, they left a documentary trail which certainly deserves to be studied, and not only by historians of the Society of Jesus.

Boston College, USA – University of York, UK Elisa Frei Book Reviews Book Reviews 261

Victor Houliston, Ginevra Crosignani and Thomas M.McCoog SJ, eds, The Correspondence and Unpublished Papaers of Robert Persons, SJ, Volume 1: 1574-1588. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2017. 729 pp. $115.00. ISBN 9780888442079.

In a splendidly comprehensive introduction to this volume, the first of three, Victor Houliston asserts “the need for a scholarly edition of [Robert] Persons’s correspondence” to supersede “the tendentious historiography of his career”. He and his fellow editors have succeeded magnificently in this first volume, which carries the story to the eve of the 1588 Spanish Armada. Each letter is prefaced by a meticulous short introduction. The Latin texts are accompanied by English translations enriched by succinct and informative footnotes. This first volume constitutes not only a brilliant introduction to the impact on the Counter Reformation to the Atlantic Isles, but also an illuminating re-setting of the story in a European perspective through the lens of the Jesuit archives. Houliston recounts how Persons saw “the Protestant establishment” in England as “a temporary aberration, alien to the true religious heart of the nation”. He was wrong. His letters disclose expectations of restoration which were “doubtless unrealistic, the more so as time went on”. As a Catholic and a Jesuit, Persons understood his pastoral and missionary objectives to be “the recovery of the connection with Rome and the cultivation of true devotion” which he described in The Christian Directory (1582) as “ ‘a joyful promptness to the diligent execution of all things that appertayne to the honour of God’ ”. What is remarkable in Persons (and not only in Persons) is the disjoinder between pastoral wisdom and political incompetence. Houlston’s appreciation of the unrealism informing Person’s understanding of England is borne out not least in the pages concerning preparations for the Armada. If it is the great merit of this edition that “in these letters we are invited to view Elizabethan England afresh” from a continental and Scottish perspective in “helpful corrective to Anglocentric accounts of Reformation-era religion and politics”, there is yet further richness. Through Houlston’s Introduction we find something balancing the disjunction between religion and politics, which is found on every page of these letters: a more realistic understanding, at once religious and political, of the need for mutual coexistence. 262 Book Reviews

In a luminous page Houliston remarks on the emergence of “a measure of loyalism in the Huguenot camp, which both mirrored and shaped Catholic loyalism in England.” It was found in “those Catholic nobles, known as the politiques who believed that civil war was too high a price to pay for religious conformity.” Aquinas had thought the same. In 1580 Edmund Campion and Parsons had sought, “rebus sic stantibus” the suspension of the 1570 excommunication against Queen Elizabeth I of England. Following the arrest of Campion in 1582, the significance of the phrase inserted by Pope Gregory XIII into the faculties granted to Campion and Parsons in 1580 “rebus sic stantibus” became a matter of contention. For Cecil the phrase signified the postponement of the bull until such time as an invasion force could be mounted. For Persons and William Allen it meant the same. For the politiques of both France and England it offered the alternative of peace talks and mutual coexistence. In the reign of King Henri III of France (r. 1574–89) this possibility attained a new level of support within Rome, Paris and the English Court. It died with Henri III. The politics of invasion, urged by Persons and the Guise, prevailed. The civil wars in France raged on until the accession of Henri IV finally opened a road to the alternative: peace and Catholic Reform. Supported from 1592 by St Philip Neri in the Rome of Pope Clement VIII, the spiritual renewal introduced by St Teresa of Avila and developed by St Francis de Sales in his Introduction to the Devout Life (1604) gained ground. The writings of St Francis de Sales expanded on the theme of True Devotion earlier advanced by the Spiritual Directory. But whereas in Persons, (and not only in Persons) the pastoral dimensions of the work were undermined by the illusions of commitments best explored in the pages of Don Quixote, the effect of the Salesian Reformation, selectively assimilated within the Church of England, was to admit a place of influence to the healing power promoted in the Spiritual Directory. Herein lies the great importance of this three-volume project. The contents of the first volume are well delineated on the flyleaf: documents and letters, from and to Persons:

notably from the superior general of the Society of Jesus, Claudio Acquaviva. Letters in Latin, Italian, and Spanish are presented both in the original language and spelling. All letters have been collated with the extant manuscript witnesses. The Introduction comprises Person’s biography, relevant aspects of early Jesuit history, and the Book Reviews Book Reviews 263

Jesuit mission to England, and overviews of the papacy and the political situation in England and Scotland, France, the Netherlands, and Spain for the period 1574–88 covered by the letters in this volume.

It is a breathtaking achievement. An appendix on Anti Catholic legislation, and another on Currency, is completed by an Index of Persons, and another on Places and Subjects. The editors are to be congratulated on this volume, and the publishers commended for a major contribution to European history, and to our understanding of the complex personality and historical significance of Robert Persons.

Cobh (Ireland) Dermot Fenlon

Brian Mac Cuarta SJ, ed., Henry Piers’s Continental Travels, 1595– 1598. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press for the Royal Historical Society, 2018. 238 pp. ISBN 978-1108496773

Brian Mac Cuarta SJ has produced a meticulous edition of the manuscript of a curious and instructive work from the late sixteenth century. Henry Piers (1567–1623) was a Protestant Irish gentleman who, after encountering Catholic lay people and priests in County Westmeath, decided to make a journey to Rome in 1595 the occasion and means of his conversion. The retrospective of his travels, part pilgrimage, part study tour, describes the confirmation of his new religious convictions and his sojourns in the English colleges in Rome and Seville. It has particular relevance to Jesuit historical research because of his exchanges with Robert Persons, in Rome, Joseph Creswell in Valladolid and Madrid, and Richard Walpole in Seville. This was a time of increasing tension amongst the Catholic exiles, when the Jesuits were under attack both on the mission and in their management of the seminaries: Piers’s narrative may be partisan, but it is a valuable witness to a layman’s perspective. A discourse of HP his travelles written by him selfe (Bodleian Library, Oxford, Rawlinson MS D 83) is not altogether an original work. Much of the portrayal of Rome’s churches, monuments, processions and antiquities, which takes up a large part of the text, derives from Girolamo Francini’s Le cose miravigliose dell’alma città di Roma (Venice, 1588), itself drawing heavily on Palladio. The 264 Book Reviews extensive accounts of the naval battle of Lepanto (pp. 145–153) and the origins of the shrine of Loreto (pp. 173–83) are also heavily dependent on sources Piers consulted after his return to Ireland: Richard Knolles’s Generall historie of the Turkes (London, 1603/1604) and the Jesuit Orazio Torsellini’s Lauretanae historiae (Rome, 1597/1598). But much of the story is fresh and compelling, from the travellers’ tales of wonders and curiosities such as the monstrous double child and perpetually dancing man in Rome (pp. 170–01), the rhinoceros in Madrid (p. 203) and a special dish prepared for ploughmen in the kitchen of a farmer's house where he stayed on his way back from Sanlucar de Barrameda to Seville (p. 212), to the frightening storm on his way back from Spain (pp. 214–15). His brushes with suspicious authorities, the kindnesses he received from other Britishers, as well as his own interventions on behalf of Irishmen abroad, the appellations he gives to Italian cities such as Padua the Learned, Bologna the Plentiful and Ferrara the Strong, all contribute to a sense of lived experience invaluable to the social historian. Every scholar of early modern religion, politics and culture will find something of interest, readily accessible and documented, in this text. A good example is Piers’s presentation of travel and postal conditions. He gives exact details of times and distances of overland travel, and the various ports of call from Genoa to Alicante. He notes that his vessel almost missed the tide when setting off from Dublin, because they had to wait for the post from the lord deputy (p. 53). In Florence, they joined the post for Rome (p. 75). Piers admired the Jesuits’ reliable and efficient postal network, so that “there is noe matter of Reckninge wch c[an] happen in all Christendum, but father generall wthin fewe dayes is certified thereof” (p. 103) – stretching the point, since in reality, the post from Spain or Flanders would take about three weeks. Claudio Acquaviva, as superior general of the Society, was not only the recipient of news, but in Piers’s view, lived up to his name as the source and wellspring of living water flowing to all regions of its operations. It is as a foil to Anthony Munday’s description of life at the English college, Rome, The English Romayne lyfe (London, 1582), that Piers’s Discourse will have particularly widespread appeal. Piers was a lay student there from 1595 to 1597, at exactly the time when a majority of the students were in revolt against Jesuit government, as described in Anthony Kenny’s “The Inglorious Revolution” (The Venerabile, 1954–1955). Piers unhesitatingly takes the Jesuits’ side, chiefly because of his friendship with Richard Haddock Book Reviews Book Reviews 265

(Haydock), a former student, whom he may have met previously in Ireland. Haddock obtained places for Piers and his manservant, Philip Draycott, at the college and assisted them in negotiating the attentions of the inquisition. Haddock’s association with Robert Persons guaranteed that Piers would welcome Persons’s intervention in the college in 1597. It was also through Persons’s good offices that Piers subsequently made the journey to Spain and joined the English college in Seville, where Richard Walpole assisted him in much the same way as Haddock had done in Rome. As a convert, Piers responded readily to the wealth of Catholic relics, monuments and festivals in Rome and the other great cathedral cities of Italy and Spain. The text registers a growing sense of recovery of Christian tradition, of connection with the church of the apostles and martyrs. This modulates into polemics, rehearsing and reinforcing the arguments that contributed to conversion: the indispensability of the doctrine of merit, the insufficiency of sola scriptura, the reasonableness of transubstantiation. In all this there may be some credulity, as in the unquestioning acceptance of the authenticity of the legends surrounding Loreto, but there is very little superstition. Instead, Piers recurs to the Christocentric themes of devotion and discipleship, reserving special praise for Pope Gregory XIII as the founder of colleges and supporter of missions, and the current pope, Clement VIII, for restoring and expanding the churches. His counter-reformation sensibility is seen especially in pious digressions. Following a lively description of a storm encountered after passing Cape Finisterre, he retails a series of Latin quotations and concludes: “This small digression I have made to encouradge this poore countrie [Ireland] to devotione and patience, exorting those wch be well enclyned to induere these calamities and myseries (wch lately have hapened) wth patience and wth feare and milde spirites to expect the infallible promises of god, for after the blastering storme of his iustice comethe the sweete calme of his mercye” (p. 215). Given the readability and wide interest of the work, it seems a pity that the text is presented so diplomatically, perhaps over-scru- pulously. Original spelling, word division (“agood”) and punctua- tion are preserved even when misleading or obtrusive. The inser- tion of words and phrases and other scribal minutiae (even, on at least one occasion, repeating the catchword at the beginning of the next page of the manuscript), and the practice of cross-referencing the page numbers of the manuscript rather than the edition, makes this a highly reliable document, but this reader at least would have 266 Book Reviews appreciated a cleaner text with more informative notes, clearly separated from the textual apparatus. Whatever reservations one might have about the editorial policy, however, the introduction is masterly, providing full and useful information about the religious, biographical and social context in Ireland, the relevant history of the English colleges, the provenance of the manuscript, and the sources. The edition will be of lasting usefulness for historians of every shade.

University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg Victor Houliston

Živilė Nedzinskaitė, Darius Antanavičius, eds, Fontes Collegii Crosensis, qui in Archivo Romano Societatis Iesu asservantur = Kražių kolegijos šaltiniai, saugomi Jėzaus Draugijos Archyve Romoje, tomus/ tomas I, pars/dalis 1: 1608–1700. Vilnius: Lietuvių literatūros ir tautosakos institutas, 2019.LII, 646 pp. ISBN 978-609-425-227-3.

This book is an edition of the seventeenth-century Latin manuscript sources related to the college in Kražiai (Polish: Kroże) from the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (hereafter, ARSI). Kražiai is a town in present day Lithuania, which once belonged to the Principality of Samogitia, within the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and accordingly part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth between 1569 and 1795. The Jesuit Fathers were invited to Kražiai by the bishop of Samogitia Melchior Giedroyć (Lithuanian: Merkelis Giedraitis) in 1608. The following year they opened a mission, which was soon transformed into a residence and then a college. The Jesuits were active in Kražiai until the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773. The Kražiai college played an important role in the cultural life of Samogitia. Christianity had been introduced to this region only in the late fourteenth- and early fifteenth centuries. Pagan practices and beliefs still existed among the rural population when the Jesuits arrived. Moreover, in the second half of the sixteenth century, the spread of the Protestant Reformation had weakened the Catholic Church, depriving it of the nobility’s support. To win the local population back to the Roman Church, the Jesuits developed a broad missionary and educational programme. They taught not only rhetoric, but also philosophy and moral theology; they introduced theatre as a pedagogical tool of religious propaganda, and oversaw the diocesan seminary, thus playing a crucial role in the formation of Book Reviews Book Reviews 267

secular clergy. The relevance of Kražiai in the global history of Post- Tridentine Catholicism fully justifies the publication of this source edition. The Editors are well known Lithuanian scholars. Živilė Nedzinskaitė, a pupil of Professor Eugenija Ulčinaitė, works at the Lithuanian Institute of Literature and Folklore (Lietuvių literatūros ir tautosakos institutas, further LLTI). She focuses on the history of Early Modern Neo-Latin literature in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and has conducted intensive research into the poetry of Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski (Lithuanian Motiejus Kazimieras Sarbievijus) and its European reception.1 Darius Antanavičius, a philologist and historian, works at the Lithuanian Historical Institute (Lietuvos istorijos institutas) and has extensive experience in the edition of prose texts, ranging from the late fourteenth- to the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. Among his fields of interest are Lithuanian historiography and the history of libraries and book circulation in Lithuania.2 The effort undertaken by these two scholars fits into broader research conducted on the Kražiai college in recent years, which resulted in the publication of fragments of a prose manuscript from 1695,3 an organ tabulature,4 and the library catalogue from 1803.5

1 Živilė Nedzinskaitė, Tepaliks kiekvienas šlovę po savęs... Motiejaus Kazimiero Sarbievijaus poetikos ir poezijos recepcija XVII-XVIII amžiaus LDK jėzuitų edukacijos sistemoje [Let everybody leave glory after himself... The reception of M.K. Sarbiewski’s poetics and poetry in the 17th–18th century Jesuit educational system of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania], Vilnius: LLTI 2011.

2 Besides co-editing some of the registers of the Lithuanian Chancellery (Lietuvos metrika) and the city books of Kaunas, Merkinė and Trakai, see: Albertas Vijūkas- Kojalavičius, Lietuvos istorijos įvairenybės [Lithuanian history], dalis 1, sudarė Darius Kuolys; iš lotynų kalbo vertė Darius Antanavičius, Sigitas Narbutas; komentarus parašė Darius Antanavičius, Elmantas Meilus, Vilnius: LLTI, 2003 (Senoji Lietuvos literatūra, kn. 15).

3 Kaip jėzuitai žemaičių mylias trumpino. 1695 m. Kražių rankraščio prozos fragmentai [How the Jesuits shortened Samogitian miles. 1695 Prose fragments of Kražiai manuscript], sudarė ir parengė Živilė Nedzinskaitė, Darius Antanavičius, Vilnius: LLTI, 2014.

4 Liber Organistarum Collegii Crosensis Societatis Jesu, ed. facs. Laima Budzinauskienė, Rasa Murauskaitė, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Sub Lupa, 2017 (Fontes Musicae in Polonia, B II).

5 Elenchus librorum veteris Collegii Crosensis anno 1803 compilatus = Buvusios Kražių kolegijos 1803 metų knygų sąrašas, parengė Darius Antanavičius, 2 vols., Vilnius: LLTI, 2017. 268 Book Reviews

The interest in the history of this college was also reflected by the conference, “Jėzuitų kolegijos ir Lietuvos kultūra: Kražių kolegijai – 400 metų” (Jesuit college and Lithuanian culture: the 400-year anniversary of the Kražiai college), organized by the Lithuanian Institute of Literature and Folklore in 2016,6 and recent publications by Polish historians.7 With regard to the historiography on the Society of Jesus, it should be noted that the works mentioned have helped to enlarge the research perspective of Lithuanian scholars, who traditionally focused on the Vilnius Academy.8 The edition also fits into a long scholarly publishing tradition focused on the sources from ARSI. In regard to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, this practice dates back to 1940–1941, when the Dutch Jesuit Jean Chretien Joseph Kleijntjens published the documents related to the Jesuit houses in Livonia (present day Latvia).9 The work published by Ž. Nedzinskaitė and D. Antanavičius can be regarded as a model source edition. The introduction, both in Latin and Lithuanian, clearly explains the criteria according to which sources were collected and transcribed. The selected bibliography provides an insight into the historiography related to the Kražiai college. The edition includes different types of archival materials. The first part (pp. 1–17) describes the activity of Jesuit missionaries in Samogitia before 1608 on the basis of the Litterae annuae and Historiae from other colleges (mostly Vilnius and Riga). The second part (pp. 19–32) includes undated Historiae and Informationes from the early seventeenth century. The third part (pp. 33–418) contains the Litterae Annuae, Historiae and catalogues from the Kražiai college in chronological order from 1608 until 1700. The edition is provided

6 The proceedings of this conference have appeared in the issue “Jėzuitiškosios tradicijos paveldas” [The heritage of Jesuit tradition], Senoji Lietuvos Literatūra [Early Lithuanian Literature], 44 (2017).

7 Jan Skłodowski, Zapomniane uczelnie Rzeczypospolitej [Forgotten universities of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth], Warszawa: Narodowy Instytut Polskiego Dziedzictwa Kulturowego za Granicą Polonika, 2019, p. 19–128.

8 For a general treatment of Lithuanian historiography on the Society of Jesus, see: Liudas Jovaiša, “Jesuit Historiography in Lithuania since 1990: Proximity and Distance along World Routes”, AHSI, LXXXV (2016), n. 169, p. 221–232.

9 Fontes historiae Latviae Societatis Jesu = Latvijas vēstures avoti jezuītu ordena archīvos, t. 1, ed. Jean Chretien Joseph Kleijntjens, 2 vols., Rigae: Editio Instituti Historiae Latviae, 1940–1941. Book Reviews Book Reviews 269

with an appendix including a list of rectors (pp. 421–22), as well as of the Jesuits who either took their final vows, were dismissed or died in Kražiai (pp. 423–428). There is also a list of all Jesuits active in Kražiai (pp. 429–486), based on the catalogi breves, and a synoptic table of the sources collected in the edition (pp. 487–500). The search for specific information is made possible by an index of names and notable topics. Although the edition is mainly based on the sources from the ARSI, the Editors have made an effort to fill the gaps in the Roman archive.10 In particular, besides Italy, they have utilised the collections of the cultural institutions of three other different countries (Lithuania, Poland and Russia), such as the National Library of Lithuania (Lietuvos nacionalinė Martyno Mažvydo biblioteka), the State Historical Archive of Lithuania (Lietuvos valstybės istorijos archyvas) and the Library of the Vilnius University (Vilniaus universiteto biblioteka), the Library of the Catholic University in Lublin (Biblioteka Uniwersytecka Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego), and the Russian State Archive of Historical Records in Moscow (Rossijskij gosudarstvennyj archiv drevnich aktov). By comparing the sources from ARSI with other documents, the Editors acquired a critical view of the information sent by Jesuits to the General Curia in Rome. This provides an interesting insight into the activity of the Society’s administration as well as the mentalities of Jesuit authors. The Editors have also extensively used published sources and historiography to identify people and places, providing detailed information about them in the footnotes. Compared to the earlier edition of J. Kleijntjens, some choices made by the Editors can be regarded as a notable advancement. For example, the decision to publish all manuscripts from the same year one after another simplifies the use of the source edition. A good solution is also the publication of the names of all Jesuits contained in the Catalogi breves, regardless of them being priests, scholastics or lay brothers. Other choices may be debatable. Necrologies should also have been published, since many of the Jesuits who died in Kražiai spent much of their membership in the Society there. As far as the Catalogi triennales are concerned, the Catalogus primus should have been fully published, instead of being limited to the names and geographical origin of the Jesuits. This would have aided

10 For example, they have used the manuscript 206 from the Library of the Catholic University in Lublin for the catalogi breves missing in ARSI (1667/68, 1668/69, 1669/70, 1670/71, 1671/72, 1673/74, 1677/78). 270 Book Reviews subsequent prosopographical research that undoubtedly will result from this work. In conclusion, the book Fontes Collegii Crosensis, qui in Archivo Romano Societatis Iesu asservantur can be regarded as an important editorial work and hopefully will stimulate similar source editions on other Jesuit colleges within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Once more, the systematic character of the edition should be emphasized: thanks to extensive research, the editors provide possibly the fullest edition of sources related to a specific Jesuit house. Another positive feature of the work is that it is the result of the cooperation between scholars in both the philological and historical fields. Such challenging editorial work should be undertaken only through an interdisciplinary approach. One can only wish that the second volume, including the years 1701–1773, appears in the not-too-distant future.

Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań Andrea Mariani

Kilian Stumpf SJ, The Acta Pekinensia or Historical Records of the Maillard de Tournon Legation.Volume II: September 1706 – December 1707, Paul Rule and Claudia von Collani, eds. Leiden - Boston: x, 811 pp. €199.00/$239.00. ISBN: 978-90-04-39631-9.

In April 1705 Charles-Thomas Maillard de Tournon (1668–1710) arrived in China. He had been sent by pope Clement XI to provide papal oversight over the eastern missions and, in particular, to enforce the decisions taken by the Holy Office against the practice of Chinese rites among Chinese Catholic converts. Appointed as an apostolic legate a latere, he effectively enjoyed the same powers as the pope while in China. From the outset, there were fundamental questions of jurisdiction that Tournon’s legation seemed to override. China had long been regarded as subject to the Portuguese padroado, which meant that even papal representatives needed to be approved by the Portuguese throne. China was also a sovereign state in which the Europeans operated entirely at the grace of the Kangxi Emperor. Yet Tournon demanded unconditional obedience from all missionaries and Christians in China. He even required that all Christians kneel before him when addressing him. This enraged the Kangxi Emperor, who suspected that Tournon was arrogating to himself temporal jurisdiction over Chinese subjects. Book Reviews Book Reviews 271

But most damaging was Tournon’s disastrous dealings with the Kangxi Emperor during his Beijing sojourn. For some unknown reason, Tournon attempted to obfuscate the true purpose of his visit and even refused to show the Kangxi Emperor his credentials. He then made a series of requests that contravened Chinese custom, such as the establishment of a permanent papal embassy in Beijing. Although Tournon was entirely ignorant of the Chinese language, literature and culture, he refused to attenuate his position on the rites, and invited Maigrot to champion his cause before the Kangxi Emperor. But Maigrot performed poorly during his interview with the emperor. He was unable to understand the emperor’s Chinese or respond to the most basic questions about Chinese literature. The emperor dismissed him as effectively illiterate in Chinese. The emperor then hardened his resolve, sending Tournon South and exiling Maigrot. He required all missionaries to apply for a piao (residence permit) and to promise to adhere to the practices of Matteo Ricci. In turn, Tournon issued a decree from Nanjing on 7 February 1707 prohibiting the Chinese rites and the use of Shangdi and Tian for indicating God. Tournon claimed that he made this decision in light of Clement XI’s 1704 decision to similar effect, but he refused to show Clement XI’s decree to the China missionaries. Tournon and the Emperor’s conflicting decrees placed the missionaries in an impossible position. If they were to apply for the piao, they would risk excommunication. If they were to continue residing in China without the piao they would risk exile, imprisonment or even worse punishment. Yet Tournon blamed the Jesuits for the crisis, claiming that the emperor only demanded that the missionaries adhere to the Chinese rites at the Jesuits’ insistence. His breakdown in communications with the emperor was in his view the result of Jesuit meddling and deliberate misinterpretation. Tournon ended his legation imprisoned in Macau, accusing the Jesuits of conspiring against him and even poisoning him. Before his death on 10 June 1710, he was informed that he had been proclaimed cardinal in 1707 by Clement XI as a reward for his actions in China. As apostolic notary, Kilian Stumpf (1655–1720) was commissioned by the Jesuit Superior General to compile a detailed account of Tournon’s activities in Beijing and their aftermath. The result of Stumpf’s labours was an enormous 1,467 folio manuscript which he entitled “Acta Pekinensia”, which literally translates as “What Happened at Beijing”. The transcription and translation of this manuscript has been a monumental task that has occupied the labours of many scholars over decades based in Poland (Monika 272 Book Reviews

Miazek-Mecyznska, Ewa Jarmakowska, and Katarzyna Prychitko), Australia (Joseph Holland, John Wilcken, John Begley and Stan Hogan), and England (Gerard J. Hughes). The final product was edited by Paul Rule and Claudia von Collani. In 2015, the first four hundred pages of this manuscript covering 4 December 1705 to 28 August 1706 were published with a digital transcription and English translation as part of the Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu (MHSI) of the Institutum Romanum Societatis Iesu (Nova Series 9). The narrative of the second volume begins in September 1706, just after Tournon’s departure from Beijing, and finishes in December 1707. Most of the action—such as Tournon and Maigrot’s meetings with the Kangxi Emperor—took place in the first volume. In this first volume, we primarily deal with the tragic aftermath: the dramatic change in the Kangxi Emperor’s attitude towards the missionaries, the letters that Jesuits exchanged defending their actions against Tournon’s accusations of sabotaging his mission and their entreaties to the Kangxi Emperor to forgive the Europeans for their insolence towards the emperor. Unlike the first volume, this volume is published as the inaugural book of the new Brill series, Studies in the History of Christianity in East Asia, edited by Prof. M. Antoni J. Ucerler and Dr Xiaoxin Wu of the Ricci Institute at the University of San Francisco. Unfortunately, the change of publisher entails a change in price. Whereas the first volume sells for a reasonable €70, this volume costs €199, despite being of roughly the same length as the second volume and including a CD- ROM. Besides translating the next 400 pages of the manuscript, Rule and Collani include a translation of Stumpf’s summary of the events in 1705 and 1706 and provide a short introduction which briefly contextualises the volume. Thus the editors have endeavoured to make this second volume self-contained, though readers are strongly enjoined to refer to the luxurious 170-page introduction of the first volume for a more detailed treatment of the manuscript and its historical context. Stumpf’s punctilious record does not make for easy reading. He laboriously transcribes countless letters that provide exhaustive information about the legation. Many of the letters deal with the same events but are provided simply as corroboration or contrasting views. A continual concern of Stumpf is to point out that the Jesuits were not alone in their defense of the Chinese rites and terms, but were supported by various missionaries from other orders and congregations, such as the Augustinian friar Alvaro de Benavente (1646-1709), who was titular Bishop of Ascalon and vicar apostolic of Jiangxi province. Book Reviews Book Reviews 273

Yet the patient reader will be rewarded with remarkable insights into Qing court life, the complex dealings between the emperor and the missionaries and the emperor’s changing attitudes towards Tournon and other missionaries. Stumpf often even records the Chinese expressions used by the Kangxi Emperor, which are surprisingly colloquial. In this way, the Acta Pekinensia are not only of interest to scholars of the Rites Controversy, but also of Qing China, giving a European account of Qing court life, with tidbits on the customs the missionaries were expected to obey when meeting Qing dynasty officials and the Manchu language used at court. The emperor himself is revealed as a perceptive and forbearing observer of European quarrels, going beyond all Chinese precedent to exend numerous olive branches to the Europeans despite their continual disregard for imperial orders. Most striking is the rather prescient line attributed to the emperor who complained that Claudio Filippo Grimaldi (1639–1712), director of the Imperial Bureau of Astronomy, had misrepresented Europe to China. The Emperor remarked, “Europeans usually when they intend to speak about the East in fact talk about the West, and when they speak about matters of the West end up speaking about the East.” The Chinese original, which Rule and Collani reconstruct, is even pithier and more evocative: “指東學西，指西學東” (p. 685). The Acta Pekinensia also features interesting digressions on the difficulties of translating Catholic liturgical prayers into Chinese. For instance, the Franciscan friar Basilio da Glemona and the oratorian father Giovanni Donato Mezzafalce proposed replacing the old formula for baptism with some new alternatives because he believed there were grave ambiguities in the meaning of “name” (ming 名) in the Chinese text owing principly to the lack of grammatical number in Chinese and also the lack of a precise Chinese analogue to the Latin preposition in. The conclusion of this digression reveals an interesting problem: in many respects the Latin expression is just as ambiguous as the Chinese translation, but Europeans have been instructed for generations about the correct meaning of the formula, thus eliminating any ambiguity. Hence the removal of the ancient formula would in fact counteract this process of habituation. (p. 623) Stumpf no doubt was hinting to the reader to extrapolate a more general point about the Terms and Rites controversies: Chinese Catholics have been schooled in the correct meaning of the terms and rites for a hundred years, what disruption would a radical change bring now? The translation of this long manuscript is a monument to the rigours of traditional philology. In general, the translators have 274 Book Reviews opted for a slavishly literal translation to the point that they even indicate the precise page breaks of the original manuscript in the translation. Such a translation approach is most useful for scholars who might need to cross-reference with the original text, though unfortunately unlike the first volume the transcription of the original is not published with the translation. However, this literal approach to translation makes the text sometimes very stilted and difficult to understand. The problems are much more acute in the translation of Stumpf’s compendium. On almost every page there are sentences with extremely unnatural word order, unnecessary archaicisms, misplaced or missing commas, inconsistent date formats and syntax errors. Many long periods would be better broken up, such as “They found the Most Illustrious Lord twenty-four leagues from Beijing, ill and outside his boat which was iced up in the river unable to move, and carried him off by the land route to Beijing where on December 4th the Most Illustrious Lord by order of His Majesty was carried to the house of Our Society within the Saffron Wall, which since it was close to the Palace would be more convenient for the frequent benefits to be bestowed on him.” (p. 38) The editors make the decision to render “Canton” as “Guangzhou” when the editors are sure that this ambiguous toponym refers to the city, but this results in a bizarre sentence with both Canton and Guangzhou! (p. 35) The translators are even inconsistent in their rendering of Stumpf’s position, which is sometimes translated as “Apostolic Notary” (110 times) and other times as “Notary Apostolic” (29 times). These two inconsistent titles even find place in the index. Under “Apostolic Notary”the reader is directed to the entry for Kilian Stumpf, whereas “Notary Apostolic” is treated as a separate entry. The editors have done a tremendous service in modernising Stumpf’s romanisation of Chinese words and where possible identifying the corresponding Chinese characters. However, there are many mistakes that should have been corrected during the editorial process: huaiji si should be kuaiji si (p. 38); sometimes characters are not given, for example for the first instance of zhi (p. 51); normally the modern pinyin is given in the main text and Stumpf’s romanisation placed in the footnote, but on p. 234 cha is written as “tche” in the main text; sometimes the customary apostrophes used in pinyin are not given, such as “shang fuan” (p. 366) and “Huaian”, but “Nan’an” is correctly rendered (p. 446). Occasionally modern pinyin and Stumpf’s romanisation have been mixed up in the main text. For instance on p. 516, “women tiexun Book Reviews Book Reviews 275

ji naibude” should be “women de xun ji naibude” (我們的循極耐不 得). The Kangxi emperor’s eldest son is named as “Yinti” and the editors in a note (p. 126, n. 57) explain Stumpf’s transliteration of the name as “yn çi” as a possible reference to the prince’s title as a prince of the Second Rank (zhi 直), but actually the second character of the prince’s name (胤禔) is not transliterated as “ti” but “zhi”, so Stumpf is in fact perfectly correct. There are also wrong characters, such as the final character of Ricci's Chinese name (dou竇) , which is written as 鐸 on page 80. These translation and editing problems should not detract from the excellent scholarship that infuses every page of this fine volume. The next volume of this most important monument to Tournon’s legation is most eagerly awaited.

Sun Yat-Sen University, China Daniel Canaris

Christine W.M. Schunck, Intolerante tolerantie. De geschiedenis van de katholieke missionering op Curaçao (1499–1776). Nijmegen: Valkhof Pers, 2019. 403 pp. € 22.50. ISBN 978-90-5625-504-6.

Little has been written lately on the history of the Catholic Church on Curaçao, in particular regarding the period when the island was governed by the Protestant Dutch Republic (1634–1795) and missioned by those champions of Catholicism, the Jesuits (1705– 1742). One cannot but praise the author—a PhD student in her mid-seventies—for the idea to dedicate her thesis to this topic, an idea even more praiseworthy, considering how many archival sources she had to consult at both sides of the Atlantic. Some were disappointingly small, like the diocesan archives of Curaçao (destroyed by fire in 1969); others were discouragingly large, like the archives of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome or the Spanish colonial archives in Seville; yet others were simply unwelcoming, like the archdiocesan archives in Caracas, with its “rather despotic traits” (p. 22). One would have wished, however, that the author had been better accompanied, both in her research and in the writing and editing of her thesis, all of which remain on a rather low academic level. Also, the Latin transcriptions are far from flawless, and the index of names, with references to chapters instead of pages, is unhelpful, to say the least. If her understanding of the Jesuit ‘way of proceeding’ is anything to go by—often superficial, 276 Book Reviews sometimes erroneous—this thesis ought to be consulted with some caution. The presence of the Society of Jesus in present-day Colombia and surroundings was organised in 1605 in the Vice-Province (in 1611 Province) of the New Kingdom of Granada and Quito (NRQ), with Quito gaining independence in 1696 – the same period in which the first non-Spanish Jesuits arrived, namely seven indipetae of the Bohemian Province, one of whom, Michael Schabel, would work as the first Jesuit on Curaçao. In 1713, Superior General Tamburini entrusted the Curaçao Mission to the Flemish Belgian Province, which reluctantly sent one after the other of its newly ordained men to the island—seven until 1741—most of whom would die there within a few years from illness or exhaustion. So what to think of the author talking about the NRQ Province in the 18th century, as if it had not ceased to exist as such in 1696? Even its split-off, the New Kingdom of Granada Province (NR), never really had much to do with the Curaçao Mission, if not for the erratic Father Schabel. The latter’s ministry on the island, from 1705 to 1713, did not excel in the observance of religious vows, with accusations of espionage, commercial gain, drunkenness, intimate relationships with women, and in general a spirit of independence unbefitting of a professed priest of the Society of Jesus; already in 1702, his superiors had judged his prudence null (p. 92). Nothing could be more obvious than his dismissal from the Order, one would say, but the author dedicates a whole paragraph to the question why Schabel had to leave the Society. “Why does a priest have to be celibate and a Protestant minister not?”, she asks. “Celibacy was difficult on an island where many scantily-clad women walked around. Moreover, there was plenty of alcohol available during his visits to the high society” (p. 109). Her description of Jesuit formation and of what might move a young religious to volunteer for the missions is equally inaccurate and superficial (p. 81–82), leading to loose observations such as that most of the seven Bohemian indipetae wrote their request “around the time of their stay at Telc” (p. 85). Indeed they did, but why? Because, as one can deduct from the tables in the text and in the appendices (II.B.3a), the college of Telč was where they did their tertianship. In other words, they were inspired to greater zeal in this intense, final phase of their religious formation. Others, like Frantisek Wydra (p. 309), applied for the missions in or shortly after the novitiate. More remarkable, on the other hand, is the fact that the seven Flemish Belgian Jesuits were sent to Curaçao alone, without the usual companion; the second man normally arrived a few years Book Reviews Book Reviews 277

later, just in time (or not) to bury his predecessor. The author notes the fact without explaining it, or it must have been for the same reason why the Flemish Belgian Province was so reluctant, too, to aid them financially, namely that it never really had wanted to take over the Curaçao Mission but had been forced by Tamburini to accept it in the aftermath of the Schabel scandal (p. 107–108). Interestingly, three of the seven missionaries made their final vows after having arrived at Curaçao, in the absence of a (major) superior or any other Jesuit – an unusual way of incorporation (p. 110). Given the difficult circumstances in which they had to work, it is not surprising that they were all professed of four vows. Two Bohemian Jesuits who earlier had taken final vows as spiritual coadjutors, Albert von Bukowski zu Hustirzan (not Hustiran) and Elias Sieghardt, were elevated to professed during the voyage to the New Kingdom of Granada or after their arrival, and would even become superior, but their companion Marek Zaurek, praised as “the most enthusiastic and fervent missionary in this region” (p. 310), remained a spiritual coadjutor all his life. From the perspective of Jesuit history, which comprises the one but longest of this thesis’s four chapters (p. 77–127), with another sixty pages of appendices, one must conclude that much remains to be studied regarding the Curaçao Mission, short-lived as it may have been. Despite its shortcomings, which cannot only be imputed to the author, this thesis will prove to be a useful basis for further research and a tribute to the missionaries who founded the Catholic Church on Curaçao. In a climate of ‘tolerant intolerance’ (and not the other way around, as the author has it), where the practice of non- Protestant worship was only allowed under the strictest conditions, there was little or no space for a regular priestly ministry. The sixty Spanish priests who baptized on Curaçao between 1677 and 1707, sometimes for a few days, sometimes for a few months (p. 65–70), were missionaries in transit, two thirds of them religious; they may have wanted to stay there, but did not have the chance. Father Schabel did manage to work on the island, for eight years, baptizing slaves, wining and dining with the Catholic notables, and keeping his flock obedient, as the Dutch vice-governor desired (his Nativity scene had black sheep). His seven Dutch and Flemish successors, on the other hand, bore the daily burdens of their ministry without succumbing to the temptations of the flesh. Fr Dominic Dujardin, for example, “crossed the whole island barefooted, because he did not have money for a donkey or for shoes” (p. 119), while Fr John Baptist Cloots, inspired by the same zeal, was the first Jesuit to learn the local 278 Book Reviews language, Papiamento. One of their enemies, a vagrant Augustinian, wrote disdainfully about the handicraft they performed, the wigs and lay attire they wore, the alms they asked for the administration of sacraments and blessings (p. 147), but each sneer was actually a testimony to their poverty and to their selflessness in the service of the equally poor Catholics of Curaçao, most of them mulattos or blacks and often slaves, who suffered doubly—racially and religiously— from the Dutch ‘tolerant intolerance’.

Brussels Marc Lindeijer SJ

Margarida Miranda, Miguel Venegas and the Earliest Jesuit Theater. Choruses for Tragedies in Sixteenth-Century Europe. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019, 240 pp. €106.00/$127.00. ISBN 9789004340428.

Margarida Miranda inizia questa monografia su Miguel Venegas, fondatore del teatro gesuitico portoghese, ricostruendone la vicenda biografica e la personalità. Attingendo a documenti di prima mano, l’autrice rettifica anche alcune inesattezze, primamente quelle relative al cognome e alla data di nascita, fissandoli rispettivamente in Venegas e 29 settembre 1529. Nei primi due capitoli del libro, scopriamo un uomo irrequieto, un gesuita (fu ammesso nel 1554) colto e apprezzato, ma anche ribelle, un umanista e un maestro al quale però, talvolta, l’insegnamento pesava. Passò dalla Penisola Iberica a Roma a Parigi, per tornare, dopo aver lasciato la Compagnia di Gesù, nella terra d’origine; non in Portogallo, dove aveva esordito come drammaturgo, ma nella natia Spagna, docente di retorica (eppure, fu questa la motivazione con la quale volle lasciare l’Ordine: avrebbe voluto essere un predicatore!) presso l’Università di Salamanca. La sua produzione poetica e oratoria è cospicua; quella drammaturgica propriamente detta, alla quale vanno aggiunti dialoghi ed ecloghe, significativa. Essa consta di due tragoediae sacrae (struttura classica, argomento tratto dall’Antico Testamento) composte e rappresentate a Coimbra, rispettivamente nel 1559 e nel 1562, Saul Gelboeus e Achabus (disponibile in edizione moderna), di una tragedia, Juditha, e di un’opera senza titolo delle quali non si hanno i testi, ma si ha notizia, nonché di una Comedia en la fiesta del Santisimo Sacramento (disponibile in edizione moderna), composte e rappresentate a Salamanca. Come d’uso nel teatro gesuitico, Book Reviews Book Reviews 279

specialmente per i testi migliori, le opere di Venegas vennero messe in scena più volte e in paesi diversi; lo conferma l’esistenza, anche fuori dell’Europa, di numerosi manoscritti diSaul e Achabus. Alcuni circolarono anonimi, ma la studiosa ne ha meritatamente accertato la paternità. L’autrice sembra, non a torto, tenere molto alla contestualizzazione e prima di focalizzare il discorso sul drammaturgo, ci offre un panorama dettagliato dell’ambiente nel quale egli si è formato e si muove. Venegas ha una formazione universitaria, porta con sé l’eredità dell’umanesimo cristiano di Alcalá de Henares, dove il bagaglio culturale (grammatica, retorica, opere) delle tre lingue, Latino, Greco, Ebraico e il metodo, impostato sulla correttezza filologica, sono soprattutto un veicolo per la comprensione della Bibbia. Ma la produzione teatrale gesuitica non nasce in un deserto; nel caso del nostro autore, il retroterra è costituito in particolare dal teatro, gesuitico e non, spagnolo. È un retroterra vivace e ricco, nel quale non mancano elementi di novità; nella prima metà del XVI secolo il Vecchio Testamento è la fonte privilegiata, che non viene abbandonata neppure dopo il 1550; parimenti, nonostante l’influenza controriformista e l’apertura all’uso della lingua vernacola, non viene abbandonato quello che abbiamo definito bagaglio culturale. Relativamente alle tragedie di Venegas, nel quadro che Margarida Miranda disegna c’è un elemento da sottolineare: diversamente da ciò che solitamente accade nel teatro gesuitico spagnolo, l’alto registro stilistico dell’opera non passa mai in secondo piano rispetto all’intento morale e catechetico. Una caratteristica che non appartiene però solamente al nostro autore. Come si evince dal sottotitolo del volume, un particolare interesse rivestono i cori. Che le messinscene nei collegi della Compagnia si giovassero della musica, del canto e di movimenti danzanti che talvolta sembrano vere e proprie coreografie è noto, ma qui siamo agl’inizi del teatro dei Gesuiti e dunque vale la pena di spendere qualche parola. Venegas viene da un’università nella quale, diversamente da quanto accade nelle scuole dell’Ordine, si attribuisce grande importanza alla cultura musicale. Quando si tratta dei cori, si parla in particolare di quelli di Achabus, egli non improvvisa, ma si rivolge al musicista Francisco Mouro. Il risultato della collaborazione è una simmetria di musica e parole, dove la prima non è un semplice ornamento, ma, in perfetto accordo con le seconde, ne sostiene l’espressività e il significato. Quando la tragedia venne rappresentata 280 Book Reviews a Roma, presso il Collegio Germanico, dove la sensibilità musicale si manifestava nella pratica della musica vocale e strumentale, il drammaturgo non fu costretto a cercare collaboratori ‘esterni’. I cori rimasero come un vero e proprio modello, ma forse è azzardato affermare, come fa Margarida Miranda, che Miguel Venegas fornì il modello della tragoedia sacra, che, accettato e codificato dal Generale Borja, avrebbe in seguito, dall’edizione del 1586, ispirato la Ratio Studiorum. In sintesi, il volume è ricco e non privo di spunti di discussione. Non gli giova però l’insistenza sulla grandezza, indiscutibile, di Venegas, e, soprattutto, sull’essere stato il fondatore del teatro recitato nei collegi della Compagnia, dal momento che l’autrice arriva a conclusioni a dir poco frettolose. Assodato, e non si può non essere d’accordo, che il teatro gesuitico non fece le prime prove in Italia, come volle una critica ormai datata, bensì in Portogallo, l’autrice scrive che Stefano Tucci (1540-1597) e Bernardino Stefonio (1562-1620) non soltanto non sono i fondatori di quel teatro, ma che, come drammaturghi «may be considered disciples of Venegas» (p. 149). Se non bastasse il fatto che i due appartengono a generazioni diverse, il primo, dopo le tragedie bibliche, scrisse una trilogia cristologica e Stefonio trasse i propri soggetti dal martirologio, Sancta Symphorosa (1591) e dalla storia, Crispus (1597), Flavia (1600)! Riferendosi ancora ai suddetti, l’autrice scrive che, secondo studiosi con i quali, si comprende, non è d’accordo, essi iniziano «a new form of Christian and Jesuit drama» (p. 163). Ella usa indifferente gli aggettivi sacra e cristiana, cosa che non vafatta, quando essi qualificano la tragedia gesuitica. Cristiana si definisce infatti non la tragedia di soggetto biblico, ma la cosiddetta tragedia del martire, iniziata con le tragedie storiche di Stefonio e discussa da Tarquinio Galluzzi in Rinovazione dell’antica tragedia e Difesa del Crispo (1633). Parliamo della cosiddetta riforma stefoniana, della quale hanno scritto studiosi quali Marc Fumaroli e Jean-Marie Valentin. A quest’ultimo si deve inoltre l’aver individuato nelle tragedie cristologiche tucciane il primo passo verso quella riforma. Sull’argomento, come su altri, esiste una bibliografia, anche recente, della quale l’autrice avrebbe dovuto tenere conto.

Roma Mirella Saulini Book Reviews Book Reviews 281

Katalin Czibula [†], Júlia Demeter and Márta Zsuzsanna Pintér, eds, Theory and Practice in 17th–19th Century Theatre. Sources, Influences, Texts in Latin and Vernacular Ways towards Professional Stage. Eger: Lίceum Kladó, 2019. 325 pp. ISBN 978-963-496-129-1.

Il volume, corredato da un’ampia bibliografia, raccoglie le relazioni presentate in occasione del convegno internazionale, dal titolo omonimo, tenutosi a Eger nel settembre 2018. Il convegno che si svolge nella città ungherese ha cadenza triennale – è arrivato all’undicesima edizione – ed affronta, ad altissimo livello, temi attinenti alla storia del teatro. Nel caso, come si evince dal titolo, esso ha preso in esame un tema che, anche per come si presenta e si evolve in un arco di tempo molto ampio, appare complesso. Volendo sintetizzare, possiamo dire che suo presupposto, diversamente sviluppato dai relatori, è l’idea del palcoscenico come metaforico punto d’arrivo e luogo d’incontro di tutto ciò che un testo teatrale porta con sé, dalle fonti cui attinge, alle poetiche che tracciano le linee lungo le quali l’autore si muove. Senza dimenticare quello che il suddetto testo richiede per prendere vita nella messinscena: primamente gli attori, ma anche le scenografie, i costumi, talvolta la musica. Si è parlato anche, inevitabilmente, di quanto ruota attorno ai testi teatrali e alla recita di essi: per esempio la committenza, la quale riguarda il prima e talvolta lega un’opera a un’occasione, oppure la stampa, la quale riguarda il dopo ed è veicolo di trasmissione del testo, nonché testimonianza di esso e della sua fortuna scenica. Pur se il testo teatrale ha una sua specificità, accade che esso sia tratto da un testo letterario o comunque destinato alla lettura; un esempio è il Tobias junior del gesuita Georgius Dingenauer (1571– 1631). Scritto per le nozze della nipote del cardinale Ditrichstein, esso richiede che l’episodio veterotestamentario venga semplificato e, soprattutto, che il motivo del matrimonio diventi centrale (Magdaléna Jacková, Comment dramatiser le récit biblique). Talvolta il testo teatrale non regge bene alla prova del palcoscenico; fu così per Flavia Tragoedia (1600) del gesuita Bernardino Stefonio. La prima di quest’opera, che mette in scena un episodio della storia di Roma, durò dieci ore; di conseguenza, in occasione delle rappresentazioni successive fu necessario eliminare alcune parti, restituite però nella stampa del 1621 (Mirella Saulini, Bernardino Stefonio’s Flavia Tragoedia: Classical Sources. The Staging of a Very Long Tragedy). I drammaturghi attingono a fonti diverse; in tale ottica, essi 282 Book Reviews rendono talvolta protagonisti i grandi dell’antichità. È il caso del filosofo Diogene, di indiscutibile valore emblematico, personaggio, tra l’altro, nell’opera di due autori gesuiti: Comoedia fabulosa: Bacchi schola eversa (1657) di Jakob Masen e Comoedo-tragicum Bacchanal (1664c) di Arnold Engel (Markéta Klosová, How to Get Diogenes on the Stage). Come si può intuire, il teatro recitato nei collegi della Compagnia di Gesù ha trovato spazio in parecchie relazioni; di alcune è stato l’argomento principale; altre lo hanno sfiorato. Sappiamo che la musica fu dall’inizio una componente del suddetto teatro, ma forse Carolus Kolczawa, inserendo una scena metateatrale di musica e danza in Tyrannis triumphans et triumphata, seu Anglia, fa un passo avanti e non aspira tanto ad essere erede della tragedia antica, quanto, anche lasciandosi influenzare dai gusti del pubblico, ad aprire al melodramma (Jean-Frédéric Chevalier, Musique et spectacles de cour dans Anglia de Carolus Kolczawa S.J. (Prague, 1704): peut-on parler de mise en scène?). Kolczawa (1656–1717), autore delle Exercitationes dramaticae, destinate ai docenti futuri drammaturghi, ha esercitato una grande influenza. Da sottolineare come di essa abbiano risentito anche autori come Alois Mickl, il quale, dopo aver studiato presso i Gesuiti ed aver fatto nel loro collegio le sue prime, importantissime prove come autore teatrale, non entrò nell’Ordine (Josef Förster, Sources and Influences of the Dramatic Work of Johann Christian Alois Mickl). Da più d’una relazione è emerso l’interesse che, dalla metà del Seicento, gli autori gesuiti mostrano per la storia contemporanea. Sulla battaglia di Vienna del 1683 fa centro Vienna Austriae defensa e liberata di Gabriel Kapi, pubblicata nel 1686. In metro giambico e senza dimenticare il fine didattico, essa interpreta, anche con immagini di forte valore simbolico, uno scontro sentito come decisivo per la sorte dell’Europa: cristiana o musulmana (Nicol Sipekiová, A Jesuit School Drama about the Battle of Vienna (1683) as an Example of Occasional Literature and Its Function). In Ungheria, dove i collegi gesuitici appaiono molto attivi, e non solo relativamente al teatro, il cosiddetto dramma storico, definito anche da Jacob Masen, riveste particolare importanza: ferme restando alcune caratteristiche, primamente il legame con la didattica, esso non soltanto contribuisce alla formazione dell’identità religiosa, ma riveste un ruolo importante nella formazione di quella nazionale (Márta Zsuzsanna Pintér, Les types du drame historique dans la littérature ancienne hongroise). Book Reviews Book Reviews 283

In tale ottica non poteva sfuggire al ‘protagonismo’ la Stephanskrone, la Corona Regni Ungariae admirabilis (1712). Essa è, al contempo, simbolo della regalità e simbolo identitario, nonché allegoria del potere, della vittoria e della rinascita: Aurea regni Hungariae saecula cum novo Rege renata (1688) (Norbert Medgyesy S., Historische Schauspiele über die Stephanskrone zum Anlass der Königskrönungen (Pressburg, 1688; Tyrnau, 1712)). Ancora una ‘protagonista’ della storia e del teatro dei collegi: l’aquila. Questa ha offerto, tra l’altro, lo spunto per evidenziare la cura che al momento dello spettacolo veniva prestata alla scenografia. I cambiamenti di scena, con le selve che prendono il posto delle solitudini, le aperture con l’apparizione dei Cesari d’Austria, le nubi che lasciano vedere, assisi, i due santi martiri, Stefano e Venceslao, catturano lo spettatore (Kateřina Bobková-Valentová – Martin Bažil, Der Autor als verbogener Regisseur Anweisungen zur Aufführung in der Handschrift von Georgius Auschitzers Spiel Aquila principalium duorum sanctorum… (Schweidnitz, 1703). Al termine di questo pur parziale panorama, va sottolineato, come, tanto dalle relazioni concernenti il teatro dei Gesuiti, quanto dal convegno tutto, sia uscita rafforzata quell’idea della specificità del testo drammatico dalla quale siamo partiti. Esso, proprio in quanto destinato al palcoscenico e dunque inserito in uno specifico contesto, non appartiene alla letteraturatout court, ma alla cosiddetta letteratura teatrale e in tale prospettiva va considerato ed esaminato.

Roma Mirella Saulini

Claudio Ferlan e Marco Plesnicar, eds, Historia Collegii Goritiensis. Gli Annali del collegio dei gesuiti di Gorizia (1615–1772). Trento: FBK Press, 2020. 1132 pp. ISBN 978-88-98989-53-9.

Nata da una collaborazione scientifica tra l’Istituto Storico Italo- Germanico della Fondazione Bruno Kessler e l’Istituto di Storia Sociale e Religiosa di Gorizia, l’edizione dell’Historia Collegii Goritiensis mette a disposizione della ricerca storica un testo molto significativo per molteplici motivi: per la sua estensione cronologica, per la ricchezza delle informazioni fornite, per la possibilità di inserirlo in una rete documentaria. L’Historia Collegii Goritiensis appartiene al genere delle Historiae 284 Book Reviews

Domus della Compagnia di Gesù, la cui stesura era già negli auspici di Polanco per quanto riguardava il periodo della fondazione e fu richiesta a tutte le case durante il generalato di Claudio Acquaviva. Incaricato di stendere una storia della Compagnia, il gesuita Niccolò Orlandini chiese infatti ad Acquaviva che tutti i superiori delle case inviassero una relazione sui loro inizi e tenessero poi annualmente una cronaca annuale. Acquaviva sollecitò più volte i superiori nei vari luoghi della Compagnia a compilare tali resoconti e la VII congregazione generale (1615-1616) ne fece un obbligo. A differenza delle Litterae annuae, che riportavano notizie dell’intera provincia, le Historiae Domus riguardavano gli avvenimenti concernenti la singola casa gesuitica. La produzione e la conservazione di tale documentazione non è stata omogenea e, se per alcune case se ne trova in ARSI una copia, per altre la cronaca è custodita negli archivi locali oppure non se ne rinviene traccia. L’Historia del collegio di Gorizia si salvò dalla dispersione all’atto della soppressione della Compagnia grazie a un ex alunno del collegio, che si preoccupò di salvare la memoria dell’ordine nella sua città di origine, e dopo varie peregrinazioni giunse infine all’Archivio Storico della Provincia d’Italia dei gesuiti, dove ora è conservata. È scritta in latino ed è divisa in due volumi: il primo copre gli anni dal 1615 al 1726 e il secondo dal 1724 al 1772 (la cronaca degli anni 1724-26 è ripetuta all’inizio del secondo volume). Diverse mani si susseguono nella stesura degli annali. Ne sono anche stati ricavati tre manoscritti, due in italiano e uno in latino. L’introduzione di Claudio Ferlan (pp. 11-72) dà conto delle caratteristiche formali dei due volumi e fornisce una lettura dei contenuti dell’Historia. Grazie anche ai suoi studi antecedenti sul collegio goriziano, Ferlan inquadra la cronaca goriziana nel contesto storico più ampio dei domini degli Asburgo d’Austria, della presenza gesuitica nell’Austria interna e della specifica realtà goriziana. La fondazione del collegio goriziano è inserita soprattutto nell’orizzonte del conflitto tra impero e Repubblica di Venezia, che sfociò nella guerra di Gradisca (1615-1617). I gesuiti si stabilirono a Gorizia con un decisivo sostegno imperiale, dunque, e non solo per la volontà di contrastare la presenza luterana nell’Austria interiore, ormai in fase calante. Ai confini del dominio veneto fiorirono velocemente altri collegi della Compagnia anche per attirare sudditi veneti dopo l’espulsione dalla Repubblica in seguito all’interdetto (1606): infatti dopo l’insediamento a Gorizia (1615) e la fondazione del collegio (1618) furono fondati i collegi a Trieste (1620) e Fiume/ Rijeka (1627). Nell’Austria interna erano già stati aperti i collegi di Book Reviews Book Reviews 285

Graz (1572), Lubiana (1596), Klagenfurt (1604) e Leoben (1613). Oltre alle dotazioni del primo decennio, in particolare le unioni al collegio della parrocchia di San Pietro in città e della prepositura di Pisino/Pazin in Istria, con i suoi benefici, e l’acquisizione della commenda di Precenicco e dei beni di Monte Giordano, il collegio di Gorizia si resse su una buona amministrazione e su donazioni e lasciti testamentari di ogni genere, dai fondi immobiliari, ai crediti, al denaro, alle numerose immagini, agli arredi sacri. Non mancarono i conflitti innescati da donazioni talvolta cospicue, puntualmente riportati nell’Historia. L’introduzione si sofferma poi sull’attività scolastica dei gesuiti, la cui presenza fu preziosa anche per l’assenza nel territorio di una precedente offerta formativa strutturata. In deroga alla Ratio studiorum, ma come accadeva anche altrove, il collegio goriziano si fece carico pure dell’insegnamento a livello elementare, propedeutico alle classi di grammatica, umanità e retorica. Agli studi inferiori si aggiunsero insegnamenti superiori, destinati soprattutto agli aspiranti al sacerdozio. L’Historia riporta con soddisfazione la costante crescita degli studenti nel corso del Seicento fino a una cifra di mezzo migliaio e oltre, mantenuta nei primi due decenni del Settecento, dopo i quali iniziò il progressivo calo. Si trattò di una scuola numerosa, alla quale affluirono, come desiderato, anche giovani del dominio veneto. L’Historia permette di cogliere il veloce avvicendamento di maestri e di personale nel collegio gesuitico goriziano, per il quale, tra l’altro, esisteva la questione linguistica, essendo plurilingue la contea di Gorizia e Gradisca: il tedesco era la lingua ufficiale degli Stati provinciali, l’italiano era la lingua notarile, della corrispondenza e dei discorsi, e si parlavano inoltre lo sloveno e il friulano. I gesuiti, impegnati non soltanto nelle scuole, ma anche in altri ministeri quali la predicazione, la confessione e le missioni, dovettero via via curare presenze di soggetti capaci di esprimersi nelle diverse lingue. Per ospitare gli studenti i gesuiti si industriarono al fine di istituire un convitto, che fu aperto grazie alla donazione del barone Giovanni Battista Werdenberg e che per questo ricevette il titolo di seminario werdenbergico. L’atto costitutivo è del 1636 e il seminario funzionò con crescente affluenza fino a giungere alle ottanta presenze nel 1723. Di particolare interesse l’Historia risulta per l’attestazione dell’esercizio del foro civile riguardo agli studenti del collegio, secondo la consuetudine delle università nell’area imperiale, 286 Book Reviews e per la costante registrazione delle rappresentazioni teatrali e dell’assegnazione dei premi. Ricorrente la narrazione di episodi di indisciplina studentesca, anche grave. L’Historia offre poche informazioni sulla costituzione della biblioteca e Claudio Ferlan offre nello studio introduttivo un aggiornamento sui lavori svolti e in corso per identificarne i volumi a partire dai fondi gesuitici della Biblioteca Statale Isontina e della biblioteca del Seminario Teologico Arcivescovile di Gorizia. L’introduzione riserva ampio e articolato spazio ai ministeri svolti dai gesuiti a Gorizia e nel territorio. Ripetutamente attestata fin dai primi anni è la cura spirituale dei soldati, tra i qualisi ottenne anche qualche conversione, e costante fu l’impegno nella predicazione e nell’istruzione catechistica rivolta sia ai bambini sia agli adulti. Ciò richiese, come detto, la presenza di gesuiti che conoscessero le lingue del territorio. Si garantì, ad esempio, l’omelia domenicale in sloveno. Fu favorito il culto dei santi della Compagnia e il ricorso alla loro intercessione, in particolare di san Francesco Saverio, spesso definito come il “nostro taumaturgo”. Dal 1687 san Francesco Saverio fu venerato come patrono della contea, per iniziativa del capitano di Gorizia e dei nobili. La devozione al santo missionario si intensificò durante la peste del 1682-83, quando i gesuiti si prodigarono nell’assistenza materiale e spirituale degli abitanti. Durante l’intera permanenza a Gorizia nel collegio gesuitico vi fu attenzione ai poveri e agli ammalati, resa operativa in diverse forme. Notevole fu il coinvolgimento dei diversi ceti della popolazione attraverso le congregazioni mariane, dedicate agli studenti, ai nobili, ai cittadini, fino all’istituzione nel 1684 pure di una congregazione detta della Buona Morte aperta anche alle donne. Curate anche le processioni organizzate dai gesuiti, che diventavano segno visibile nella città della loro azione pastorale. Lo studio introduttivo si sofferma anche sulle missioni, richiamando l’esistenza di lettereindipetae provenienti da Gorizia o da gesuiti che avevano avuto rapporti con la città. Alcuni partirono per terre lontane, ma le missioni animate dal collegio goriziano furono soprattutto rivolte ad intra, verso le zone rurali friulane ed isontine. Se nell’Historia si accenna già a uscite nei paesi nei dintorni di Gorizia nel 1624, la prima missione formale è segnalata nel 1688. La pratica delle missioni rurali proseguì intensamente nei decenni successivi, raggiungendo anche territori del dominio veneto. Piuttosto tardi i gesuiti goriziani ebbero a disposizione una chiesa adeguata alla loro intensa attività pastorale. Costretti Book Reviews Book Reviews 287

per decenni nella piccola chiesa di San Giovanni Battista loro concessa all’atto dell’insediamento, nel 1654 iniziò la costruzione della chiesa di Sant’Ignazio, che fu però completata dopo molto decenni e consacrata soltanto nel 1764. Nel frattempo Gorizia era diventata sede arcivescovile dal 1751. Dopo un’iniziale questione giurisdizionale i rapporti tra i gesuiti e il primo arcivescovo di Gorizia furono buoni, tanto che quest’ultimo non volle essere lui a comunicare loro la soppressione della Compagnia. Allo studio introduttivo, che offre un’ampia lettura dell’Historia sostenuta da una vasta e puntuale bibliografia, segue l’edizione dei due volumi manoscritti, il primo a cura di Claudio Ferlan, il secondo di Marco Plesnicar. La trascrizione delle oltre quattrocento carte è corredata da note biografiche di tutti i personaggi nominati nella cronaca. Concludono l’opera monumentale l’elenco delle fonti e della bibliografia specifica per interpretare i due volumi manoscritti e due preziosissimi indici dei nomi di persona edi luogo, grazie ai quali si possono fare incontri inaspettati. Opportunamente nel saggio introduttivo Claudio Ferlan si interroga sulla natura della fonte e sull’estensione del suo apporto conoscitivo. Pensata per una circolazione interna a fini identitari, di consolidamento dei legami dentro l’ordine e di edificazione, l’Historia sarebbe portatrice di una “memoria scelta”. La fonte risulterebbe quindi utile, innanzitutto, per studiare l’“identità gesuitica austriaca” e quale sia stato l’apporto della Compagnia alla cultura del luogo nel quale ha operato. Numerose sono le considerazioni che fioriscono nella lettura di una fonte così ricca di informazioni. Riguardo alla fisionomia della Compagnia va sottolineata la possibilità offerta di ricostruire le dinamiche di una comunità: il reclutamento e i suoi problemi (resistenze familiari, selettività nell’accettazione, andamento numerico delle vocazioni nel tempo), la formazione tra le diverse case della provincia (noviziato al Sant’Anna di Vienna, spostamenti degli scolastici), la distinzione in gradi (coadiutore temporale, coadiutore spirituale, professo di tre voti e di quattro voti), la progressività nell’appartenenza (i voti semplici degli scolastici, il più intimo nesso con i tre voti, il quarto voto), la rinnovazione periodica dei voti, la molteplicità dei ministeri, la missione nelle Indie, la grande mobilità, la continua modifica della comunità locale, le dimissioni, addirittura la presenza contemporanea di gesuiti fratelli, non inconsueta nel Seicento. Per questi aspetti la cronaca può essere intrecciata ai dati forniti dai cataloghi annuali e triennali, ma ha la peculiarità di fornire una visione dinamica della 288 Book Reviews comunità in quanto riporta anche i movimenti al proprio interno nel corso dell’anno. Si apprende inoltre che il cambio del personale avveniva di consueto in autunno, prima dell’inizio delle scuole. Ne emerge inoltre la centralità del voto in tutto l’itinerario del gesuita e nella costruzione dell’ordine, snodo cardine tra la coscienza personale e l’istituzione, in totale superamento della critica che nella prima fase del Cinquecento aveva colpito questa pratica caratterizzata da una forte dimensione giuridica e dall’ottica dell’obbligazione, diventata poi la cifra teologico-morale e spirituale della chiesa post-tridentina. La storia della Compagnia dagli ultimi decenni del sec. XVI è anche una lunga storia di voti, da quelli emessi dai giovani aspiranti ai cosiddetti “ultimi voti”. Riguardo al reclutamento, l’Historia fa riflettere sulla capacità attrattiva della comunità gesuitica riguardo ai giovani delle scuole goriziane, che preferiscono spesso entrare in altri ordini religiosi piuttosto che nella Compagnia e non manca nel cronista qualche punta ironica sullo stile di vita altrui (p. 537). L’anno 1706 è eloquente in tal senso: su quattordici studenti che scelsero lo stato di vita religioso soltanto uno entrò nel noviziato della Compagnia e uno all’anno chiese di solito di diventare gesuita nella prima metà del Settecento. Sarebbe interessante studiare in chiave comparativa la questione delle vocazioni alla Compagnia, prospettiva di ricerca ancora non percorsa. La cronaca goriziana permette anche di cogliere il generale crollo delle scelte per la vita religiosa a partire da metà sec. XVIII a favore di un’opzione per lo stato ecclesiastico. Interessante anche notare che nel 1706, dopo aver ottenuto il permesso dei superiori, furono introdotti nel convitto wenderbergico gli esercizi cavallereschi, ad imitazione dei collegi italiani, si scrive negli annali. Evidentemente l’esempio dei seminaria nobilium della penisola aveva esercitato una certa influenza anche in questa terra dell’Austria inferiore. L’introduzione non manca di sottolineare la centralità della confessione nell’azione spirituale dei gesuiti goriziani. E a questo proposito, oltre quanto osservato da Claudio Ferlan, risulta evidente la ricorrenza nell’Historia dei termini legati alla quiete, alla pace e alla tranquillità dell’animo ritrovate attraverso la confessione. Come per l’intensa azione di riconciliazione tra nemici ben ricostruita nello studio introduttivo di Ferlan, l’intento dei gesuiti era di pacificazione, interiore ed esteriore. Si tratta di una fondamentale chiave di lettura dell’autocomprensione del loro operare. A tanto si aggiungeva la richiesta di intercessione ai santi della Compagnia per le guarigioni, perché la consolazione si estendesse anche al fisico. Book Reviews Book Reviews 289

La conversione degli animi appare lo scopo primario di tutta l’azione dei gesuiti goriziani e sotto questo profilo si rivela molto interessante la presenza di una sezione del resoconto annuale dedicata alla “conversatio”, come un ministero specifico accanto ai numerosi altri. La cronaca stessa ne descrive i tratti, caratterizzati dall’affabilità e dalla progressività nella relazione: “Pia conversatio crebro celebres depraedicat conversiones; et quos oratoria pulpita sacraque tribunalia ad cor non reducunt, certa praxi ediscimus religiosae conversationis cordiali alloquio eorum intima saepesaepius penetrari” (p. 530). La cordialità, dunque, fu uno strumento cardine per accedere all’interiorità e innestare processi di cambiamento. Come sottolinea il cronista, ricorrendo a due immagini classiche nella letteratura penitenziale e ascetica, non si fece ricorso solo alla potestà giudiziale del foro spirituale, che comunque è definito foro di clemenza, ma anche alla funzione del medico per la guarigione delle malattie dell’animo (p. 345). La Compagnia scelse la via della persuasione, come molta storiografia sottolinea, e la cronaca goriziana ne è un esempio molto eloquente. Ciò comportava l’uscita dalle chiese e dai pulpiti per entrare nelle strade cittadine e nei luoghi profani e cercare colloqui personali, scrive il cronista nel 1708 (p. 543). Oggetto della “conversatio” furono soprattutto le situazioni conflittuali, sulla cui composizione e sull'attenzione del documento in proposito si sofferma il saggio introduttivo di Ferlan. Anche sulla pratica degli esercizi spirituali gli annali goriziani forniscono indicazioni preziose, soprattutto per la continuità e l’estensione cronologica, e offrono elementi per arricchire la storia della loro diffusione e delle modalità di somministrazione, adattate ai differenti contesti, ancora da scrivere in modo organico. I gesuiti del collegio goriziano, infatti, secondo l’Historia, diedero gli esercizi, talvolta definiti “commentationes”, dapprima saltuariamente a qualche persona, poi in modo sistematico ai propri studenti più grandi, tre o quattro giorni nella Settimana Santa. La pratica degli esercizi si allargò e si intensificò nel Settecento: si sperimentarono gli esercizi di otto o più giorni, ma soprattutto si rispose alla richiesta del patriarca di Aquileia prima e all’arcivescovo di Gorizia poi di dare gli esercizi agli ordinandi, ma anche al clero. Grazie alle numerose e attente descrizioni della cronaca si individuano diverse pratiche di adattamento del testo ignaziano a varie tipologie di persone. Per la rilevanza assunta tra i ministeri dei gesuiti di Gorizia, nella parte settecentesca degli annali viene dedicato un paragrafo a parte agli esercizi, dati in diverse lingue. 290 Book Reviews

I gesuiti goriziani non mancarono di dare gli esercizi alle suore orsoline, il cui insediamento in città nel 1671 fu da loro sostenuto. Si tratta di un altro tassello della storia, ancora in parte da studiare, del rapporto tra le case della Compagnia e le comunità di orsoline, che trova nelle Historiae Domus e nella corrispondenza con il padre generale due fonti privilegiate. Data l’intensa attività di educazione svolta dalle orsoline a Gorizia, sia per le convittrici sia per le esterne, è probabile che i gesuiti ne abbiano favorito la presenza per estendere l’azione formativa a una parte della popolazione femminile della città. Presso le orsoline i gesuiti del collegio goriziano furono nel corso del Settecento, secondo la loro cronaca, confessori, padri spirituali e catechisti. Negli anni Venti del Settecento i gesuiti furono richiesti come direttori spirituali ordinari anche dalle clarisse di Gorizia, alle quali avevano dato gli esercizi. Molto si ricava dagli annali goriziani sul modello di pietà proposto dai gesuiti, ma qui si accenna soltanto al permanere fino ad inizi Settecento del tono ascetico-penitenziale, che trova nella pratica dell’autoflagellazione un’espressione estrema, ma ancora attestata nel terzo decennio del sec. XVIII. Gli ormai numerosi studi sul rapporto tra gesuiti e musica possono trovare nell’Historia goriziana alcune indicazioni, tra le quali la cura per il canto nelle funzioni liturgiche e devozionali, con la presenza di musicisti in alcune occasioni, l’acquisto di un nuovo organo per la chiesa nel 1634 e di un altro nuovo nel 1747, la presenza della musica nelle opere teatrali del collegio. Attenta agli episodi di vita, di cui è intrisa, la cronaca goriziana può essere pure una fonte importante per aprire o arricchire piste di ricerca relative alla cultura materiale di una città di antico regime nell’Austria interna. Numerosi gli spunti, come quando l’Historia cita con ammirazione i fiori fatti a mano dalle orsoline di Gorizia, opere di un raffinato e noto artigianato fonte di reddito per queste donne (p. 579), oppure si sofferma sull’abilità di un gesuita dispensiere che cerchiò di ferro le botti per il vino in tal modo che in seguito non spandevano più nemmeno una goccia, “memorabile opus” (pp. 180-81), o sulla cattura degli scritti delle prediche in italiano da parte dei veneti nell’Adriatico, non disposti a restituirle con grave incomodo per il predicatore, che dovette prepararle nuovamente (p. 110), o sulla costruzione di case in mattoni per i lavoratori di una commenda voluta dal rettore del collegio a sostituzione delle miserrime abitazioni, causa di malattia e di impossibilità al lavoro (p. 145), soltanto per citare alcuni degli Book Reviews Book Reviews 291

innumerevoli esempi possibili. Numerosi poi i riferimenti alle malattie e alle epidemie, come di consueto nelle cronache enei profili agiografici dell’epoca. La cronaca goriziana ha una sua storia interna: il susseguirsi di diversi redattori è rinvenibile nelle differenze stilistiche (e sarebbe interessante studiarne il latino) e nell’organizzazione dei contenuti. In particolare, la cronaca goriziana dopo i primi decenni viene articolata in modo più sistematico e da fine Seicento il resoconto annuale è suddiviso in paragrafi titolati. Da fine secolo XVII vengono aggiunti estesi elogia dei gesuiti, anche se nemmeno prima erano mancati in forma ridotta. La fisionomia degli annali goriziani racconta la storia di un assestamento di una comunità, di un allargamento degli spazi occupati nell’azione pastorale, di un’intensificazione dei rapporti con la città e con le autorità ecclesiastiche. Si tratta della prospettiva dei gesuiti, ma data la loro pervasiva e crescente presenza nella realtà goriziana, non è certo secondario cogliere il loro punto di vista, i loro obiettivi, il loro modo di essere, i loro metodi. La pubblicazione di una fonte come l’Historia Collegii Goritiensis ha una rilevanza notevole sotto il profilo storiografico, sia perché non esistono imprese comparabili, sia per l’estensione cronologica degli annali goriziani. Lo studio del consolidamento e del radicamento della Compagnia nelle realtà locali nel corso del Seicento e del Settecento permette di individuare in che modo si declinò concretamente l’identità gesuitica dopo il primo secolo. A questo fine è prezioso l’esame delle cronache prodotte nelle singole case, oltre che delle storie stese da alcuni gesuiti in gran parte ancora manoscritte (apprezzabile l’edizione dell’Istoria del Collegio di Mantova di Giuseppe Gorzoni curata da Antonella Bilotto, Angelo Piccini e Flavio Rurale). I gesuiti non furono gli unici attori nella chiesa post-tridentina né lo furono a Gorizia, città nella quale operavano, ad esempio, anche i cappuccini. Ma certamente non furono attori secondari. Pregio notevole, e non secondario, dell’edizione dell’Historia Collegii Goritiensis è la sua disponibilità in formato digitale. Lo studio del testo ne trae grande vantaggio e la ricerca trova fruttuosamente nuovi spunti, come quando incontra un termine inconsueto quale “exomologesis” (anche “exhomologesis”, “omologesis”) e mediante le ricorrenze ne individua il senso in quella manifestazione dei peccati, in particolare generale di tutta la vita, che richiedeva la capacità di rileggere la propria esistenza secondo classificazioni da apprendere. 292 Book Reviews

L’edizione dell’Historia Collegii Goritiensis ha una rilevanza che va oltre la ricostruzione delle vicende gesuitiche nell’area goriziana e nell’Austria interiore e può diventare una fonte di riferimento fondamentale per gli studi relativi ai collegi europei della Compagnia di Gesù.

Università di Pavia Miriam Turrini

Jacek Iwaszko, ed, Motecta scripta in Collegio. Braunsbergensis Societatis Jesu (Utl.vok.mus.tr. 394–399). Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Sub Lupa, 2018. 160 pp. zł 35,00. ISBN 978-83-65886-48-4

Bogna Bohdanowicz, Tomasz Jeż, eds, Universalia et particularia. Ars et praxis Societatis Jesu in Polonia. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Sub Lupa, 2018. 478 pp. zł 35,00. ISBN 978-83-65886-56-9

The following Short Notice presents two recent publications from the project, The Music Repertoire of the Society of Jesus in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1565–1773).

For nearly five years, an international team of researchers, mainly musicologists, has been carrying out a project entitled The Music Repertoire of the Society of Jesus in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1565–1773), financed by the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education. The project is led by Tomasz Jeż from the University of Warsaw, a musicologist specializing in the field of early modern music culture in the period of the Protestant and Catholic Reformation (see, for example, his book The Musical Culture of the Jesuits in Silesia and the Kłodzko County (1581–1776), Berlin et al.: Peter Lang, 2019). The results of the research on Polish-Lithuanian Jesuit music culture are being published within the series, Fontes Musicae in Polonia, divided into three sub-series: A – Catalogi, B – Facsimilia et studia, C – Editiones (the first one is co-edited by the author of this short notice). It is fully accessible online at http://fontesmusicae.pl/. The aim of series C of the project—music editions—is to present the repertoire performed in Jesuit churches and schools, and/or written by composers connected to those centres. The scale of local music production—in terms of both composing and performing—was enormous, as we may esteem from the narrative and documentary sources. The music manuscripts and prints are however much less Book Reviews Book Reviews 293

available for us, due to the complicated history of those lands. If the material—intended for practical use and thus exchanged when outdated—survived the stylistic changes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries up to the suppression of the order, it was often dispersed afterwards. If it survived the nineteenth century as a part of a public or private library, in the twentieth century it was likely to be transferred to another place, or to share the fate of many books burnt or destroyed during warfare. That is why the musicologists’ attempts to reconstruct the Jesuit music culture in early modern Central Europe may seem quite similar to archaeological reconstructions of ancient cities made up from just a few fragments of buildings, or to works on frescoes only part of which is preserved. Moreover, in the case of music sources the corresponding elements can be found quite at a distance one from another, even if originating from the same time and place. Despite these challenges, and through painstaking effort, the overall image of the vivid culture and some of its artefacts— fortunately preserved—can make their path to the wider public. Music pieces written by forgotten composers and not performed for ages may be heard again in concerts and become part of a scholarly re-searchable cultural heritage. Motecta scripta in Collegio Braunsbergensis Societatis Iesu, edited by musicologist and singer Jacek Iwaszko, is the sixth publication within series C, dedicated to editions of music scores. It contains critical editions of nineteen pieces by different composers, copied into one manuscript in the Jesuit collegium in Braunsberg/Braniewo. The collegium itself was the first Jesuit house in the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth, founded in 1564. This was followed by the foundation of other Jesuit pastoral and educational institutions in the vicinity. At the turn of sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the collegium was already a centre of culture, renowned in the region. Its huge library, however, including numerous music prints and manuscripts, was devastated by the Swedish troops in the 1620s, and the collections were transferred to Uppsala—where many of them are preserved up to our times. Iwaszko’s edition of nineteen music pieces is based on the handwritten appendix to a collection of four music prints by Teodoro Riccio bound together (including his masses, Magnificats and motets), held in the Uppsala University Library under the shelfmarks Utl.vok.mus.tr 394–399. The collection includes six partbooks (Discantus, Altus, Tenor, Bassus, Quinta Vox, Sexta Vox). In the appendix—and thus in the edition—one can find sacred vocal pieces set for four to eight voices, with Latin texts, mainly from the Liturgy of the Hours (an invitatorium, a hymn, two 294 Book Reviews responsories, two versicula, five antiphons) as well as Mass settings (two ordinarium cycles, two introits and graduals) and four motets of uncertain liturgical intention. The majority of the compositions remains anonymous. Only two of them are attributed in the manuscript to certain composers, both connected to the Braniewo collegium. Jan Brant (1554–1602), a Polish Jesuit from Poznań, active also in Vilnius, Pułtusk and Rome, attended school in Braniewo and entered the Society’s novitiate there. He was among the first Jesuit composers whose names are known. The edition contains his Christmas invitatory, Christus natus est nobis; it was composed for five vocal parts and instrumental basso seguente (Bassus [pro] Organis), the unique vocal- instrumental composition in the source, however is only partially preserved (Discantus part is missing). The second attributed piece is a gradual Tribulationes cordis mei by the Italian composer, Giovanni Battista Cocciola (fl. 16/17); it was written for five voices and is also incomplete (without Discantus part). At the time of entering this piece to the manuscript (1606, unique date in the handwritten part of the source), Cocciola was active as a musician at the court of Szymon Rudnicki, who was bishop of Warmia and patron of the Braniewo college. Three other pieces, anonymously preserved, have been identified as works by Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (Haec dies – antiphon ad Resurrectione for 6 voices), Jachet de Mantua (Missa Surge Petre for 6 voices) and Hans Leo Hassler (Verbum caro factum est – Christmas responsory for 6 voices). Even if the two latter are incomplete as well (missing fragments in the Discantus part), they have been reconstructed on the basis of the printed versions; the edition contains the entire material. The incompleteness of six compositions that are transmitted uniquely in this source (four anonymous pieces, together with two abovementioned pieces by Brant and Cocciola) may prompt a discussion on the validity of editing them. If we take into consideration only the performance purpose, the material is certainly not sufficient as it is presented. Compositions with one incomplete or missing part may provide a basis for further ‘reconstruction’, but when the highest voice is missing and, furthermore, when the author is unknown, the ‘reconstructed’ piece may differ quite a lot from the original. Not to mention the extreme case of anonymous Cantemus Domino for six voices, from which only the Sexta Vox is preserved, partially with illegible text not to be found elsewhere. Yet even if the six incomplete pieces cannot be performed as they Book Reviews Book Reviews 295

are transmitted and published in our times, the idea of presenting the whole content of the source seems convincing for various reasons. First, the rest of the compositions—a great majority—is preserved completely or reconstructed after music prints; all of them are ready to be performed. Second, all the music material provided in the edited manuscript, be it completely preserved or not, is a trace of widely understood music culture and may be used for further research. Most of the content of this source is stylistically coherent, being the example of high Renaissance vocal polyphony with broad use of the imitation technique. As Iwaszko points out in the introduction, even if the compositions are quite simple—intended to be performed by pupils of the boarding school in Braniewo—this is not indicative of mediocre artistic qualities. On the other hand, editing only the complete pieces would prevent the possibility of exploring Brant’s and Cocciola’s unique compositions and observing the changes of style visible in the accidentally present Sexta Vox of the latest Cantemus Domino. Last but not least — the blank staves of missing parts in the transcriptions are probably the clearest way to tell the story about losses, explorations and reconstructions in the field of cultural heritage. And the understanding of what is lost—and what is still to be found—from the overall music production and culture of the period also may be regarded as part of being ‘historically informed’, a tendency that fortunately is occurring increasingly frequently among the performers of this kind of repertoire. The online edition of this study, helpfully contains the complete edition, with transcriptions of music, editorial notes, and introduction in both Polish and English. It also contains references to digital versions of the main source and related prints. These features enable wide reception of the material for performance and research purposes. Universalia et particularia. Ars et praxis Societatis Jesu in Polonia is a volume published within the other series of the project (B – Facsimilia et studia), containing fourteen papers presented at the conference held in Warsaw in September 2017, “Universalism and Particularism in Jesuit Artistic Culture: Contexts – Traditions – Sources”. Participants included, not only musicologists, but also researchers from other disciplines within the humanities, such as historians, historians of art, literature and theatre. As the editors of the volume, Bogna Bohdanowicz and Tomasz Jeż, point out in the brief introduction, the main idea was to: “search for the keys to interpret Jesuit music culture as cultivated in the Polish-Lithuanian Book Reviews

Commonwealth”. It set out to collate different fields and branches of cultural studies: “music was one of the many languages of one and the same culture, speaking through many disciplines of art, but serving one overriding goal and bound by the same rhetorical principles”. This volume is an effective illustration of two main keywords, ‘universalism’ and ‘particularism’, which refer to the dynamic and, on occasion, tension between two different approaches present in Jesuit culture: homogenisation (of globally recognizable administration, methods, educational and cultural patterns etc.,) vs. cultural accommodation (with special attention to the local element). Most of the articles include both of these elements, through a specific case study (of a place, source, person etc.) presented with regard to wider geographical or ideological contexts. Alina Nowicka- Jeżowa discusses Piotr Skarga SJ’s critical approach to the ideas of Renaissance humanism, between contradiction and necessary acculturation. Barbara Przybyszewska-Jarmińska shows how the ‘Swedish mission’ of three priest-singers sent from the Collegium Germanicum to the court in Stockholm influenced the cultural patronage of the Polish king Sigismund III Vasa (born and raised in Sweden). Dariusz Galewski observes the cultural patterns—both in architectural forms and their symbolic meaning—in the organ façades of the Jesuit Churches in Silesia. Marcin Szelest analyses the repertoire of the Braunsberg/Oliva organ tablatures, huge repertories of music performed in the Jesuit milieux at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Two articles concern composers: Irina Gerasimova discusses the possible ‘Western’ influences on the music by Nikolay Diletsky, alumnus of the Vilnius Jesuit academy in late seventeenth century, while Maciej Jochymczyk adds some new discoveries to the biography of Jacek (Hyacinthus) Szczurowski SJ, whom he describes as “the best known and most prolific of the Jesuit composers active in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth”. Andrea Mariani introduces the inventories of Jesuit collegia (issued after the suppression of the order) as a source of information concerning music culture. Serhij Sieriakow discusses the historiographical representations of the Jesuit boarding schools in Polish publications from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Several articles present a more general perspective of certain issues linked to the overall theme: Lars Berglund focuses on the music culture of Jesuit circles in Rome and its impact on the missionary strategies (especially its reception in the regions north of the Alps); Book Reviews Book Reviews 297

Andrzej Józef Baranowski writes about theatrical elements in the architecture of the Jesuit churches’ interiors, while Jan Okoń, Jurate Trilupaitiene and Jerzy Kochanowicz present different aspects of music, dance and theatre employed for educational purposes in the programmes of Jesuit boarding schools. A reflexion on the Jesuit tendency to combine the global and local perspectives and to look always for what is beyond, is present also in the emblematic illustration on the cover, taken from Imago primi saeculi Societatis Iesu: an angel with bow and arrow is standing between two hemispheric maps of the globe, with the motto Unus non sufficit orbis.

University of Warsaw Katarzyna Spurgjasz

ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXVIII, FASC. 176 2019-II

Research Articles

Thierry Meynard SJ, Could Chinese Vegetarians be Baptized? Part 2: The Canton Conference and Prospero Intorcetta SJ’s Report of 1668 285

Eneko Ortega Mentxaka, Del «gran escenario de la palabra» al «gran escenario de la imagen»: la evolución del programa iconográfico de la casa profesa-colegio de San Ignacio de Valladolid 343

Review Essay

Liam Matthew Brockey, Comprehending the World: Jesuits, Language, and Translation 389

Research Notes

Mirella Saulini, Il Tractatus de Trinitate di Stefano Tuccio SJ (1540–1597), una vicenda tra agiografia e storia 411

Robert Danieluk SJ, From Failure to Success: The Jesuit Mission in Zambia and the Sources for its History in the Jesuit Roman Archives 419 Living History

Festo Mkenda SJ, Pedro Arrupe and Africa: Clear Vision and Bold Steps in a Moment of Unsettling Transitions 439

Jean Luc Enyegue SJ, New Wine into Old Wineskins? African Reactions to Arrupe’s Governing Vision (1965–1978) 471

Paul Begheyn SJ, Memoirs of Someone who is ‘Addicted’ to Jesuit History 509

Bibliography (Wenceslao Soto Artuñedo SJ) 519

Book Reviews

P.M. Jones, B. Wisch, S. Ditchfield, eds, A Companion to Early Modern Rome, 1492-1692 (E. Michelson) 593

M. Friedrich, Die Jesuiten. Aufstieg – Niedergang – Neubeginn (D. Bete) 595

P. Oberholzer, ed., Die Wiederherstellung der Gesellschaft Jesu (M. Pfister) 599

T. M. McCoog SJ, Pre-suppression Jesuit Activity in the British Isles and Ireland (V. Moynes) 602

L. Chambers and T. O’Connor, eds, College Communities Abroad: Education, Migration and Catholicism in Early Modern 608 Europe (M. Lyons)

I. Chinnici, Decoding the Stars. A Biography of Angelo Secchi, Jesuit and Scientist (A. Udías SJ) 611

J.-P. Gay, Le dernier théologien ? Théophile Raynaud (v. 1583- 1663), histoire d’une obsolescence (P. Goujon SJ) 614

V. M. Fernández, J. de Torres, A. Martínez d’Alòs-Moner, and C. Cañete, The Archeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia, 1557-1632 (J.L. Enyegue SJ) 616 T. Meynard SJ and G. Treffer, eds,Sancian als Tor nach China: Kaspar Castners Bericht über das Grab des Heiligen Franz Xaver (E. Frei) 620

A. Barreto Xavier and I.G. Zupanov, Catholic Orientalism: Portuguese Empire, Indian Knowledge (16th-18th Centuries) (B. H. Otto SJ) 622

Daniello Bartoli, Istoria della Compagnia di Gesù. L’Asia, ed. U. Grassi (E. Frei) 626

Notes and News

Eloquent Images. Evangelization, Conversion and Propaganda in the Global World of the Early Modern Period (Macerata, 10–11 April 2019) (R. Ricci) 631

The Jesuit Mission in Early Modern Ireland (Dublin, 13–14 September 2019) (B. Mac Cuarta SJ) 633

P. Manuel Revuelta González SJ (1936–2019): un historiador para el siglo XIX (W. Soto Artuñedo SJ) 634

Index volume LXXXVI 639

Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu vol. lxxxviii, fasc. 176 (2019-II)

Book Reviews

Pamela M. Jones, Barbara Wisch, Simon Ditchfield, eds, A Companion to Early Modern Rome, 1492-1692. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019. 629 pp. €171.00/$206.00. ISBN 978-90-04-39196-3.

This volume, part of Brill’s useful Companions series, aims to be invaluable to scholars of early modern Rome. To that end, the three editors, each a giant in the field, have compiled thirty brief articles across a wide range of disciplines and approaches. They explicitly seek to counter simplistic narratives that reduce every aspect of the city to a papally-directed Counter-Reformation narrative, or that fall back on narrow attempts to pinpoint moments of rise and fall. In this, they succeed admirably. The Rome that emerges from these articles is dynamic, complex, and polycentric. The editors’ introduction beautifully explicates the layers of symbolism and metaphor that enwrap the city, and the thirty-three authors are experts writing at the top of their game. This volume will become the certain starting point for future research on any of its given topics. The great strength of this volume is its breadth and interdisciplinarity. The essays are grouped into four general categories, built generally around politics, everyday life, display, and intellectual activities. It is a pleasure to see such a varied group of studies together in one volume, covering, for example, middle-class collecting, water policies, the economy, tourism, scientific knowledge, canonization ceremonies, urban planning, the ghetto, crime, antiquarianism, soundscapes, and church façades. This very juxtaposition reminds readers that the themes of curial ambitions and papal control— often seen as synonymous with the city—actually tell only a very small part of the story. Many of the articles are especially useful in asking us to account for contradictions or intricacies in Roman history, or to rethink our assumptions. Toby Osborne raises questions about the nature of political authority in studying both formal and informal diplomacy. Tom and Elisabeth Cohen, similarly, redefine notions of justice away from institutions and towards social norms and fluid dynamics. Daniele Filippi redraws the lines between public and private spaces in considering Roman soundscapes. Lisa Beaven calls for a more nuanced understanding of what it means to be elite in Rome. Irene Fosi considers foreigners in Rome by their 594 Book Reviews spacial distribution, and distinguishes between apparently-clear legal definitions and the more complex practices found in trial records. Kenneth Gouwens reminds us that access to the Vatican Library was more arbitrary and restrictive than is often described. Carla Keyvanian balances out narratives of urban building as a series of papal vanity projects by paying attention to foodsources and markets. Eleonora Canepari and Laurie Nussdorfer show how civic identity was exceptionally flexible and was expressed through a wide range of affiliations. At the same time, many consistent themes emerge across the varied topics. Patronage mattered increasingly in every context. The Counter-Reformation had an uneven but sometimes profound impact: on patronage, on learning, on confraternal activities, on festivals. And of course, Rome remained a hub—the hub—for Catholic activity, diplomacy, foreign travel, and many other areas. This book, rightfully, does not aim to be the last word on early modern Rome, but to provide a solid grounding for the next generation of scholars. Every article ends with a discrete section dedicated to future research. Many call for integrating topics usually studied separately: the Curia and material culture; newsletters and economic history; education and Jewish history. Some, especially helpfully, identify specific archives and fondi that remain unexplored; it would have been helpful to have more cases. Some call for the application of new frameworks to familiar topics; others note specific underrepresented reigns and periods; others, the social network around a profession or site. Databases and digital collections are also clearly increasingly necessary. A few articles explicitly mention the wealth of documentation on smaller religious orders, even within the ARSI Jesuit archives. It is clear that for all we do know about Rome, there is a great deal we do not and should. Some imbalance in the selection of topics might reflect the art-historian majority on the editorial team. The book contains no dedicated articles on gender, despite Rome’s well-studied gender assymetry and particular dynamics. It is surprising to find no articles that directly discuss cardinals, convents or religious orders (though the orders are widely discussed in other contexts). The relative emphasis on decoration, spectacle, patronage, and government means that the book overall still skews somewhat towards a history of the elite, despite concerted efforts. And although various kinds of foreigners and disadvantaged populations make appearances, the book pays scant attention to Book Reviews Book Reviews 595

racial or ethnic minorities, again despite growing scholarship on these subjects. Scholars of Jesuits history may find little sustained and direct attention to them, but the overall importance of the Society becomes clear in many of the individual contributions. Jones’s chapter on new saints discusses the festivities for the canonization of Ignatius of Loyola and Francis Xavier at length. The Roman College is a protagonist in Gouwens’ history of learned exchanges, Andretta and Favino’s study of scientific knowledge, and Lincoln’s discussion of thesis printing. Jesuit institutions, including the Roman College, are helpfully integrated into Carlsmith’s broader analysis of schools and education. Above all, the wealth of non- religious topics remains useful in framing the dynamics of early modern Rome so that interested scholars can understand how Jesuits acted within it and why. Valuable as it is, the book’s production lessens its usefulness. The most egregious weakness is the bibliography, which only contains a small portion of the works cited in the body of the book. Some scholars cited by name in more than one article appear nowhere in the bibliography; at other times, entire articles, and the body of scholarship supporting them, seem to have been left out. Citation practices are also inconsistent across articles, which makes locating works even harder, given the uneven bibliography. These flaws notwithstanding, the Companion to Early Modern Rome represents a major accomplishment, immediately necessary both in the classroom and in research preparation. In its careful attention to producing a history that celebrates nuance and complexity, while remaining focussed, clear and readable, it should serve as a model for all aspects of early modern scholarship.

University of St Andrews Emily Michelson

Markus Friedrich, Die Jesuiten. Aufstieg – Niedergang – Neubeginn. Munich, Berlin and Zürich: Piper 2016. 727 pp. €39.00. ISBN 3492055397.

The Society of Jesus continues to be of interest, both to academics and non-academics: this is reflected in the many books that continue to be published for specialist and larger audiences about the Jesuits in general and their history in particular. Markus 596 Book Reviews

Friedrich’s study represents one such contribution to the field. He is the author of a 2011 study of the communication networks within the early modern Society of Jesus; then, in 2016, he published his version of a general history of the Jesuits. This monograph, which contains nearly 600 pages of text, more than 2,400 notes and references, and over 60 pages of bibliography, without any doubt, constitutes one of the richer and more profound studies of its kind and merits attention in this journal. Unlike many other authors, Friedrich does not follow a strict chronological order to tell the history of the Jesuits. The first four chapters deal with different issues of the Society of Jesus itself and its relations to the non-Jesuit world. The first chapter begins with a short description of the historical context in which the institute was founded and proceeds with the organization, its structure, the way the Society saw itself, the religious beliefs of the Jesuits and their life within the Society. Friedrich does not focus here on an ideal type of Jesuit, but tries to give a large panorama of biographies, including those of “failed” Jesuits and their discontent with the Society. The frame for the second chapter is the broad field of early modern Christianity, focusing on the Jesuits’ actions within the Roman Church and its reception by that church and its members. It also provides a perspective on the relations between Jesuits and Protestants. The third chapter describes the role of the Society outside the religious sphere: in early modern politics, the economy, arts and sciences. The fourth and last non-chronological chapter is about the “global Society” and deals mainly with the Jesuits’ missionary network outside of Europe and the global communications network, which arises from the organization of an intercontinental religious institute. The book then follows a chronological order to tell the story of a growing anti-Jesuit propaganda in Europe, which leads ultimately to the suppression of the Society in 1773. This chapter also incorporates the Jesuits’ survival in Russia and its reestablishment in 1814. The epilogue gives a short portrait of the Society after that date up until the pontificate of Francis, the first Jesuit pope. While the book’s structure and contents clearly reflect the author’s expertise in late medieval and early modern historical research, the last chapter and the epilogue underline the consequent imbalance of the study: Friedrich dedicates more than 500 pages to the time between the Society’s foundation and its suppression, while fewer than 50 pages deal with its history since then. Clearer signposting of the main chronological focus of the book would have helped the reader understand what to expect from it. A similar issue arises in Book Reviews Book Reviews 597

the European standpoints of the book and its author. While Friedrich states in his prologue that the history of the Jesuits “basically has to be a World History in short” (22), it is not clear if this frame was realised here. Through the distribution of chapters, with the non- European world receiving its own chapter, the book identifies binary spheres rather than a global or world perspective. Nevertheless, the chapters’ contents in fact contain a mixture of geographical subjects and viewpoints—for example, European issues appear in the fourth chapter dedicated to the global Society and non-European ones are discussed in the other chapters—and, compared with much earlier scholarship in the field, Friedrich achieves a more balanced view of the Society in global history. Yet some non-European issues could have benefitted from more attention, such as the significance for Europeans and non-Europeans alike of the founding of a Society by a Spaniard at exactly the same time as the non-Christian inhabitants of the Americas were being conquered and converted by Spain. Another fruitful question to consider is the impact that living outside of Europe had on the European missionaries, and whether Jesuits adopted local practices not just to make their mission more successful—as Friedrich describes it—but also whether in doing so they underwent a transformation in their own outlooks and behaviours. This is a particularly relevant question for those Jesuits whose mission locations meant that they had more contact with the locals than with other old-Christians. Another interesting point of study would have been the impact of experiences and practices outside of Europe on the Society inside Europe. While Friedrich mentions the publications about America written by the exiled American Jesuits in Europe during the suppression, and—in the twentieth century—the importance of North- and Latin American Jesuits, he does not really discuss their influence on the Society in Europe, which one might assume was substantial. Another relevant example is the Jesuit mission in northern Patagonia: the mission of the indigenous people south of the Rio Salado is identified as having started after the 1739/40 peace treaties with the local cacicazgos, which allowed the installation of mission villages. However, modern Argentinian historians such as Lidia Nacuzzi have come to the quite different conclusion that the Jesuits violated those treaties by installing themselves south of the Rio Salado. While this study characterises the mission as having been quite successful, in fact the mission villages were destroyed after just a few years. A consequence of these examples is that Jesuit missionary work 598 Book Reviews tends to appear in a rather positive light. In the chapter dealing with the relationship of the Society to colonial history, for instance, at the beginning of the section about slavery, the connection between Jesuits and slavery is described as follows: “Considering the strong relations between the Jesuits and European settler societies overseas, questions about slavery did not fail to emerge for the Jesuits” (440–41). This statement is followed by a section outlining Jesuit work for the spiritual welfare of slaves and finally the possession of slaves by the Jesuits themselves, discussed also in terms of the opposition of many Jesuits who reluctantly used slave labour as part of the Society’s operations. However, since all owners of slaves were motivated by economic considerations, Friedrich’s identification of the economic motivations behind many Jesuits acting against their convictions does not sufficiently account for the implications of this practice for the history of the Society of Jesus, and of slavery more broadly. Further, while Friedrich does not try to hide any aspect of Jesuit slavery, the focus of his discussion on more “positive” aspects like spiritual welfare and Jesuit concern for the conditions of slaves required substantiation, as well as engagement with the more problematic aspects of the practice. Despite these observations, Friedrich is far more critical than many other historians in the field. In conclusion, this book provides a very useful overview and good introduction for those—academics and non-academics—who want to know more about the Jesuits. As we have seen, the study is more likely to please readers interested in early modern history than persons interested in the last two centuries of the Society. However, these readers, too, will be enriched by the author’s thesis about the Jesuits. Most outstanding is Friedrich’s characterization of the Society, not as a monolithic or military institute, as goes the stereotype, but as a very heterogeneous organisation. In the prologue, Friedrich argues, “there was and is no such thing as the Jesuits” (23), thus challenging those older narratives of a highly organised and centralised religious entity. Indeed, the author achieves his goal to demonstrate this point throughout the book. Finally, the large bibliography and the multitude of references facilitate further readings in any direction concerning the complex history of the Jesuits.

Georg-August-Universität Göttingen David Bete Book Reviews Book Reviews 599

Paul Oberholzer, ed., Die Wiederherstellung der Gesellschaft Jesu. Vorbereitung, Durchführung und Auswirkungen. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Verhältnisse im Wallis (Studia Oecumenica Friburgensia 88). Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 2019. 678 pp. €76.00. ISBN 978-3-402-12225-9.

Die Geschichtsschreibung zum Jesuitenorden ist nach wie vor überwiegend arbeitsteilig gestaltet. Während meistens entweder zur Alten oder zur Neuen Gesellschaft geforscht wird, fristet die Phase zwischen der päpstlichen Aufhebung der Jesuiten 1773 und der Wiedererrichtung 1814 ein Schattendasein. Zum Identifikationspunkt für die Mitglieder des Ordens wurde der Neubeginn um 1814 anders als die eigentliche Gründung im 16. Jahrhundert ebenfalls nicht. Überblicksdarstellungen aus der jüngeren Vergangenheit etwa von John O’Malley SJ, Klaus Schatz SJ oder Markus Friedrich geben dem Thema aber mehr Raum. Bei der Auflösung der Gesellschaft Jesu handelt es sich schließlich um ein kulturhistorisches Schlüsselereignis des 18. Jahrhunderts. Umso erfreulicher ist, dass mit dem nun vorliegenden Band, den Paul Oberholzer SJ herausgegeben hat, diese wichtige „Scharnierstelle“ der Geschichte des Ordens ausführlich behandelt wird. Der Sammelband führt 31 Beiträgen zusammen, die auf zwei internationalen (kirchen-)historischen Kongressen im Herbst 2014 gehalten wurden: zum einen bei der Tagung „Auf den Spuren der Neuanfänge des Jesuitenordens im Wallis im frühen 19. Jahrhundert“ vom 4. bis 6. September 2014 in Brig und zum anderen auf dem Symposium „Die Wiederherstellung der Gesellschaft Jesu. Vorbereitung, Durchführung, Wahrnehmung“ vom 2. bis 4. Oktober 2014 an der Universität Fribourg. Die deutschen, französischen und italienischen Beiträge namhafter Expertinnen und Experten decken unterschiedliche Themenfelder ab: nach einleitenden Reflexionen zur Zäsur 1773- 1814, die nach Brüchen, Kontinuitäten und den politischen Rahmenbedingungen fragen, stehen die Initiativen im Wallis im frühen 19. Jahrhundert im Vordergrund, ebenso das Nachwirken des Geistes und der Institutionen der Alten Gesellschaft. Der zweite größere Komplex ist den Vorbereitungen auf die Wiederherstellung, dem Neubeginn in verschiedenen Nationen, der Wahrnehmung des wiederentstehenden Ordens von außen und dem Weg zu einer neuen jesuitischen Identität nach innen gewidmet. Die Abschnitte „Gesellschaft Jesu als Kulturträgerin“ und „Ausblick in ein noch wenig erforschtes Gebiet“ eröffnen darüber hinaus Anregungen für 600 Book Reviews eine intensivere Beschäftigung mit der Jesuitengeschichte in einer Phase des Umbruchs. Bereits an dieser thematischen Aufteilung wird das Ziel des Sammelbandes deutlich. Es besteht – so der Herausgeber im Vorwort – darin, sichtbar zu machen, „dass die Wiederherstellung der Gesellschaft Jesu aus verschiedenen Motiven erfolgte und eine zusammenfassende Erklärung, die alle Faktoren und Einflüsse berücksichtigt, noch nicht gegeben ist. Die Akten geben aber Einblick in die disparate Situation des nachrevolutionären Europas, das […] historiographisch nur schwer zu fassen ist. Darin aber vollzogen sich die wesentlichen Schritte für einen Neuanfang der Gesellschaft Jesu“ (Oberholzer, Vorwort, S. IX). Die Beiträge, in denen eine Vielzahl an neuem Quellenmaterial ausgewertet wurde, nehmen daher ganz unterschiedliche Aspekte in den Blick, die über die Gesellschaft Jesu auf die gesellschaftlichen, kulturellen und religiösen Transformationsprozesse zu Beginn des „langen“ 19. Jahrhunderts hinausweisen. Die allgemeine (kirchen-)politische Lage findet in den Beiträgen genauso Raum wie bildungs-, spiritualitäts-, missions- und rechtshistorische Fragestellungen. Das Nebeneinander von regionalem, europäischem und globalem Blickwinkel macht die unterschiedlichen Akteure und Motivationen sichtbar, die für eine Wiederbelebung des Jesuitenordens von enormer Bedeutung waren. Die Beiträge vertiefen insbesondere die Kenntnis über die Phase des „Überwinterns“ nach 1773. Im Kern „jesuitische“ Ordensgemeinschaften wie die Gesellschaft des Glaubens Jesu (Väter des Glaubens), die nach ihrem Gründer auch „Paccanaristen“ genannt wurden, oder die Gesellschaft des heiligen Herzens Jesu (Pères du Sacré Coeur) werden ausführlich behandelt. Diese führten anders als die Jesuiten aus verschiedenen Nationen im weißrussischen Exil, die sich auch als solche bezeichneten, in den unterschiedlichen europäischen Ländern die Ordenstradition unter anderem Namen weiter. Das konkrete Beispiel der Arbeit der Väter des Glaubens an den ehemaligen Jesuitenkollegien in Brig und Sitten/Sion im Wallis zeigt die Netzwerke und Strategien, die ein Wachhalten jesuitischer Lebensform und Spiritualität während des Verbots des Ordens ermöglichten; auch Konflikte innerhalb der Kongregationen sowie mit Ex-Jesuiten treten zutage. Als wichtige Faktoren erweisen sich die Bedürfnisse und Wahrnehmungen der regionalen Autoritäten und der Bevölkerung. Angesichts der massiven Umbrüche durch neue Verfassungen und wechselnde staatliche Zugehörigkeiten strebte man im Wallis zumindest Book Reviews Book Reviews 601

nach einer Konsolidierung von Bildung und Seelsorge. Garanten dafür erblickte man in den im Volksmund weiterhin „Jeswitter“ genannten Väter des Glaubens. Die vergleichenden Studien erweitern das Spektrum und zeigen ähnliche sowie divergierende Rahmenbedingungen und Motivlagen in Frankreich, Italien, Weißrussland und der Mission in Maryland. Formal wurde zwar bis auf das Zarenreich und die USA das Jesuitenverbot durchgesetzt, aber mancherorts faktisch die bisherige Praxis weitergeführt. Der Zugang zu Jesuitenverbot und Wiedererrichtung des Ordens über unterschiedliche Regionen (Deutschland, Frankreich, Italien, Russland, Spanien, Schweiz, USA) und deren Eigenheiten erweist sich als äußerst fruchtbar. Er fördert neben der ebenfalls vertretenen Zentralperspektive auf die „weißrussischen“ Jesuiten und die römische Kurie eine Vielzahl von Aspekten zutage, die für die historische Suche nach Brüchen und Kontinuitäten im Umfeld der Wiedererrichtung der Gesellschaft Jesu aufschlussreich sind. Die Detailstudien werden an einzelnen Stellen auch um edierte Quellen ergänzt. Hinzukommen im Anhang erfreulicherweise Biogramme zu den erwähnten Jesuiten, Paccanaristen und Angehörigen der Gesellschaft vom heiligen Herzen Jesu. Der Band leistet einen Beitrag zur Erforschung des großen Komplex „Restauration“ vor und nach dem Wiener Kongress und wirft weitere Forschungsfragen auf. Ein Themenfeld ist die Außenwahrnehmung und das Anwachsen anti-jesuitischer Ressentiments nach 1814 als Vorboten der zahlreichen Vertreibungen im Laufe des Jahrhunderts, das im Band aus verständlichen Gründen nur für die Schweiz näher behandelt wurde. Hinzukommt die Frage nach der Rolle der Jesuiten beim Aufkommen ultramontaner Tendenzen in der Schweiz. Auch zur Beschäftigung mit personellen und inhaltlichen Kontinuitäten im Findungsprozess der widererrichteten Gesellschaft Jesu ab 1814 regen Beiträge zur XX. Generalkongregation von 1820 und zum Werdegang des späteren Ordensgenerals Joannes Philipp Roothaan an. Die Darstellungen zeigen, dass die Wiedererrichtung selbst nur ein erster Schritt war. Es war eine enorme Integrationsleistung nötig, um aus den „weißrussischen“ Jesuiten, den Ex-Jesuiten im Weltklerus und neuentstandenen Gemeinschaften der Verbotszeit einen Orden zu formen. Diese bedarf einer genaueren Erforschung. Einzelne Studien verweisen zudem auf den Konnex von Identitätsfrage und spiritueller Praxis. Wer sich mit der Geschichte der Jesuiten im frühen 19. Jahrhundert beschäftigt, erhält daher 602 Book Reviews durch den Band wertvolle Hinweise zum aktuellen Kenntnisstand und zu lohnenden Forschungsfeldern.

Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster Michael Pfister

Thomas M. McCoog SJ, Pre-suppression Jesuit Activity in the British Isles and Ireland. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019. 115pp. €70.00. ISBN 978- 90-04-39491-9.

The author is a historian of the Society of Jesus and an expert on the role it played in “these islands” in the early modern period. His PhD (1984) examined how flexible the Institute was in England 1623–1688, and the ways in which members sought to adapt its constitutions and rules in order to live in a country where Catholics were outlawed.1 This line of questioning informs the present volume as well. Thomas M. McCoog SJ has published three detailed monographs, which are as microhistories to the large brushstrokes offered in this volume, dealing with the Society in Ireland, Scotland and England between 1541 and 1606 (1999, 2012, 2017). Other historians have benefited from his and László Lukács’s editions of source materials (IHSI’s Monumenta Angliae, 3 vols, 1992–2000); his lists of English and Welsh Jesuits between 1555 and 1650 (1994–1995); an edition of discrete documents, and articles that dealt with the Society’s finances, its rhetoric, the lives of some English and Welsh Jesuits and other specific aspects of the British–Irish missions. This volume is published in Brill Research Perspectives, within the Jesuit Studies series. It deals with the Jesuit missions in the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland (declared a kingdom by Henry VIII in 1542), with the—sometimes shared, more often distinct—persecution by either Crown or Parliaments in the foreground. Events are summarised side by side, and broken up into eight mostly chronological chapters, from Ignatius’s visit to England in 1531 seeking to finance his studies in Paris, to Pius VII’s bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum of 1814, which restored the Society as a whole. Throughout the volume, the question of why Jesuits were viewed with disproportionate suspicion is implied while viewing

1 Video “Introducing Thomas M.McCoog SJ”, interview by Patrick J Ryan SJ, Fordham University (2010), https://digital.library.fordham.edu/digital/collection/ JesuitsConv/id/20/ (retrieved 1/12/2019). Book Reviews Book Reviews 603

the long series of imagined plots from Throckmorton (1583–84) to the Popish Plot (1680), the anxiety fanned by anti-Catholic writers, and the related series of punitive measures by government. The conclusion returns to this question. Also throughout, the history of the Jesuit and national Colleges on the continent is considered together with that of the missions. Jesuit activities in “these islands” began in Ireland, with the papal mission given to Alfonso Salmerón SJ and Jean Codure SJ (replaced by Paschase Broët SJ) in 1542, “to ascertain the damage the Catholic Church had suffered under Henry (VIII), lord and not king of Ireland” (p.3). The author wrily observes that, “because hiding in caves and forests was behaviour unbecoming for papal agents, the Jesuits returned to Edinburgh”. David Wolfe, the papal nuncio sent to the country in 1560, was successful in recommending good men for the Irish hierarchy, but was increasingly isolated and on the run, until captured in 1567. Later, he threw in his lot with the rebel Fitzmaurice FitzGerald and “shocked Portuguese Jesuits who claimed that such involvement in non-spiritual matters clearly violated the Society’s Institute” (p.7). The first mission made up of Irish Jesuits began in 1598 and lasted until the Suppression. With Christopher Holywood as superior, the mission showed less political and more sacramental engagement at first. Life was less arduous for Irish Catholics than for their brethren across the Irish Sea, however when considering the later 1620s and 1630s as a lull in persecutions, it should not be forgotten that in late 1629, the mission suffered the loss of their college and fledgling novitiate. The mission was subjected to a visitation in 1649 to consider why they had been pitted against the papal nuncio and, while the visitor largely acquitted them of wrongdoing on that score, he condemned the many ways that they had strayed from the Institute (wearing civilian dress, owning luxury goods, kissing women acquaintances). The invasion of the New Model Army and Cromwellian depredations during the Interregnum nearly obliterated the mission; however, by 1664, ten residences had re- opened, once again focussing on spiritual work, until the Williamite Wars 1688–1690, and the subsequent expansion and enforcement of the penal code curtailed their work again. For the rest of the period before the Suppression there were never more than 20 Jesuits, the remaining 17 placing themselves under their respective archbishops in 1774. A resourceful John Kenny SJ obtained independence from the English Province in 1814. The English mission was, among those of the British Isles, “the largest, the bloodiest, the most controversial, and the only one to 604 Book Reviews progress to full provincial status” (p.1). Amid the misgivings of Superior General Mercurian, it began in 1579 with Robert Persons and Edmund Campion who landed into a complex situation where Marian priests (trained and ordained in England) had a legal advantage over seminary priests and Jesuits (trained abroad), and where the missionary field was shared with the Benedictines from 1607 onwards. Setting the scene for the mission, the Synod of Southwark in 1580 saw English Catholics agreeing that attendance at Protestant services signified “not political loyalty but acceptance of heresy” (p.16). Mercurian kept an option of calling the mission off for the first 20 years, but the English Jesuits would seetheir numbers rise steadily reaching 130 (working in England and Wales) in 1622, 193 in 1639, but falling dramatically during the Protectorate and the Restoration to 151 in 1660 and to 94 in 1670, rising again to 140 at the time of Suppression. The comparative health of the mission assured them a rise in status: a prefecture in 1598, they attained vice-provincial status in 1619 (while suffering the loss of three colleges), and full provincial status in 1623. According to McCoog, “Jesuits were rarely enthusiastic about working with or under bishops” (p.86): in 1598, England saw the nomination of an archpriest who seculars became convinced was a Jesuit dependant, and while English Jesuits were against a diocesan hierarchy because a parochial structure seemed too unsafe, the Appellants lobbied Rome for English bishops. The first bishop of Chalcedon was sent to England in 1623 and he and subsequent vicars apostolic coexisted for a time with the archpriests, and the Jesuit and Benedictine missions. The author dedicates some time to the foundation in 1633 of the Maryland mission and its further history. Surprisingly, the mission in Wales is only mentioned in passing when numbers of English and Welsh missionaries are given, and explicitly only in 1678 when the Jesuit community at Cwm was raided by the bishop of Hereford (after which the Welsh mission never recovered). During the Civil War and Interregnum, English Jesuits apparently mostly supported the King and his family, some believing in the divine right of the dynasty, some believing Charles I was the only hope for toleration; however individuals kept a few irons in the fire by then, also negotiating with the Independents: “aware that both Cromwell and Charles sought papal aid and recognition, the Society was ready to take advantage of those desires to win concessions for the Catholics” (p.63). The Restoration was met with enthusiasm by some, but McCoog singles out two voices of wisdom – one of Superior General Goswin Nickel, and the other of Book Reviews Book Reviews 605

Scotsman William Christie SJ, neither of them confident in Charles II’s powers to relieve Catholics. Over the following twenty years, anti-Catholic and anti-Jesuit sentiments increased in proportion to the royal family’s increasingly overt Catholicism. Following the ousting of James II, English Jesuits remained committed Jacobites and suffered accordingly, as penal laws were enforced more strictly. The eighteenth century saw all religious in England hampered not only by penal laws, but also by two bulls of 1745 and 1753, decreeing that religious required faculties and approval from bishops or vicars apostolic, and relations with these were strained. The Jesuits remaining in 1773 placed themselves under the jurisdiction of their vicars apostolic. In 1803, after intense lobbying with the Russian- based superior general, the former English Jesuits were allowed to renew their vows, and Marmaduke Stone was made Provincial of Britain and Ireland – a short-lived union not seen before. The author has written elsewhere of plans in the early 1660s and 1670s of uniting the Irish mission with the English province, and how Irish arguments were strong against it. However, he also showed that, much earlier in the century the English Superior Robert Persons had likewise opposed bringing the two nationalities together in one college (Valladolid): as McCoog remarked, “perhaps he did anticipate frictions as students of both seminaries sought alms from the same potential benefactors, or outright hostility as the situation in Ireland worsened, at least from an English perspective”.2 Such worries or suspicions were mutual, therefore. When, in 1645, some English Jesuit refugees were supported by the Irish mission, the superior reported that they were of little use, three for having their specific occupations, and the others for their lack of the Irish language.3 The Society’s involvement in Scotland first materialised with the sending of papal nuncio Nicholas Floris SJ (known as Goudanus or de Gouda) in 1562 to the court of Queen Mary. His mission was hampered by the Scottish hierarchy having shied away from a Jesuit presence there, and he left a few years later, advising that Mary needed many things including strong Catholic advisors and a strong Catholic spouse. The first Scottish Jesuit mission began in

2 Thomas M McCoog SJ, “Resisting National Sentiment: Friction between Irish and English Jesuits in the Old Society”, in Journal of Jesuit Studies 6 (2019), 598–626, 606.

3 Ibid. p.612. The Scottish Jesuits likewise opted against a union with England in 1604; ibid. p.609. 606 Book Reviews

1581 with William Crichton and Edmund Hay, when there was still a hope that James VI of Scotland may convert. Theirs was conceived to be independent from the English mission, but they were combined under the leadership of the English superior, Persons, until, with the English prefecture in 1598, they became independent and remained so until after the Suppression. The numbers of Scottish Jesuits stayed small, with 3 in 1622, and 10 in 1700, and their ministries were carried out in even more austere circumstances than those encountered by the English, Welsh and Irish Jesuits. Bred from a Protestant ruling class that intensely persecuted non- conforming recusants, the Jesuits’ own outlook was unwaveringly strict, refusing to accept any occasional conformity by Catholics when attempting to hold on to their possessions: instead of merely imposing fines and viewing them with disdain,4 they punished attendance at Protestant worship with excommunication. They received help during the 1610s from the Irish Jesuit David Galway SJ who visited the Inner Hebrides, chosen for his command of the Irish language, closely related to Scots Gaelic. Scottish Jesuits appeared to be doing well during the Restoration, with James II naming Catholic nobles to the Privy Council and other posts, and finding allies among the bishops of the Established Church; they also established a college at Holyrood Castle, which was destroyed following the Glorious Revolution. The Scottish Jesuits enjoyed a lull in their tribulations after the failure of the 1715 uprising, but they lost both benefactors and financial assets after the Jacobite defeat in 1745. There were 10 Scottish Jesuits at the time of the Suppression, when they submitted to their vicars apostolic. Given the numbers involved, it is no surprise that the Society’s work in England receives slightly disproportionate attention here. The Society’s early history in Ireland, and more so in Wales and Scotland, is still largely unwritten, and there are few studies in particular for the eighteenth century. The volume usefully signposts areas of potential further research: the Irish and Scottish Jesuit missionaries during Elizabeth’s reign have not received the same level of attention as their English counterparts. The author also regrets that “the development of an English variation of anti-Jesuitism” has not been given scholarly attention beyond a number of articles on one aspect or one person at a time.

4 The writer of the Irish Jesuit Annual of 1617 called Catholics who gave in to pressure and attended services plebei et infimae sortis homines – not the kind to cause grief at their loss; Irish Jesuit Archives, Dublin, Mss A 59, p.6. Book Reviews Book Reviews 607

To partly remedy this, in his conclusion McCoog then provides the reader with a highly interesting overview, adding—partly based on John Vidmar’s English Catholic Historians and the English Reformation (2008)—how Catholic historiography often found the Society to be a useful scapegoat for the victimisation of English Catholics. This went on from the early eighteenth century until the early twentieth century, when “arguably the best Jesuit historian” (p.103), John Hungerford Pollen, began defending his institute. A debate between John Bossy and Christopher Haigh in the 1980s finally opened up Jesuit studies beyond narrow historiographical confines. As McCoog remarked, “Heroes or villains? Regardless of the role, the Society of Jesus remained at the centre of the blossoming field of early modern English Catholicism” (p.104). The “Jesuit activity” of the title is read as what was necessary to do in order to fit in with the political status quo, not the more obvious jobs of a missionary: share the gospel, administer the sacraments, teach, and win souls – not in the least by settling disputes. The author gives glimpses of such activities when he says that during the 1580s, English Jesuits preferred to write spiritual treatises to soothe the faithful; that Irish Jesuits when rebuilding the mission in the 1660s concentrated on spiritual work (preaching, retreats, sodalities, schools); and that in the 1680s fliers circulated about two London schools and an Edinburgh school, promising to teach youths gratis without distinction “with equal Diligence and Care” (p.77 n.197). On reading this volume, one may be forgiven for thinking that the charge levelled against Jesuits as sophisticated organisers, thinkers, and political meddlers, rather than pastors of souls, had a point: for this reason, and given their many ministries in the British Isles, another chapter, taken out of the chronology, may have been dedicated to “Jesuit activity” in the pastoral sense. Editors might rethink their system of citations: this volume contains full citations in the footnotes, and again in the historiography sub- chapters (placed after each chapter), as well as in the bibliography. A better way to organise information would have been to provide a bibliography with full citations, and short titles in both sub-chapters and footnotes. It would be useful to append a section listing in one place all cited primary sources and repositories: while sub-chapters do refer to printed primary sources, the volume does not provide an overview of unprinted sources and their extent: a one-page list of the 47 volumes in the Anglia series at ARSI—the principal archival series covering this geographical area—would be most useful to researchers. The volume is slender at 115 pp, but it is a dense 608 Book Reviews distillation of events and persons, and, given its value as a point of reference for the field, an index would have been welcome.

Dublin Vera Moynes

Liam Chambers and Thomas O’Connor, eds, College Communities Abroad: Education, Migration and Catholicism in Early Modern Europe. Manchester: University Press. 2018. 248 pp. £80. ISBN 1784995142.

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, over fifty colleges were founded by Irish, English and Scots Catholics in France, Flanders, Spain, the Papal States and the Habsburg Empire. At the same time, Catholics in the Dutch Republic, the Scandinavian states and the Ottoman Empire negotiated comparable challenges and established similar institutions. This handsomely produced collection of eight essays by established and new scholars based in Ireland, England, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Scotland and Switzerland makes a very important contribution towards advancing our understanding of these college communities. The editors are to be credited with producing a publication that eschews particularism and instead, for the first time, reflects on the history of Irish, English and Scots colleges alongside that of Dutch, Scandinavian and Maronite institutions. Their commitment to promoting a re-consideration of the role and significance of the abroad colleges within their regional, national and transnational contexts is to be welcomed. These eight essays, which present up-to-date research on a range of regional and national groups, demonstrate the merits of adopting such conceptual frameworks. Collectively, they bring to light many similarities between colleges, which developed according to familiar patterns, encountered parallel difficulties and fulfilled analogous functions. In the introductory essay, Liam Chambers’ first substantial survey of the abroad colleges as a collective provides a very useful context for the essays dealing with ‘national’ colleges. This broad ranging and readable survey charts the common and exceptional experiences of these communities from their precarious beginnings. It also questions received ideas about their demise, highlighting, for example, how many were already under serious strain in the decades preceding the French Revolution. Following an engaging reflection on changes in recent scholarship in the field, and Book Reviews Book Reviews 609

acknowledging the very real challenges associated with adopting “a wider comparative canvas”, Chambers presents a compelling case for scholars to further advance research by examining the colleges in transnational and comparative perspectives, arguing that this is long overdue. He states that the abroad colleges must be understood “within three main interconnecting milieux: domestic populations, migrant communities and host constituencies” (p. 24). Chambers identifies several themes which lend themselves to exploration within these wider frameworks before concluding on an inclusive note that “individual case studies, full college histories and the kind of comparative and transnational investigations championed here are all necessary” (p. 25). In his essay exploring the early years of the first post-Reformation abroad college, the Society of Jesus’s Collegium Germanicum in Rome (est. 1550), Urban Fink identifies challenges encountered by the Jesuits, especially funding and student admissions, which would impact virtually all abroad colleges, and also a variety of survival strategies, some of which were widely copied. In examining the highly complex educational strategies developed by Dutch Catholics, Willem Frijhoff adopts a multi- layered approach that serves as a useful model for scholars studying abroad colleges. Having positioned Dutch Catholicism in its own national context, he gauges the amount of freedom that Dutch parents and students had in choosing educational facilities. He then surveys the network of Catholic institutions abroad and, in a particularly revealing discussion, shows how colleges in Cologne, Louvain and elsewhere functioned within a system of connivance, compromise and co-existence that ensured their survival. Thomas O’Connor offers a refreshingly modern, alternative perspective on the Irish colleges, highlighting their multifunctional roles as educational institutions, their importance as agencies tied into complex Irish migrant systems linking Ireland and Europe, and their hitherto overlooked role in enabling particular Catholic communities in Ireland to preserve and strengthen their domestic positions and their transnational and international interests. O’Connor’s exploration of the ‘default influence’ acquired by certain sections of the Catholic laity in Ireland over the Irish church and the abroad college during the absence of Catholic bishops between 1620 and 1650 and again after the 1750s is especially original and revealing. Adam Marks’ essay on the political significance of the Scots 610 Book Reviews colleges, at home and abroad, notably through their relationship with the Stuarts down to 1745, exemplifies the fresh, new approach that characterises recent research in this field. The Thirty Years’ War and the Stuart exile after 1688 are identified as pivotal moments that exhibited the importance of the colleges’ political and diplomatic networks. By shedding light on this hitherto neglected aspect of the colleges’ activities and focussing on an entire dimension of diplomatic activity not conducted through ambassadors, Marks’ work testifies to the potential for further, similarly groundbreaking scholarship on the abroad colleges. The resonance of the question about the role of college-trained clergy who returned to their domestic churches, ably explored in Michael Questier’s essay on the English colleges, is apparent throughout the volume. Equally, Questier’s thought-provoking exposition of the spectrum of political opinions held by clergy, the ways in which different clerical interests responded to changing conditions for Catholics, the internal complexities of recusant survival strategies, and the central importance of both ‘the Catholic community’ and recusancy in early modern politics speaks directly to all scholars working on college communities in this era. As a result, Questier’s essay provides an invaluable stimulus for further scholarly exploration of these key themes. Aurélien Girard and Giovanni Pizzorusso’s essay on the Maronite college in Rome is another fine example of the fresh approach that scholars can bring to bear in re-interpreting abroad colleges. They have drawn upon a new method for analysing Christian minorities in the Levant and their relationship with Roman institutions, which results in a study of the college within three contexts – Rome, the Middle East and the network of European colleges. Readers of the essay will be struck by the familiarity of those factors that shaped foundational phases of most abroad colleges and especially in Rome, notably the decisive role played by papal politics, curial interests and Propaganda Fide. Lastly, building upon the very significant recent advances in scholarship on both male and female religious in the early modern era, James E. Kelly’s pioneering study of the relationship between male and female English Catholic institutions abroad is fascinating both for its insights into the nature of contact and cooperation between the various ‘national’ groups in Britain and Ireland, and for its exposition of how Catholic internationalism interacted with sectional, regional and national particularism. Book Reviews Book Reviews 611

Grappling with big questions about whether collaboration and shared networks were a vital means of survival, and whether gender and national boundaries were overridden for the sake of Catholic survival, Kelly’s essay provides an appropriately challenging and energising concluding contribution to this excellent publication, which is essential reading for all scholars of early modern European history as well general readers with an interest in the history of Catholicism and migration in the early modern period.

Maynooth University, Ireland Mary Ann Lyons

Ileana Chinnici, Decoding the Stars. A Biography of Angelo Secchi, Jesuit and Scientist. (Jesuit Studies Vol. 16). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019. 367 pp. €140.00/$169.00 ISBN 978-90-04-38729-4.

Angelo Secchi (1818-1878) is an important figure as a pioneer of astrophysics and a deserving subject of this biography. A prominent modern Jesuit scientist, Secchi was among the first to initiate the study of the nature of heavenly bodies in the mid- nineteenth century, thus contributing to the beginning of what is now called the science of astrophysics. At the time, astronomy was still limited to celestial mechanics, that is, the study of the position and motion of stars, planets, and comets; however, the innovation of applying spectroscopic analysis to the study of stars and planets opened a new field to which Secchi was one of the first to make important contributions. His proposed classification of the spectra of stars is an important tool in astrophysics, still used today with some modifications. Among Secchi’s many contributions to astronomy and astrophysics, his studies of the Sun using this new methodology were also very important and path-breaking. Secchi contributed to other fields of science, as well, such as meteorology, geomagnetism, and geodesy. His book The Unity of Physical Forces is an interesting presentation of physics and natural philosophy in the context of the nineteenth-century search for a unification of all physical forces. Secchi thus is an important figure in the history of Jesuit contributions to science after the restoration of the Society of Jesus in 1814, through his work in the fields of astrophysics and astronomy and his engagement with questions about the relations between science and religion. 612 Book Reviews

The author of this volume, Ileana Chinnici, has contributed to the study of the history of astronomy: with seventeen works quoted in the bibliography, the author is well prepared for producing this biography. Although there is already a large literature about Secchi, Chinnici’s work presents a complete extended modern biography. Moreover, as the author mentions in the preface, her biography seeks to be a sort of “autobiography” by Secchi himself, mostly written in his own words. This is achieved through the many very long quotations from Secchi´s different works and letters, some longer than two pages, which bring us in contact with his thoughts and sentiments throughout his life, and which are given in the footnotes in the original Italian. These quotations make this particular biography of Secchi very distinctive. The book further contains a large number of illustrations (seventy-seven) of different kinds (portraits, buildings, books, etc.), which help provide insights into Secchi’s life. Guy Consolmagno’s foreword links Secchi with the Vatican Observatory and makes an interesting comparison between Secchi and Galileo. The Introduction places Secchi’s life and work in the context of various environments of the nineteenth century, most notably in the field of astronomy, the Catholic Church, and Italian politics. As Chinnici reports, Secchi’s interest in science and specifically in physics began during his training as a Jesuit, especially under the influence of Giovanni Battista Pianciani, prominent among the professors at the Collegio Romano, who defended the position that modern science should be taught independently from philosophy. The exile of Jesuits from Italy brought Secchi first to England and then to America: at the observatories of Stonyhurst College and Georgetown College, he established his first contacts with the fields of astronomy and meteorology. It was during his stay at Georgetown College that Secchi received his appointment as director of the Observatory of the Collegio Romano: this role went on to mark the course of the rest his life. With Secchi’s appointment as director of the Observatory, he began his extraordinary scientific carrier, discussed by Chinnici in Chapters three to eight. Of particular significance are his pioneer studies of the spectra of stars and their classification, his observational work in solar physics, and his contributions to other sciences, such as meteorology, with the development of the “meteorograph”, geodesy and oceanography. Secchi’s work on the spectra of heavenly bodies led him to contribute to building a true network for spectroscopic research. In this work, we find Book Reviews Book Reviews 613

his scientific partnership and long-lasting friendship with Pietro Tacchini and his contribution to the establishment of the “Società degli Specttroscopisti” in Italy. Secchi’s work, however, was not limited to Italy and his journeys took him to France, England, and Spain, facilitating the creation of collaborative relationships with astronomers and other scientists. The many quotations from Secchi’s writings in this biography give us insights into his reactions to these encounters and experiences. Secchi’s personality is an important subject explored by Chinnici. She presents him as “an intriguing figure […] both a Jesuit and a scientist […] forthright and outspoken, given sometimes to a lively polemical style, [that] easily attracted criticisms and disparagements”. Indeed, Secchi entered into polemics, on one side with anti-clericals, and on the other side with neo-Thomists: in the first case, and as a well-known figure, Secchi was often the target of the anticlerical press; in the second case, his book, The Unity of Physical Forces, drew fierce criticism from the neo- Thomists, who considered it to be dangerous even for the faith, as Secchi himself bitterly complained in a letter. Regarding his relations with fellow astronomers, special treatment is given in the biography to his long-standing poor relationship with Lorenzo Respinghi, the director of the Campidoglio Observatory, and with Norman Lockyer, astronomer and editor of the journal Nature in England. According to Chinnici, this damaged Secchi’s reputation in England and explains why none of his works were translated into English. However, Chinnici misses that Secchi was a member of the Royal Astronomical Society and, particularly noteworthy, was elected a foreign member of the Royal Society in 1856. The membership was conferred by Edward Sabine, the organizer of a worldwide system of magnetic observatories, together with eleven other English scientists, mainly astronomers. Secchi joined Stephen Perry, director of Stonyhurst Observatory, as two modern Jesuit scientists to receive this honor. Chinnici’s excellent biography gives us a thorough and strongly felt portrait of Secchi’s personality and work, especially, through his letters and writings. This is an important work for the history of astronomy and astrophysics in Italy; more generally, it aids the historical exploration of Jesuit contributions to science and the wider relationship between science and religion.

Universidad Complutense, Madrid Agustín Udías SJ 614 Book Reviews

Jean-Pascal Gay, Le dernier théologien ? Théophile Raynaud (v. 1583- 1663), histoire d’une obsolescence. Paris: Beauchesne, 2018. 487 pp. €41.00. ISBN 9782701022673.

L’auteur, professeur d’histoire du christianisme à l’Université Catholique de Louvain, offre ici une histoire du catholicisme de l’époque moderne, mais aussi une histoire sociale et culturelle des savoirs.1 Théologien prolixe, le jésuite Théophile Raynaud est traité ici comme une figure de la recomposition de la place et des évolutions du savoir théologique et de la fonction de la théologie universitaire au sein du catholicisme moderne. Le titre de l’ouvrage affiche la thèse : « histoire d’une obsolescence ». La théologie universitaire ne peut plus prétendre, malgré les tentatives de Raynaud, à se définir comme l’arbitre universel des savoirs. D’autres discours religieux publics sont apparus qui tentèrent à leur tour, au sein même de l’Église catholique, de construire un « appareil de certitude ». En sept chapitres denses, nourris d’une grande érudition et d’une réflexion historiographique critique, l’auteur construit patiemment l’itinéraire de Raynaud sous différents aspects : dans la mémoire bibliographique, puis dans son parcours intellectuel et institutionnel. La trajectoire permet alors de s’arrêter sur les mutations des conceptions de l’obéissance en relation avec l’identité religieuse jésuite, chapitre qui conduit nécessairement à l’examen de la culture théologico-politique de la Compagnie de Jésus. Ce quatrième chapitre nous a paru essentiel. Il contribue à historiciser la notion d’obéissance si centrale dans l’identité jésuite sans se soumettre à une quelconque vision préétablie d’une continuité historique ou d’une commune inspiration qui ferait fi des heurts de personnes et des conflits institutionnels. En dialogue avec d’autres travaux récents, l’auteur ne se contente pas d’étudier les textes normatifs qui organisent la Compagnie mais relie aux inflexions que l’itinéraire de Raynaud, comparé à d’autres théologiens jésuites en bien des pages toujours précises, permet d’éclairer. Raynaud avait lui-même cherché, en théologien, à penser l’obéissance, et s’était opposé à l’apparition de conceptions politiques nouvelles, propres à l’avènement de la pensée politique moderne, dont l’invention de l’infaillibilité pontificale et sa transposition sur le rôle du supérieur religieux ne sont pas les moindres. C’est certainement ici que le point de vue d’un historien de la théologie, qui choisit non

1 Nous développons ici une recension plus brève qui nous a été confiée par The Journal of Ecclesiastical History. Book Reviews Book Reviews 615

pas une histoire des doctrines, qu’il maîtrise à merveille cependant, mais qui inscrit délibérément sa réflexion dans une histoire sociale et culturelle des savoirs, est le plus convaincant. Le travail du théologien Raynaud ne peut se comprendre sans ses stratégies de publication, de défense institutionnelle, de réponse aux censures romaines, par où se dessine une véritable réflexion historique sur les conditions d’efficacité du travail théologique, que revendique Raynaud. On pressent d’ailleurs ici l’attachement de Jean-Pascal Gay à l’agency des savants, à une défense d’un magistère de la pensée critique. Les deux chapitres suivants (5-6), en élargissant le point de vue, montrent les situations auxquelles le théologien se confronte, les questions qu’il en tire pour exercer sa tâche de théologien. L’analyse des différentes conceptions des censures est décisive car elle est le symptôme des mutations de ce qui fait autorité au plan théologique à l’époque moderne. Le dernier chapitre dresse le bilan d’une obsolescence – celle de l’autorité de la théologie comme savoir universitaire qui ne suffit plus à fonder la certitude religieuse – qui révèle les « failles systémiques » du catholicisme moderne confronté, dans son intérieur même, aux formes nouvelles de l’autorité, à la politisation des relations ecclésiales, aux nouveaux rapports de genres, à la fragilisation des pratiques religieuses, et à l’affirmation du laïcat. Le mérite de ce grand livre, qui exige une certaine familiarité avec l’historiographie contemporaine et ses débats, parfois abordés frontalement, est de fournir un cadre d’interrogations et de méthodes pour des travaux à venir et d’énoncer fortement des thèses qui débordent le seul cas de Raynaud. C’est sur ce point que d’autres études sont attendues : Raynaud est clairement une figure singulière, « non seulement valorisé par son ordre etun défenseur des traditions et des spécificités de ce dernier et, d’autre part, un jésuite perçu comme désobéissant ou malobéissant et pour partie critique d’un certain nombre de fonctionnements internes » (p. 147). Cela en fait-il un cas « d’autant plus signifiant » ? Quelques hypothèses théoriques mériteraient d’être discutées. On se contentera ici de les évoquer : d’une part, en particulier dans les deux premiers chapitres, l’hypothèse sociologique d’une construction des carrières, selon le cursus honorum, rend-elle définitivement raison des choix d’orientation de tels membres de la Compagnie dans l’enseignement (p. 98-100) ? L’orientation apostolique de la Compagnie mériterait de ne pas être ramenée à une pure idéologie, sans plus d’explication. On attendrait plutôt de ce type d’études qu’elle déconstruise effectivement ce qui s’appelle 616 Book Reviews

à l’intérieur de la Compagnie « apostolat » sans la réduire d’emblée à des « raisons sociales ». Les études en cours sur les Indipetae et les récits de vocation dans la Compagnie offrent un matériel critique et théorique qui, sans se résoudre à la reprise incantatoire des motifs apostoliques, ne résorbe pas ce qui ne cesse de s’exprimer en termes de désir, dont l’adjectif « spirituel » a été, comme l’avait montré Certeau, l’indice et que les théories de l’agency permettraient effectivement de comprendre. D’autre part, si les conclusions apportées par Jean-Pascal Gay emportent largement l’adhésion, on ne peut qu’espérer que l’histoire, les histoires, de la Compagnie de Jésus puisse aussi s’intéresser, avec la même acribie, à des figures qui ne fassent pas de la « désobéissance » le critère de ce qui est le plus significatif. On ne se réjouira jamais assez que le travail historien des dernières décennies ait fait surgir une histoire de l’obéissance négociée (avec les travaux de Alfieri et Ferlan, ou Catto, Pavone, Mostaccio), mais ne serait-il pas tout aussi nécessaire d’étudier, avec la même distance critique, les acteurs et les positions de ceux qui opérèrent ces mutations institutionnelles et intellectuelles, sans se tenir à ceux qui y résistèrent. Coton et Binet, en France, attendent encore leur historien. Ces travaux ne montreraient sans doute pas moins l’obsolescence, et les failles, du catholicisme de l’époque moderne, prélude à son exculturation contemporaine, dont les causes sont loin d’être exogènes. Ce ne sont là que des remarques pour poursuivre un fil d’interrogations dans le labeur universitaire, si nécessaire aussi à la pensée et à l’action d’un ordre apostolique.

Centre Sèvres, Paris Patrick Goujon SJ

Víctor M. Fernández, Jorge de Torres, Martínez d’Alòs-Moner, and Carlos Cañete, The Archeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia, 1557- 1632. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2017. 563 pp. €165.00/$190.00. ISBN 978- 90-04-28232-2.

The encounter, in Ethiopia, between African and Western civilizations went along with another between Orthodox Christianity and Western Catholicism, the Jesuits of course being a part of the latter. One issue often discussed in the historiography of Jesuit missions in Ethiopia is whether Christian art and architecture in Ethiopian churches was a Western or Indian import, or whether there is some form of continuity with medieval Ethiopian art. The debate Book Reviews Book Reviews 617

over the origins of Ethiopian Christian art has historiographical implications, which are comprehensively addressed in the current book, The Archeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia, 1557–1632. With 24 pages of list of figures, 52 pages of appendixes, 16 pages of bibliography, the work is 563 pages long and divided into three main chapters. The introduction offers an overview of Jesuit missions in Ethiopia, and a conclusion summarizing the main findings of the archeological excavations made by Víctor M. Fernández, Martínez d’Alòs-Moner, Carlos Cañete and their teams of researchers. On occasion, throughout the various sections of the book, these authors contradict Jesuit records on the missions and, very often, confirm those dealing with archeological evidence. For example, early Jesuit writings by Manuel de Almeida (1581-1646) and Balthasar Teles (1595-1675) had argued that the construction of the church of Azäzo was built and completed by the Jesuits in 1622. However, an archeological analysis of its ruins shows that the church on the hilltop was made of stone-and-mortar masonry introduced in the country later, after the Jesuits had been expelled. Acknowledging exaggerations and “embellishments” in some Jesuit sources (137), the authors argue that the contribution of the early Jesuits in Ethiopia in shaping the religious and political archeology of Ethiopia was rather modest and “unimpressive” as it followed the patterns of “vernacular building techniques” (20). As this book argues, Ethiopian ruins of churches are rather a “piece of the Renaissance in the heart of Africa” (4). Nothing of great significance in Ethiopian churches and their architectural and artistic endeavors was really Ethiopian. Remnants of material civilization found in the ruins of Ethiopian churches and palaces appear to have contributed to, and borrowed from a global pattern in Jesuit architecture (209). The argument presented by the book does not mean that its authors completely overlook what are distinctively Ethiopian features. They found those in the Portuguese-style constructions of Gorgora Nova and Gännätä Iyäsus (22), as well as in Ethiopian written traditions and Old Testament motifs. Some of these Old Testament motifs give prominence to the Virgin Mary and other Biblical women like Judith (256-258). Additional Ethiopian sources include oral history, as transcribed in the book (299-303). Yet, without deepening further their analysis into these typically Ethiopian materials, the authors suddenly refocus on their main argument in the book: the Indo-European import of Ethiopian architecture. Pedro Paéz, they conclude, “played a pioneering 618 Book Reviews role in introducing the Indo-Portuguese style into Ethiopia that was being successfully developed in western India by the joint work of Iberian laymen, religious orders, and local Indian artisans and architects” (23). In Gorgora Velha, “designed by Paéz, who selected the spot, located a nearby quarry site, and supervised the construction work […] the church [according to Paéz] was built at the request of Susenyos’s half-brother, Ras Se'ela Krestos (c. 1570-1636)” (197). This Portuguese-Indian influence continued during the “Patriarchal Period (1626-32)” that ultimately led to the expulsion of the Jesuits. Moreover, the book engages a historiographical debate about the different influences that shaped Ethiopian modern Christianity, especially new works by Helder Carita, David Kowal and María José Friedlander. The latter took part in one of the archeological expeditions whose results from November 24 to December 20, 2008, are published in this book. Another relevant study is by María-José Friedlander and Bob Friedlander, Hidden Treasures of Ethiopia: A Guide to the Remote Churches of an Ancient Land Hidden Treasures of Ethiopia (I.B. Tauris, 2015). In chapter two, the book further addresses discussions on the nature of Ethiopian early modern Catholicism. Historians have previously defined the rise of the Jesuits and their missionary outreach as a Counter Reformation, as part of Early Modern Catholicism or a Catholic Reformation (historians such as Hubert Jedin and John O’Malley have defined the terminological questions of this period). Using primary Jesuit written sources, this book accurately presents the goal of the Jesuit mission to Ethiopia as an effort “to see Ethiopia back to Rome,” or in “union with Rome” (17). This argument, however, is obscured in chapter three by complex technicalities specific to expert archeologists, before being definitively settled in chapter four and in the conclusions ofthe research in chapter five. While “the fathers used architecture in Ethiopia to underscore their role as agents of civilization,” it is argued, “the new Catholic temples were [also] intended to demonstrate the ‘superiority’ of the new faith to local society and indeed convert...” (28). This faith was often hierarchical and bureaucratic, and carried out Tridentine religiosity (25). Yet the fortifications surrounding the churches and the palaces were also reflective of the military defense of Ethiopians against Muslim invaders, as well as a symbol of power and prestige proper to the political elitism promoted by the Jesuits worldwide for the sake of evangelization. Reading the ruins, the authors Book Reviews Book Reviews 619

conclude, Jesuit global elitism was systemic, from prisons built across the globe and reserved to “unruly companions” (384), to the location of Jesuit residences. While this book seems to confirm what other historians believe to be evidence of a “manifestation of a unidirectional Western process of intervention in extra-European societies and territories” (444), the book nevertheless also offers some further nuances. It contends that Jesuit elitism was not only directed toward the outside world; it was a global enterprise directed also to extra-Europeans inside Europe, including the Jews, Moriscos, and Conversos, etc. Key to this Jesuit global agenda of elitism and domination was, according to the authors, the regulation of manners. They argue that “the practices of evangelization and cultural structuration were but a part of the regulation of manners and behaviors imposed by the mutual accommodation between the ruling elites and the Jesuits in those territories” (446). Both hygiene and education contributed “to the transformation of manners according to a system of legitimate standards,” which “served to impose the social distinctions on which the power and self-image of the privileged groups were based” (453). Engaging another debate on the elitism of Jesuit education, which Paul Grendler and other prominent historians have discussed widely, the authors argue that Jesuit education was primarily directed to the offspring of the ruling elite and intended to shape the behavior of the students according to the standards that constituted the self-image of ruling elites (453). As the authors acknowledge, however, their goal was “to ascertain whether the attribution of some of the architectonic remains from the Jesuits period and Jesuit authorship in the existing literature can be sustained in view of the archeological evidence” (457). This objective is fulfilled, and establishes the book as a reference for the study of the history of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, with a depth, previously unseen, in its analysis and ability to engage controversial debates on the history of the Jesuit missions in Ethiopia. It would, however, be reductionist to insist on Jesuit elitism only from archeological evidence or even to find the evidence “on hierarchy in Ignatius of Loyola’s own recommendations” (451). Compared to other letters addressed to the Jesuits working in Germany, Ignatius’ approach to the Ethiopian mission was, in fact and primarily, very respectful of Ethiopian social organization. He treated the Ethiopian emperor with respect and the Jesuits’ top-down evangelization there was factually determined by the socio-political reality on the ground. It was the only missionary approach structurally possible by the time 620 Book Reviews they arrived. Moreover, the Ethiopian court was less monolithic than this book seems to suggest. Wendy Belcher (2013 and 2015) has shown that the top-down approach of the Jesuits in Ethiopia also faced internal resistance, especially from learned women, leading to the ultimate end of Susneyos’ reign and of the Jesuit mission. Eventually, archeological evidence might suggest that whatever was “civilized” in Ethiopia was a Euro-Indian import; yet a deeper analysis of its history and sources shows how local dynamics ultimately shaped the nature of Ethiopian Catholicism or resistance to it.

Jesuit Historical Institute in Africa, Nairobi Jean Luc Enyegue SJ

Thierry Meynard SJ and Gerd Treffer, eds, Sancian als Tor nach China: Kaspar Castners Bericht über das Grab des Heiligen Franz Xaver. Regensburg: Schnell Steiner, 2019. 192 pp. €39.00. ISBN978-3-7954- 3455-7.

This trilingual volume (German, English and Chinese) contains the first unabridged edition of an account about the monument dedicated to Francis Xavier in Shangchuan (Sancian). The account was written around 1700 by Kaspar Castner (1655-1709), who later became Jesuit Procurator of China. The original text was printed with the title Relatio Sepulturae Magno Orientis Apostolo S. Francisco Xaverio erectae in Insula Sanciano anno Saeculari MDCC around 1701; it is now preserved at the Universitätsbibliothek der LMU München. The Relatio is introduced through two short essays by Gerd Treffer and Thierry Meynard SJ, and followed by a clearly readable facsimile of the printed edition and several images related to Shangchuan Island, Xavier and Castner. The two main characters of this book are the Jesuits Francis Xavier and Kaspar Castner. The “Apostle of the Indies”, born in Navarra in 1506, was one of the first Europeans to reach several places in Asia. Xavier set foot in India, Ceylon, Malacca, Japan, the Moluccas, but never in China: he died in 1552 on Shangchuan Island. As an early companion and close friend of Ignatius, Xavier went on to establish the Jesuit missionary enterprise outside Europe, and then shape its direction for many centuries to come, with a large legacy both inside and outside the Society of Jesus down to the present day: when writing their litterae indipetae (petitions for the Indies), his confreres Book Reviews Book Reviews 621

regularly referred to Xavier as a model and an inspiration. Castner is a less known figure. Born in Munich in 1665, after studying in Ingolstadt he was sent to East Asia in 1696; he then became Procurator of China for the Society of Jesus; his roles in China also included president of the Mathematical Tribunal, director of the Astronomical Bureau, and private tutor at the order of the Kangxi Emperor. Prior to these appointments, in 1700, he spent three months in Shangchuan. Xavier was first buried on that island, but shortly after (1554) his body was moved to Goa, where it lies now in the Basílica do Bom Jesus (his right forearm is in Rome). Shangchuan, however, became a place of remembrance and pilgrimage, and also was strategically important in the context of the so-called Rites Controversy. The aim of Castner’s mission (as planned by Carlo Turcotti, Visitor of the Japanese and Chinese Province) was in fact to highlight the priority of the “Portuguese” Jesuits (sent by the Padroado) against the new and (for the authors of this plan) dangerous “French” Jesuits (sent by Louis XIV). Turcotti commissioned Castner to go to Shangchuan to work on a commemorative stone, a chapel and a cross honouring the place where Xavier last lived. The most novel and fascinating part of the book is Castner’s account itself. It reveals that the dedicatee of the work was Superior General Tirso González de Santalla, although the original manuscript sent to Rome is now lost. The Latin text on which this edition is based was printed in China, carved on woodblocks: the choice of language means that Jesuits and other Europeans would have been almost the only people in the region able to read it. In a short time, and while working on Xavier’s monument, Castner was able to take some notes, draw maps and make original “ethnographic” observations about his surroundings. The sustained and large-scale habitation of Shangchuan was quite late, and mainland Chinese people considered the island almost foreign territory. Therefore, there are no contemporary Chinese sources on its flora, fauna and population at the turn of the eighteenth century. Since his aim in producing his text included a propagandistic element, Castner was keen on highlighting the behaviour of the local people, described as savages by the Chinese themselves. For Castner’s part, he described the edifying influence of the Jesuit group (which included 70 Chinese soldiers whose job was to defend them mainly from pirates, but also from Shangchuan islanders), and told of how they finally managed to tame many locals, and even to convert more than 30 of them. Also, Castner’s account shows 622 Book Reviews how Xavier’s spiritual legacy was still strong, recounting several episodes in which the inhabitants told of how they had confided in Xavier and received great benefits (like rainfall after many years of drought). Castner further described instances where locals did not show respect to Xavier and were consequently punished (for instance, losing boats in the surrounding sea). Castner also credited Xavier for protecting his monument’s building, and after three months and many difficulties (most of all, shortage of food and limestone, and a hostile vegetation), everything was ready for its opening on 2nd June 1700. The day after, Castner left for mainland China, leaving behind a “fragile seed of the holy faith” (p. 73). This book offers for the first time, and in a trilingual and quite luxurious edition (many pages contain coloured images and reproductions), a very interesting account of a less known episode of the history of the Society of Jesus in Chinese lands. Even if the introductory essays are quite general and do not add too many new details to this history, Castner’s account is precious, short and, together with the introductions, readable also by a non-expert public.

Institute for Advanced Jesuit Studies, Boston Elisa Frei

Angela Barreto Xavier and Ines G. Zupanov, Catholic Orientalism: Portuguese Empire, Indian Knowledge (16th-18th Centuries). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. 416 pp. $55.00. ISBN 978-0-19- 945267-5.

Catholic Orientalism was published four years ago, and while its value for South Asianists and scholars of Portuguese empire is clear, as will be shown, the volume’s broader and enduring relevance for Jesuit history is such that it warrants discussion in this journal for the light it can shed on current historiographical directions in the field. Xavier and Zupanov have made a unique contribution to the intellectual history of the Portuguese Asian empire in this work, by challenging the common view of orientalist knowledge production and drawing attention to an earlier Portuguese and Catholic moment that has been long overshadowed by the later, British and Protestant colonial knowledge project. The authors argue that there is such a thing as Catholic Orientalism, and they go about trying to pull together the strands of data generated in India Book Reviews Book Reviews 623

in diverse sources and genres and how it was then systemically used to produce knowledge employed in colonial policy. Further, they argue that Catholic orientalist knowledge is frequently the unacknowledged foundations for colonial knowledge production by the later Dutch and British Empires, particularly concerning southern and coastal India where the Portuguese had preceded them. It is no surprise that Xavier and Zupanov are breaking new ground with their researchon the one hand, while English orientalism on the other hand has been treated at length in the historiography of the British Empire in South Asia. There are a number of reasons for this, which include the fundamental differences between the Portuguese Empire in India as primarily maritime and coastal. By contrast, Britain in South Asia became at least as much a ruler of the land as a power on the coasts and of trade, which required a more elaborate bureaucracy, system of data collection and knowledge production. Besides a difference in the quantity and method of record keeping, the Portuguese Estado da India also operated on the basis of a close relationship between Church and State, in effect a partnership, and yet one which entailed many distinctions, jurisdictions and tensions of power – various missionary orders, colonial authorities, the Portuguese Padroado Real (agency of royal patronage and control over the colonial Church), and, from 1622, the Propaganda Fide (mission bureau of the Vatican which became a rival of the Padroado). In addition to these diverse state and church sources, which are dispersed across archives in Europe and India, the writings of merchants and travelers also contributed to the body of colonial knowledge about India, which converged to produce in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries an intellectual phenomenon that Xavier and Zupanov consider “Catholic Orientalism”. In the case of Lisbon, beyond the archive being decentralized and fragmentary, a further challenge is the loss of records, especially due to the catastrophic earthquake that struck the city in the middle of the eighteenth century; with respect to the regions in the Portuguese sphere that provide the focus of this book, researchers are faced with the heavy toll tropical climates have taken on records over time, inconsistent regard for record keeping across different governmental and church bodies, and the deliberate destruction of some records by subsequent colonial powers. Indeed, the Society of Jesus features prominently in this book, partly on account of the highly systematic routines of correspondence and record keeping mandated by the Jesuit 624 Book Reviews governance structures, and for their vast and well-preserved archives in Rome. In this regard, this co-authored book follows upon Zupanov’s (individually authored) first and second well- researched monographs, which focus largely on the Society of Jesus in South India in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: Disputed Mission (1999), on the controversy surrounding Roberto de Nobili’s experiments with the accommodation of caste distinctions and practices; and Missionary Tropics (2005), which studies the rhetorical practices of Jesuit mission writings. The main figures and their writings, featured in Catholic Orientalism, are largely well known to scholars in the field, and beyond — Joao de Castro, a prolific writer during his time as Governor of Goa; Gaspar Correia, Antonio Galvao and Fernao Lopes de Castaneda, all historians; Garcia de Orta, a physician and writer of a manual for maintaining health in the tropics; and Joao de Barros, a central Lisbon-based orientalist figure who interpreted much of the data flowing back from India; missionaries such as the prolific Franciscan, Paulo de Trinidade; Jesuits Francis Xavier, Robert de Nobili and Alessandro Valignano; and traveler Duarte Barbosa. Although familiar to many, with studies, editions, and even translations, Xavier and Zupanov trace how the data these figures produced flowed back to Europe, were scientifically systematized as colonial knowledge, and then made its way back to India in the form of governing, economic, religious and other policies and decisions. The first chapter serves as an introduction. The second chapter focuses upon Portuguese colonial governance of villages within their empire, and the documentation of local data on which that governance rested – land surveys, local power and ritual dynamics, as well as economic data. The authors here show evidence of a level of sophistication in knowledge collection and governance that speaks of a ‘modernity’ frequently denied to the Portuguese Empire by scholars of European colonialism and of South Asia. The third chapter covers a great deal of ground, examining natural history through the writings of missionaries, merchants and physicians – all non-governmental figures, yet whose writings informed colonial governance. Chapters four and five deal with Portuguese understandings of Indian religion, the cultural, philosophical and theological engagements of Franciscans and Jesuits, and attempts by the colonial state to demarcate ‘heresy’ from ‘orthodoxy’. These chapters echo Zupanov’s earlier work. The sixth chapter shows the seriousness with which the Portuguese approached Indian Book Reviews Book Reviews 625

languages, not perhaps with the philological aims of a later William Jones, but rather with the aim of successful conversion of Indians to Christianity. This was largely the domain of missionaries, whose work in language training and publishing ranged in application from preaching and catechizing ordinary people, to engaging Brahmins in theological and philosophical disputation. All this leads the reader to wonder if one could call Catholic Orientalism instead ‘Portuguese Orientalism’ and still mean the same thing. Given the inseparability of Church and State in the Portuguese Estado da India during the period under study, one is tempted to say yes. However, apart from obscuring some geo- political realities—such as the union of the Portuguese and Spanish crowns from 1580 to 1640—the alternative term, like that chosen by the authors of this volume, would run the risk of obscuring the symbiotic relationship between Church and State in the period under consideration here: the orientalism being described is neither “Catholic” nor “Portuguese” only, but a combination of them. The seventh chapter attempts to show that the orientalist project in the Portuguese Asian Empire was not a project only of Europeans, but of indigenous ‘collaborators’ as well, who engaged in historical, genealogical and philological work. As with the later English orientalism in the subcontinent, the Portuguese relied heavily on Brahmins (or Christians of Brahmin lineage) as their expert interpreters. The last chapter returns to the archives to make the final case that the later British, Protestant orientalism relied heavily upon unacknowledged Portuguese, Catholic orientalist sources. Barreto and Zupanov demonstrate that Portuguese colonial knowledge practices both resemble and even formed the foundations of some later British orientalist writing. Catholic orientalism, therefore, may be the original orientalism. They are also demonstrating that in the Portuguese Empire orientalist knowledge was constitutive of colonial power, not a separate domain of purely antiquarian or specialized concerns (such as that of missionaries or traders). The archive the authors are working with do place some limits on how deeply they can advance this case, for there is little accounting in their mainly European sources for how orientalist knowledge was received by Indians in the form of policy and action on the level of villages, agriculturalists, local churches, or Indian rulers. The way the authors show knowledge to be gathered, processed and deployed in the management of the empire, contributes to a larger concern in the historiography of empires over whether the Portuguese Empire can be considered ‘modern’; 626 Book Reviews

Barreto and Zupanov’s work favors an affirmative response. Despite coming out two years later, Sanjay Subrahmanyam’s Europe’s India: Words, People Empires 1500-1800 (2017), which concerns itself wholly with Europe’s apprehension of India across several colonial empires, barely makes a passing mention of this volume. Perhaps it is unsurprising because Subrahmanyam does not share Xavier and Zupanov’s view that the Portuguese writings under study constitute orientalism at all, but his failure to argue that position by seriously engaging with missionary writings from the seventeenth century stands out. There is no doubt that Catholic Orientalism is a well-researched volume that deserves specialist attention from historians of South Asia, Portuguese Empire, church history (including Jesuit history), and missiologists, among others – particularly because it makes connections to larger scholarly debates on colonial knowledge practices, the nature and types of empire, what constituted colonial power, and the relationship between colonial Church and State.

University of California, Berkeley Brent Howitt Otto SJ

Daniello Bartoli, Istoria della Compagnia di Gesù. L’Asia, a cura di Umberto Grassi con la collaborazione di Elisa Frei, Introduzione di Adriano Prosperi. Torino: Einaudi, 2019. CXXXII-639, XIV-774, 2 voll. €140.00. ISBN 9788806228378.

The following short notice provides an overview of the new edition of Daniello Bartoli’s Istoria della Compagnia di Gesù. L’Asia.

The present edition of one of the most important Jesuit historical works from the seventeenth century – the volumes of the History of the Society of Jesus dedicated to Asia – is a landmark in an editorial history that has been as variegated and complex as the intellectual life of its author, Daniello Bartoli SJ. The Ferrarese Jesuit, born in 1608 and deceased in Rome in 1685, was appointed by the Superior General to write a history that celebrated Jesuit missionary work in Asia a century after the Society’s foundation. Bartoli himself came to be applauded in subsequent Jesuit historiography as having devoted himself to his task with zeal and obedience throuhout his life, despite his deepest vocation, by his own admission, to be a missionary rather than to write about them: the passionate Litterae Book Reviews Book Reviews 627

Indipetae (petitions for the overseas missions) that he wrote in the 1620s and 1630s reveal as his field of choice precisely the Asian missions or, alternatively, England (considered at the time “Europe’s Japan”). He was denied this path, however, and his task instead was presented (in his specific case) as having a higher purpose than a missionary’s life. The records reveal that Bartoli came to accept this view and drew on it as inspiration for his immense efforts in archival research, collation of documents, as well as transcription and translation of hundreds of papers, most of which he carried out by himself. The result was his Asia, first published in Bartoli’s lifetime, in 1653 in eight volumes. Around the 1950s, Josef Wicki SJ started working on Bartoli’s Asia. He had a lifelong and remarkable expertise in the early-modern history of the Iberian missions, having worked on some of the most important editions of Jesuit sources, such as the Documenta Indica, the Epistolae Francisci Xaverii, the Historia del principio y progresso de la Compañía de Jesús en las Indias orientales by Alessandro Valignano SJ and others, mostly published in the Monumenta series of the Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu. In 1993, however, Wicki died without seeing the completion of his work on Bartoli’s history of the Jesuits in Asia. The years passed and his notes, although meticulous and based on an extraordinary documentary knowledge (unthinkable for scholars today), became increasingly dated, and a modern edition of the work remained elusive. The present publication in two volumes finally brings Bartoli’s work to the modern reader in this new edition. It is based on the text published in Rome in 1667, while Bartoli was still alive, and almost fifteen years after theeditio princeps of 1653. The new edition includes 24 illustrations recalling the Jesuit enterprise in the East and the early voyages of the Portuguese and Spanish empires undertaken by their entourages of soldiers, merchants, ecclesiastics and adventurers. It includes two introductions, one by the volume’s editor, Umberto Grassi, and another by Adriano Prosperi, who summarises the Society’s historiographical and missionary vocation, and discusses Jesuit innovations in accomodatio (adaptation), which was not limited to missionary work, but also extended to cultural production, especially in the arts and literature. In terms of the critical apparatus, the most important and novel feature of this edition is its use of Wicki’s extensive draft materials (extant for Books 2 through to 8 of the original Asia). At the same time, the volumes’ editors, including the author of this short notice, who collaborated on the edition, rewrote much of the material 628 Book Reviews with a broader and revised historical, biographical, geographical and bibliographic approach. The present volumes thus have two overlapping aims: to present Bartoli’s text as an updated critical edition, which itself draws upon and builds on Wicki’s masterful editorial work. The notes placed at the end of each of the two volumes not only aim to trace Bartoli’s sources as a historian, but also to provide the contemporary reader with background information on the subject. The edition is aimed at professional scholars and a wider audience interested in the history of the Society of Jesus in East Asia. It traces, and explains, further, several historical figures and geographical locations that were little known and often surrounded by an aura of mystery in Bartoli’s day. This “exotic” character was both a feature of Jesuit propaganda, as well as a reflection of the very real difficulties in securing accurate information about people and places that Bartoli had never encountered in person, and that were even inaccessible to eyewitnesses who often lacked cultural or linguistic tools for transmitting what they saw. It is precisely these multi-faceted features of Bartoli’s Asia that render its exceptional importance to scholars of the early modern world. Certainly, some of Bartoli’s trademarks may be difficult for today’s readers, above all, his prolixity. Many sentences follow each other tortuously and there is no shortage of neologisms (an indispensable strategy for describing such different civilizations for the first time to a European audience), as well as other literary devices typical of his time. It should be recalled, however, that the Ferrarese Jesuit was widely considered a master of the language and style of seventeenth- century Italian prose: for example, by Vincenzo Monti, Pietro Giordani and even by Giacomo Leopardi, who in his Zibaldone called him “il Dante della prosa italiana”. The extensive notes in this edition assist the reader to navigate the challenges of Bartoli’s text, including difficult-to-identify place names, while at the same time providing general background and, in some cases, deeper analysis on the many subjects dealt with in Bartoli’s account. As for the text’s content, Bartoli tried to use only first- or second- hand sources and witnesses. Indeed, it is uncommon to find instances of the “official historian” of the Society swelling the data athis disposal (for example, increasing the number of converts in a day). More frequently, however, he voluntarily blurred some details (such as the communication difficulties experienced and clearly admitted by Xavier in his letters), while emphasizing others (for instance, the dozens of miracles that Xavier was reported as having performed in life and post mortem). Book Reviews Book Reviews 629

Taken together, all of these features combined to result in a complex and remarkable historical and literary work, bringing to life the first century of the missionary history of the Society of Jesus and the contemporary attitudes and literary style that shaped its telling. Modern readers finally have access to Bartoli’s ambitious literary endeavour—described by Umberto Grassi in the editor’s introduction as an all-encompassing “archivio del sapere”—guided both by Wicki’s earlier work, and updated in these two volumes, with the aim that Bartoli’s work may be accessed and read by those seeking insight into how Jesuits saw their own missionary enterprise in Asia.

Institute for Advanced Jesuit Studies, Boston Elisa Frei

ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXVIII, FASC. 175 2019-I

Articles

Jessica Dalton, The Politics of Conversion: Antonio Possevino SJ, Rome and the Conversion of the Family of the French Ambassador to Venice (1601–1607) 3

Yuval Givon, A Tale of Dynastic Change in China: The Ming- Qing Transition through Athanasius Kircher SJ’s China illustrata (1667) 49

António Vitor Ribeiro, Dreams, Visions and a Taoist-Christian ‘Saint’ in the Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Records of the China Mission 103

Research Notes

Jonathan Greenwood, Tracing the Cult of Ignatius Loyola through Print 135

Carla Benocci, I Gesuiti nella vigna. L’incisione di Matthäus Greuter (1616) e l’Instruttione di Sante Lancerio, bottigliere 183 di Paolo III Farnese Book Reviews

T. Worcester SJ, ed., The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the Jesuits (M.W. Maher SJ) 213

M.M. Morales SJ e R. Ricci, eds, Padre Claudio Acquaviva SJ (E. Frei) 215

L. Wolk-Simon and C. M. S. Johns, eds, The Holy Name: Art of the Gesù. Bernini and His Age (L. Salviucci Insolera) 219

Alfredo Dinis SJ, A Jesuit Against Galileo? (A. Udías SJ) 223

R.A. Maryks and F. Mkenda SJ, eds, Encounters between Jesuits and Protestants in Africa (L. Cohen) 226

B. Gottschall SJ, F.T. Hannafey SJ, S.G.M. Koo, and G. Criveller, eds, Matteo Ricci: Letters from China (D. Canaris) 229

W. Soto Artuñedo SJ, coord., Diego de Pantoja, SJ (1571-1618) (A. Navas Gutiérrez SJ) 233

N. Amsler, Jesuits and Matriarchs (Y. Xu) 236

B. Manyś, ed., Dwa XVIII-wieczne diariusze wileńskiego kościoła pw. św. św. Janów – Edycja źródłowa i opracowanie (A. Mariani) 239

K. Schatz SJ,Jesuiten in Schweden (1879-2001) (J. Nies SJ) 242

U. Valero SJ, Pablo VI y los jesuitas (M. Revuelta González SJ) 246

M. Binasco, Roman Sources for the History of American 253 Catholicism (S. Meehan)

I.G. Županov and P.-A. Fabre, eds, The Rites Controversies in 256 the Early Modern World (A. Agnolin)

Notes and News in Jesuit History

A Documentary on Matteo Ricci, by China Central TV and 275 Kuangchi Program Service (E. Zanetti SJ)

ARSI, Lavori e resoconti delle attività (settembre 2017-luglio 277 2018) (B. Mac Cuarta SJ) Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu vol. lxxxviii, fasc. 175 (2019-I)

Book Reviews

Thomas Worcester, general editor, The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the Jesuits, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. 922 pp. ISBN 9781139032780.

Reviewing an encyclopedia with over 600 entries and 110 contributing authors calls for general comments. In brief, I found the work to be both a valuable and important resource in promoting scholarship both in the fields of Catholicism in general and Jesuit history in particular. The work is wide in scope and thankfully bridges the “great divide” which frequently plagues Jesuit scholarship, with most investigations into Jesuitica restricting themselves to the pre- suppression Society (1773). This work bridges that gap by examining themes and persons that demonstrate a continuity and development of themes from the beginning of the Society to its present day. Several aspects of this work may be noted as admirable. The first recognizes the work’s fine explanation of the “interior” workings of the Society. Articles on such topics as the ad gradam exam, coadjutors, conference, dismissal, formation, grades, and scholastics provide a concise inner working of the Society. These terms are often taken for granted, and sometimes misused. This interior look also includes such topics as the arca, which explain the financial methods of the Society, perhaps a nod to the movement towards greater transparency so sought after by many concerning the dealings of the Catholic Church. Transparency and honesty provide a second fine quality of the work. Topics which many Jesuits regard as sensitive and painful are dealt with in an even-handed way, avoiding dual perils of sensationalism or obfuscation. Reading about misguided intentions concerning the grades within the Society, its involvement with slavery, and its relationship with the Jewish people make for difficult reading. Good scholarship found within these pages has identified that many Jesuits were, to use a line from the Thirty-second Congregation, sinners called by Christ. Historically conditioned choices made by some Jesuits stand shoulder to shoulder with Jesuits who made innovative and prophetic decisions. As in the case of Peter de Smet, the man embraced both types of choices. A third important quality of the work is its movement towards setting Jesuit thought and practice within specific social context. This work does not ignore important aspects of Jesuit spirituality but moves beyond the classic articulations of the aesthetic practices 214 Book Reviews which are frequently described as if they were a mathematical formula immune to the necessity of practical application. Instead, this work sets the practice of Jesuit spirituality within specific societies and cultures. Articles on specific Jesuits usually situate a charism and then demonstrate how that charism was lived, not infrequently giving “witness” by martyrdom. Clearly this work is influenced by the recent greater attention to the global nature of the Society and this fourth quality makes it an important resource. Interesting articles dealing with Africa, Indonesia, and India demonstrate Jesuit activities in these regions. One recognizes a conscious effort of the editorial board to identify those works of the Society that deal with Islam and regions and organizations under Muslim influence. One can identify this global inclusion with the book’s several fine and well-balanced articles on women. This Encyclopedia notes with precision the role played by women as patrons, collaborators, and spiritual daughters. Browsing the pages, my imagination constructed a “composition of place” between two almost contemporary women, Queen Christina of Sweeden (d. 1686) and Kateri Tekakwitha (d. 1680). Could these two women have been cross referenced? Yes and no. Perhaps one of the great assets of the book was that it did not force associations on the reader. This global glance addresses the globe itself and the articles on ecology and ecological justice indicate one of the newer concerns of the Society of Jesus A fifth quality of this work recognizes its dealing with general themes and by doing so provides an historical survey of various trends within the history of the Jesuits. Conscience and casuistry were handled in several articles, such entry for Epeikeia, John Cuthbert Ford, and Casuistry. Inculturation received attention by several of the contributing authors with their articles on Ricci, Lith, and Muslims in Indonesia, just to cite a few examples. Dealing with culture and painful aspects of culture was well expressed in the article on HIV / Aides. The article reveals Jesuit involvement with persons, not unlike their predecessors who dealt with and cared for persons suffering from syphilis, a disease that shared a similar social stigma. Clearly media and communication receive attention with articles on the photography of Francis Browne, the moral oversight of Daniel Lord and the role and the editions of the Welt Bott which published edifying stories about 18th century Jesuits for German readership. Ambiguity, or at least the notion that context provides some qualification runs through several of the articles which addressed inculturation including The Chinese Rites Controversy, and casuistry. Book Reviews Book Reviews 215

Certain topics, persons, and places did not receive recognition. Questions could be raised as to why Boston College and the College of the Holy Cross received mention and St. Louis University did not or why one South American country got recognition and others did not. The simple answer of course is that one cannot do everything. The editorial board took the wise option of going for breadth while emphasizing scholarly brevity on important subjects. My only recommendation would have been an article on George Ganss, the instigator of the Jesuit Historical Institute in St. Louis, translator of the first full edition of theConstitutions into English, and a perceptive interpreter of the signs of the times. The Encyclopedia provides those interested in Jesuit studies a helpful tool. The book provides that necessary first step for persons desiring a clear explanation and relevant bibliography for fundamental concepts of the Jesuits, as found in the very good articles on the Constitutions and Spiritual Exercises. Experts in the field may benefit from these scholarly articles and the associations and new ideas that a collection of fine essays usually generates. Just a quick read for the entries under the letter “G” provides the interesting fact that man who, albeit incorrectly, was recognized as the means used to dispatch so many heads during the French Revolution, was Joseph-Ignace Guillotin, a former Jesuit. The specific articles, the extensive indexing, and cross references encourage readers to understand specific aspect of Jesuit History and the men and women who populate that history and, even better, to imagine new avenues of research. The work is global in scope, academic in nature, and enjoyable to read.

Marquette University (USA) Michael W. Maher SJ

Martín María Morales e Roberto Ricci, eds, Padre Claudio Acquaviva S.J. preposito generale della Compagnia di Gesù e il suo tempo. Atti del convegno. L’Aquila: Edizioni Libreria Colacchi, 2018. 308 pp. € 30,00. ISBN 978-88-88676-88-3.

Il volume rende pubblici gli atti del convegno tenutosi nel novembre del 2015 al Palazzo Ducale di Atri. Fu in questa città che Claudio Acquaviva nacque nel 1543; morì a Roma nel 1615 al termine di un lungo generalato, cruciale per tutta la storia della Compagnia di Gesù. L’attenzione storiografica attuale per il suo operato è confermata anche dalla pubblicazione, di qualche mese precedente, del volume 216 Book Reviews curato da Pierre-Antoine Fabre e Flavio Rurale intitolato The Acquaviva Project: Claudio Acquaviva’s Generalate (1581—1615) and the Emergence of Modern Catholicism (2017). Alcuni degli autori di Padre Claudio Acquaviva hanno contribuito anche all’edizione dell’Institute of Jesuit Sources di Boston College: oltre ai due curatori, Casalini, Mattei, Catto e Mongini. Benché la raccolta curata da Fabre e Rurale sia rivolta a un pubblico più vasto (anche solo per l’uso della lingua inglese), il volume edito da Martín María Morales e Roberto Ricci ha il merito di presentare anche agli studiosi italiofoni gli spunti di ricerca di alcuni dei partecipanti al convegno del 2015. Gli interventi di Padre Claudio Acquaviva sono infatti in italiano, eccezion fatta per due saggi, uno spagnolo e l‘altro in francese. Non sono presenti premesse e conclusioni, ma nel primo capitolo Morales riflette sulla metodologia storica e l’uso accorto che uno studioso del XXI secolo deve fare delle fonti d’età moderna. Riprendendo capisaldi quali Foucault, de Certeau e Bordieu, Morales sottolinea come non sia sufficiente compiere una traduzione letterale dei termini presenti nei documenti, ma li si debba contestualizzare nel linguaggio, tempo e sistema di relazioni che li produsse. Il generalato di Acquaviva, spesso presentato come un periodo di crisi e cambiamenti, fu nondimeno fondamentale per lo stabilimento di un’identità gesuita che, anche nei secoli della Nuova Compagnia, venne costantemente ricordata come esemplare. Quella della Compagnia sarà sempre una storia complessa - e soprattutto selettiva - scritta in base ai documenti che i gesuiti stessi decisero di produrre, plasmare per un certo fine, conservare o al contrario distruggere. Roberto Ricci traccia un profilo biografico di Acquaviva evidenziando l’importanza che il suo background familiare ebbe per la stessa Compagnia, in virtù dei rapporti dei duchi d’Atri - una delle più importanti famiglie del regno di Napoli - con i casati circostanti: due nomi fra tutti, i Ricci e i Valignani. La cultura di corte incui Acquaviva fu allevato lasciò un’impronta indelebile nel suo modus operandi a partire da quando, opponendosi alla volontà familiare come la mitologia gesuita spesso vuole, decise di entrare in Compagnia. Un altro legame familiare che ebbe un ruolo fondamentale per l’intera storia missionaria gesuita fu quello fra Claudio e il nipote Rodolfo Acquaviva. Fabre risponde efficacemente all’ipotetica domanda del perché fare una storia del generalato di Acquaviva. Sotto la sua egida la Compagnia ottenne successi su scala planetaria, cercando al tempo stesso di mantenere viva la centralità decisionale romana. Benché le molteplici ed eterogenee fonti del tempo rendano la sintesi Book Reviews Book Reviews 217

storica una vera e propria sfida, soprattutto gli Esercizi spirituali e le migliaia di epistole gesuite spiegano la “grammaticalisation” cui la Compagnia andò incontro in quegli anni cruciali. Relativamente alla corrispondenza, fu proprio durante il generalato di Acquaviva che le lettere divennero pubbliche e quindi non rimasero più confinate ad intra ma si aprirono a una lettura ad extra che attirò sulla Compagnia successi e critiche accese. Rossella Breggia traccia un profilo biografico del nipote di Acquaviva, Rodolfo, morto missionario nel 1583 nella penisola di Salsette. La sua vita contiene i classicitòpoi dei santi della Compagnia: infanzia piissima, opposizione familiare, insistenza dell’aspirante martire, realizzazione del proprio glorioso destino etc. Rodolfo studiò al Collegio Romano contemporaneamente a Michele Ruggieri e Matteo Ricci, anch’essi destinati all’Asia ma con un approccio decisamente diverso dal suo. Al passo con i post-colonial studies, inoltre, Breggia sottolinea le ambiguità della missione gesuita nei luoghi d’Oriente che la corona portoghese voleva assoggettare militarmente, utilizzando i missionari come (più o meno consapevoli) collaboratori di un’impresa che di spirituale aveva ben poco. Oltre a ciò, la scelta della Compagnia di avviare un lungo - si concluse solo nel 1893 - processo di beatificazione con protagonisti soltanto i gesuiti europei, ed escludendo completamente i neo-convertiti autoctoni, ne rivela una volta di più il carattere parziale ed eurocentrico. Irene Pedretti descrive alcune carte contenute nel codice 1143 dell’Archivio storico della Pontificia Università Gregoriana, all’interno del quale sono presenti una decina di emblemi in onore di Acquaviva e, in quanto tali, tutti facenti riferimento all’acqua. Nello stesso archivio si conservano inoltre manoscritti redatti da Acquaviva prima di diventare generale: lettere, regole, meditazioni e commentarii. Rurale descrive le fatiche di Acquaviva per regolare la relazione tra gesuiti e corti, un tema spinoso e che causava critiche non solo esterne ma anche interne alla Compagnia. Da un lato infatti il rapporto con il papato e le monarchie (soprattutto quella spagnola e quella francese), ma anche con l’Inquisizione e gli altri ordini religiosi, era complesso e soggetto a continue negoziazioni. Dall’altro, i gesuiti stessi non erano concordi nel valore da attribuire ad alcuni dei caratteri distintivi dell’ordine quali: le Costituzioni così come la Ratio Studiorum, il ruolo dei coadiutori temporali, confessori e predicatori, la spiritualità ignaziana, il lungo apprendistato richiesto agli aspiranti religiosi ed altri. Perla Chinchilla Pawling sottolinea l’importanza della predicazione fin dalla costituzione della Compagnia. Nel 1613, ad esempio, 218 Book Reviews

Acquaviva indirizzò una lettera ai provinciali in cui auspicava ai predicatori sia competenza negli studi che rigore morale. Poiché le prediche dovevano rivolgersi non solo alla parte razionale degli ascoltatori, ma persuaderli emotivamente e muoverne il cuore, la creatività del missionario aveva un ruolo fondamentale. Ciò era vero soprattutto per quanto riguardava la predicazione a popolazioni di cui i gesuiti non conoscevano neppure la lingua, come gran parte di quelle sudamericane. Il lavoro era quindi particolarmente faticoso e ingrato, ma Acquaviva insistette sempre sulla sua importanza. Michela Catto affronta le politiche di Acquaviva relativamente alla missione cinese, uno dei fiori all’occhiello della Compagnia. Il generale si prodigò sempre per far sì che l’ordine mantenesse per quanto possibile unità e identità, nonostante le eccezioni che da Oriente i suoi emissari (Valignano in primis) gli chiedevano. La accomodatio indispensabile per operare nell’Impero cinese e prima ancora in Giappone, infatti, rischiava di creare divergenze nel modo de proceder della Compagnia - con conseguenti critiche esterne ma soprattutto interne. L’altro pericolo era che l’ordine si snaturasse cedendo a influssi orientali, ad esempio adottando i costumi dei bonzi giapponesi o dei dignitari confuciani. L’empito paolino che da sempre contraddistinse i gesuiti, però, fece sì che essi si sentissero ovunque come i missionari proto-cristiani, pronti a “farsi tutto per tutti” pur di portare la Buona Novella. Francesco Mattei e Cristiano Casalini illustrano le difficoltà ei successi del lungo generalato di Acquaviva nel gestire la pianificazione della politica educativa della Compagnia, culminata nell’edizione della Ratio Studiorum. Acquaviva ebbe sempre il rimorso di non essere riuscito a far approvare il Delectus opinionum come parte della Ratio. In esso si stabiliva una dottrina gesuita unica da seguire. Così non fu, e non tanto per opposizione dell’Inquisizione ma per le avversità che tale istanza di uniformazione suscitava fra i pensatori gesuiti stessi, i quali non volevano sentirsi vincolati all’ortodossia da alcuna auctoritas prestabilita. Guido Mongini studia l’importanza di Pedro da Ribadeneira per la definizione dell’identità gesuitica. Autore della prima biografia di Ignazio e suo emissario in numerosi viaggi europei in cui spiegò le Costituzioni, il gesuita spagnolo si trovò a operare in un periodo in cui l’identità gesuitica era messa in discussione su più fronti, esterni e interni. Lo spiritualismo illuministico ignaziano era uno dei principi fondativi dell’ordine ma aveva subìto un certo offuscamento da parte degli stessi gesuiti, interessati a salvaguardarsi da critiche e accuse. Mongini delinea le origini del Tratado de las persecuciones Book Reviews Book Reviews 219

de la Compañia de Jesús di Ribadeneira, che in un primo momento prevedeva una stesura da parte dello stesso Acquaviva, e si sofferma poi sul Tratado de l’Instituto, entrambi volti a illustrare, spiegare e soprattutto giustificare l’irrinunciabile unicità dell’identità gesuita. Rita Fresu si occupa di una tematica soltanto apparentemente trasversale al volume, ossia la produzione teatrale monastica femminile del Cinque e Seicento. In realtà, infatti, essa presenta caratteristiche linguistiche e tematiche molto affini alla drammaturgia gesuita coeva, a testimonianza della circolazione di tali modelli anche al di fuori delle mura del convento. Arianna Petraccia traccia un profilo biografico e artistico del gesuita aquilano Giuseppe Valeriano, uno degli ideatori della Cappella della Madonna della Strada nella Chiesa del Gesù di Roma. Benché le evidenze documentarie siano spesso flebili, ne emerge un ritratto più complesso di quello attualmente noto. Valeriano, architetto e artista già prima dell’ingresso nella Compagnia, godette di influssi michelangioleschi così come dei fermenti artistici della corte spagnola dell’epoca, fornendo con le sue opere un ennesimo strumento di penetrazione al messaggio gesuitico. Padre Claudio Acquaviva è un volume che restituisce agli studiosi le mille sfaccettature di un generalato complesso, variegato e fondamentale per i gesuiti di tutti i tempi. Nel 2007 la Morcelliana di Brescia aveva pubblicato I gesuiti ai tempi di Claudio Acquaviva: strategie politiche, religiose e culturali tra Cinque e Seicento (a cura di Broggio, Cantù, Fabre e Romano). Opportunamente integrato con quest’ultimo e il già citato Acquaviva Project, il volume curato da Morales e Ricci offre una nuova lettura e problematizzazione di uno dei generalati più importanti della Compagnia delle origini, ma non solo.

Institute for Advanced Jesuit Studies, Boston Elisa Frei

Linda Wolk-Simon and Christopher M. S. Johns, eds, The Holy Name: Art of the Gesù. Bernini and His Age, Philadelphia: Saint Joseph’s University Press, 2018. xvi + 640 pp. $50.00. ISBN 9780916101008.

Dal 2 febbraio al 19 maggio 2018 nelle Bellarmine Hall Galleries del Fairfield University Art Museum, sito appunto nel campus universitario della città di Fairfield nel Connecticut, si è svolta un’esposizione sull’arte dell’età barocca in relazione alla chiesa del Gesù di Roma, ossia la chiesa madre dei Gesuiti nel mondo. Si tratta 220 Book Reviews di un grande avvenimento per la Compagnia di Gesù in territorio americano: innanzitutto perché la mostra è stata organizzata per festeggiare i 75 anni dalla fondazione dell’Università di Fairfield da parte della Compagnia di Gesù. L’altro motivo riguarda il fatto che si tratta della prima mostra organizzata in America sull’arte della Compagnia di Gesù: il merito spetta a Linda Wolk-Simon, direttrice dello stesso Fairfield University Art Museum, coadiuvata da un selezionato comitato scientifico, formato da Christopher Johns, Franco Mormorando, John W. O’Malley SJ, Louise Rice, Xavier F. Salomon e presieduto dal direttore emerito del Metropolitan Museum of Art, Philippe de Montebello. Si ricorda che il sopracitato storico gesuita p. O’Malley, si sta prodigando da tempo per far conoscere in America l’arte della Compagnia di Gesù, sia attraverso i suoi scritti che coordinando numerosi libri di vari collaboratori di università americane, pubblicati dalla Saint Joseph’s University Press di Philadelphia, che è anche l’editore di questo catalogo. Già nel 1990 comunque viene allestita un’importante mostra sull’arte della Compagnia di Gesù, Saint, Site and Sacred Strategy, organizzata da Thomas Lucas SJ nella Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, corredata da un ancora valido catalogo in lingua inglese. Ora, invece, grazie a questa mostra a Fairfield i visitatori americani hanno potuto vedere direttamente nella loro nazione delle inestimabili opere d’arte provenienti dalla chiesa romana del Gesù. Il prestito più importante è certamente costituito dal busto marmoreo del cardinale S. Roberto Bellarmino scolpito tra il 1623 e il 1624 da Gian Lorenzo Bernini. Il busto non è situato in uno spazio museale, ma all’interno della stessa chiesa del Gesù, nella parte sinistra della zona absidale. Esso sovrasta la ricostruzione ottocentesca dell’antico monumento funebre, originariamente concepito appunto dal più famoso scultore del barocco, Bernini. Questo prestito oltre oceano, occasione irripetibile, è stato il frutto di una proficua collaborazione tra il Rettore della chiesa del Gesù, p. Vincenzo D’Adamo – che per primo ha acconsentito al progetto – e le istituzioni italiane. Le applicazioni tecnologiche all’avanguardia hanno fornito la garanzia della sicurezza di ogni fase di trasporto del prezioso busto di marmo. Fondamentale è stata la costruzione, secondo le più moderne norme di altissima ingegneria, di uno speciale contenitore. Il saggio nel catalogo scritto da Xavier F. Salomon, The Lost Monument to Cardinal Robert Bellarmin (pp. 125- 135) inquadra bene la storia del busto marmoreo e sottolinea il ruolo teologico che ricopriva all’epoca il cardinale. Bernini sceglie di compiere non un ritratto che metta in evidenza la personalità Book Reviews Book Reviews 221

politica e strategica di Bellarmino, ma la sua dimensione più propriamente religiosa. La casula del cardinale Alessandro Farnese costituisce nel suo genere un prestito di grande prestigio (cat. 5, pp. 418-21). La casula, detta anche pianeta,è il paramento sacro più rappresentativo, perché si usa esclusivamente per la celebrazione della santa messa. Questa veste esteriore liturgica può essere indossata dal sacerdote, come dal vescovo e dai cardinali preti, e la sua preziosità di fattura varia non solo a seconda di chi la indossa, ma anche dal tipo solenne di celebrazione. La forma nel corso dei secoli è mutata con l’inserimento di aperture e raccorciamenti ai fianchi, e questo per adattarla meglio ai movimenti dei sacerdoti, che all’inizio potevano risultare più impacciati. Inoltre, come nel caso della pianeta Farnese, tali modifiche permettevano al celebrante di sopportare un peso materiale molto consistente, in quanto oramai venivano abbellite con i ricami più duri e più pesanti. Gli ornamenti e le guarnizioni delle pianete raggiungono via via un sempre più alto livello di perfezione di tecnica e di disegno, come si vede nella decorazione a soggetto mariano della seconda metà del Cinquecento, che riempie l’intero superficie della casula Farnese. La preziosità della materia, seta e oro, viene esaltata dalla rappresentazione dei simboli, sorretti da angeli, delle litanie mariane. Un altro prestito della chiesa del Gesù, la cartagloria per l’altare di S. Ignazio (cat. 36, pp. 488-489) ha arricchito la mostra. La cartagloria appartiene a quel genere di suppellettile liturgica che oramai è caduta in disuso e che si può ammirare nelle teche di un museo. È una cartella che si poneva nel mezzo dell’altare e sulla quale si trovava trascritto il Gloria in excelsis Deo. Alcune erano di fattura molto elaborata, proprio come questa destinata all’altare di S. Ignazio e quindi progettata (1699ca.), come ogni elemento architettonico e decorativo dal gesuita Andrea Pozzo. L’orefice tedesco a cui venne affidato il lavoro di cesello, Johann Adolf Gaap, ha usato materiali preziosi come l’argento, il bronzo dorato e la pietra costosissima del lapislazzulo. Motivi ornamentali si alternano al monogramma IHS posto al centro e agli angeli in argento sbalzato. Due elementi separati più piccoli fanno parte di questo unicum così raffinato e sorprendentemente integro nonostante la sua apparente fragilità. Di altrettanta perizia tecnica è la scultura in bronzo (1687) di Ciro Ferri, famoso artista barocco operante a Roma, raffigurante S.Teresa d’Avila, che venne canonizzata nel 1622 insieme a Ignazio di Loyola e Francesco Saverio (cat. 35, p. 484-485). Come testimonianza del maestoso progetto pittorico di Gaulli, detto il Baciccio, operante all’interno della chiesa del Gesù per quasi una dozzina di anni, 222 Book Reviews realizzando un complesso ciclo di affreschi inneggianti ai principali temi teologici sostenuti dalla Compagnia di Gesù, viene esposto il pregiatissimo modello della conca absidale raffigurante Agnello l’ mistico (cat. 44, pp. 508-509). La quantità dei prestiti provenienti da Roma è nettamente inferiore rispetto all’insieme degli oggetti esposti, costituiti da circa una cinquantina di quadri, disegni, libri antichi, documenti e medaglie provenienti soprattutto da musei americani. È proprio questa circostanza che rende la mostra molto interessante. Per la prima volta, infatti, sono stati riunite, penso integralmente, le opere d’arte gesuitiche che si trovano appunto nei vari musei americani. Il catalogo, quindi, diventa di conseguenza il repertorio di riferimento di questo corpus americano d’arte della Compagnia di Gesù. Sono stati inclusi anche dei disegni e delle pitture appartenenti a collezioni private sempre americane: alcune attribuzioni andrebbero però ancora approfondite. In ogni caso la varietà degli oggetti esposti offre una ricca panoramica delle fasi della storia della chiesa del Gesù e più in generale della storia della Compagnia. La famiglia Farnese, fautrice dei lavori iniziali della chiesa e poi anche successivamente presente e molto attenta all’evolversi dei progetti pittorici decorativi, viene giustamente ricordata in un esaustivo contributo (pp. 61-82) della stessa curatrice del volume, Linda Wolk-Simon. Sul mecenatismo Farnese si sofferma anche John Beldon Scott con l’interessante contributo Instrument of Persuasion: the Façade of the Gesù (pp. 83-96). Gli altri scritti introduttivi del catalogo, offrono un utile materiale di informazione per un pubblico di lingua inglese, toccando con un necessario taglio divulgativo le principali tematiche intorno alla storia e all’arte della chiesa del Gesù, come quelli di Evonne Levy, The Honour of the Altar, the Fate of Cults: Jesuits Saints in Roman Churches (1670-1713) (pp. 145-184) e di Louise Rice, Joshua and the Jesuits: the Battle for the Apse of the Gesù, (pp. 225-268). Nel catalogo ci voleva, forse, un confronto più accurato tra i testi e la bibliografia: questo avrebbe evitato così qualche errore di scrittura di nomi di personalità illustri (pontefici e artisti) e di cognomi di studiosi nella bibliografia. Sarebbe stata utile anche una revisione della ricostruzione della storia e del commento delle importanti opere d’arte esposte o citate, dove i riferimenti bibliografici non sono sempre completi, creando così delle lacune storiografiche che scientificamente ledono il bel risultato del libro.

Pontificia Università Gregoriana Lydia Salviucci Insolera Book Reviews Book Reviews 223

Alfredo Dinis SJ, A Jesuit Against Galileo? The Strange Case of Giovanni Battista Riccioli Cosmology. Álvaro Balsas SJ and Ricardo Barroso Batista, eds, Braga: Axioma Publicações da Faculdade de Filosofia, 2017. 364 pp. € 30.00. ISBN 978-972-697-282-2.

Giovanni Battista Riccioli (1598-1671), Jesuit professor of philosophy, physics, mathematics and theology at the colleges of Parma and Bologna is an important figure in the period of the development of modern science, with his two influential books of astronomy Almagestum Novum (1651) and Astronomiae Reformatae (1665). In these books, Riccioli presents a long list of arguments in what is now considered to be a futile refutation of the Copernican system and in defense of a modified geocentric cosmology. The author Alfredo Dinis SJ (deceased in 2013) was director of the Faculty of Philosophy of the Catholic University of Portugal in Braga. His interest in Riccioli goes back to his Ph.D. thesis at Cambridge University in 1989. That Riccioli, himself an adherent of the physico- mathematical methods of modern sciences, more than one hundred years after Copernicus’ publication and thirty years after Galileo’s condemnation, still defended a geocentric cosmology, explains Dinis calling him a strange case. In the first two chapters, Dinis presents Riccioli’s long carrier as professor of philosophy, mathematics and also of theology at the colleges of Parma and Bologna, from 1628 to his death. At the same time, Riccioli began his numerous astronomical observations, together with the experiments and a substantial large correspondence with scientists, such as, Hevelius, Huygens, Cassini and Kircher. In his work, Riccioli was assisted by the Jesuit Francesco Maria Grimaldi, twenty years younger, whose work on optics he published after Grimaldi’s untimely death. Besides the already mentioned Almagestum and Astronomiae, Riccioli published Geographiae et hydrographiae reformatae (1661), Vindiciae kalendarii Gregoriani (1666), Apologia pro argumento physicomathematico contra systema Copernicanum (1669), and Chronologiae reformatae (1669) and also three works on theology; he wrote another work about the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary which was on the Index of prohibited books. The main part of Dinis’ book (Chapters 3 to 9) has to do with Riccioli’s refutation of the Copernican system and his defense of a modified geocentric system, where Venus, Mercury and Mars revolve around the Sun, but keeping the Earth stable and at the center of the Universe. This was a modification of the system proposed by the Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe in 1583. From 224 Book Reviews about 1640, Riccioli carried out astronomical observations, as Dini says, of “virtually every phenomenon in the sky”, such as positions of planets and their satellites, stars, the Sun and Moon and comets; he made his observations using several telescopes, and he built an observatory in the College of St. Lucia (Bologna). He also performed very detailed experiments about falling bodies and the motion of pendulums. In the main, Riccioli characterised his arguments against heliocentrism as “physico-mathematical”, that is, based on principles from physics or mathematics, and theories drawn from observations and experiments, but also from finality considerations, as well as theology, especially the Scriptures. His physics was basically Aristotelian, according to the scholastic doctrine to which he remained faithful and that constituted the main obstacle for his acceptance of the Copernican system. Chapter 3 deals with the new astronomical discoveries that were presented in Riccioli’s books, specially Almagestum and Astronomiae. It identifies Riccioli’s comprehensive knowledge of Galileo and Kepler, and a number of authors’ theories, especially those of his contemporaries, Hevelius and Huyghens, as well as those of his own contributions to the field. Special attention is given to the topographic maps of the Moon, especially that drawn by Riccioli and Grimaldi, the observations of comets and their location and motion in the sky, sunspots, new observations of the planets, namely, the phases of Venus and Mercury, the bands of Jupiter and the rings of Saturn, the observations of nova and the determination of distances and apparent sizes of the planets and their distance from the Earth. Riccioli’s ideas about the nature and motion of heavenly bodies are shown in Chapter 4. Although Riccioli accepted that the heavens, against Aristotelian doctrine, were changeable and corruptible, it may be surprising to the reader that he still held that heavenly bodies were moved by angels and that he refuted Kepler’s proposal of a magnetic force that emanated from the Sun, and other naturalistic proposals. However, he affirmed that the theories could not be proven, “either metaphysically or mathematically, but at best physically or morally”. In Chapter 6, Dinis turns to the problem of Riccioli’s treatment of the polemic between heliocentrism and geocentrism (in its reformed form), arguments that Riccioli provided in favor and against each position. Riccioli recognized that the Copernican system had already received extensive support throughout Europe, but without a proper examination of the proofs in its favor. He presented a total of 49 proofs in its favor but a larger number, 77, against it, distinguishing the problems of the daily motion of the Earth and its annual motion Book Reviews Book Reviews 225

around the Sun. Dinis concludes that Riccioli’s discussion of the proofs was far from unambiguous, especially in his “ad hominem” argumentation. He concludes that Riccioli’s views were seriously affected by his commitment to the Aristotelian natural philosophy and his opposition to the rationality of the new physics. A particular case is discussed in Chapter 7 concerning the debates about the arguments from falling bodies which show Riccioli as a careful modern experimental physicist repeating the experiments over several years. However, ever faithful to Aristotelian physics, he did not arrive at Galileo’s conclusion that their speed was independent of size and did not accept the results as proof of the Copernican system. Finally, in Chapter 9 Dinis analyses how Riccioli handled the problem of the divergence between the texts in the Scriptures and recent findings about the motion of the Earth. Although Riccioli accepted the principle of accommodation of Bible texts, in this case, he maintained the literal interpretation, since he had shown that other evidence strongly supported the idea of the stability of the Earth. Dinis, finally rejects the view that sometimes presents Riccioli as having been a secret Copernican, and who defended the stability and central position of the Earth only out of respect of ecclesiastic pronouncements on the subject (especially through the condemnation of Galileo). In his final critical reassessment of Riccioli’s position, Dinis argues that, while not overlooking his scientific work, especially his astronomical observations and falling bodies experiments, we have to take into account his being also a professor of theology, and his Aristotelic-Scholastic background and world view, which prevented him accepting the Copernican system. Dinis concludes that Riccioli is certainly an interesting case study of how Jesuits tried to cope with the problems raised by the transition that was taking place in the seventeenth century from the Aristotelian-Thomistic tradition, to the modern mechanistic view of nature. Only later Jesuit scientists would accept completely the modern Newtonian cosmological system. Dinis’ posthumous text has been carefully edited by Álvaro Balsas and Ricardo Barroso Batista; it also includes a large number of figures from Riccioli’s original works. This book is the first volume in a new series, “Axioma Studies”, on the philosophy of nature and the philosophy and history of science, an initiative of scholars in the field of philosophy, the history of science and related fields from Portugal and Brazil.

Complutense University of Madrid Agustín Udías SJ 226 Book Reviews

Robert Aleksander Maryks and Festo Mkenda SJ, eds, Encounters between Jesuits and Protestants in Africa. Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2018. vi + 238 pp. € 112.00/$129.00. ISBN 978-90-04-34714-4.

This book consists of a collection of articles describing various encounters that took place between Jesuits and Protestants in Africa. Missionaries from the Society of Jesus arrived in various parts of Africa with the aim of converting the local population to Catholicism long before the Protestant churches organized the resources enabling them to set foot there. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the Jesuit presence was already significant in Mozambique, Cape Verde and Ethiopia. In Ethiopia, Catholic missionaries found a Christian civilization, which they tried to convert to Catholicism by diverse means. After the introductory part written by Robert Aleksander Maryks and Festo Mkenda, the second chapter of the book considers the encounter between Protestants and Jesuits around the sources. It opens with two articles by Jesse Sargent: “Following in Jesuit Footsteps: British Expeditions to Ethiopia in the Early Victorian Era;” and Festo Mkenda: “A Protestant Verdict on the Jesuit Missionary Approach in Africa: David Livingstone and Memories of the Early Jesuit Presence in South Central Africa.” The relationship of the Protestant missionaries with respect to the texts and the legacy of the Jesuits, who engaged in evangelization work for two centuries before their arrival, is discussed. Sargent describes (p. 34) this encounter through literature: “highlight[ing] the perspectives through which these Victorian authors approached the tales of their Catholic predecessors.” This takes on a special significance since in these periods, both the Protestants and Catholics confronted the so- called “inadequate” variant of Christianity, namely, the Ethiopian Christian tradition. Sargent makes the interesting point that both the British missionaries and the Portuguese Jesuits, 200 years beforehand, tried to find Ethiopian native associates to help them to “civilize Africa” (p. 50). In a footnote, he points out that, in 1840, James Macqueen referred to Ethiopia as a Christian and civilized land surrounded by savage tribes. “A connection with a strong civilized European power may even… [give] the state the means of spreading knowledge and civilization through the hitherto most unknown and most impenetrable portion of Central Africa.” Sargent refers to the antagonism as well as the empathy between the 19th-century Protestant missionaries and their predecessors, the 18th-century Jesuits. The former evidently appreciated the Book Reviews Book Reviews 227

linguistic and scientific skills of the missionaries from the Society of Jesus, in general, and expressed positive views about Pedro Páez, in particular. On the one hand, this confirms the well-established historiographical view that the Jesuit mission in Ethiopia failed as a result of the lack of tact, tolerance and sensibility among the missionaries, who proved themselves unable to uphold Páez’ legacy after his death. On the other hand, 19th-century texts also seem to reflect the anti-Catholic Victorian perception of the Jesuits as “anti-heroes.” Along similar lines, Festo Mkenda focuses on the literary aspects of David Livingstone’s understanding of the short-lived Jesuit presence in Southern Africa, involving complex and ambivalent relationships. On the one hand, Livingstone showed appreciation for the organization and mode of finance of the Jesuit missions. On the other hand, he attributed their failure to their Catholic training and complicity with the slave trade of the Portuguese empire (p. 59). In other words, he regarded the Jesuits as successful in secular (social and economic and educational) matters, but inadequate in terms of religious and spiritual achievements. The third part of the book deals with personal encounters in Southern Africa: Anthony Ergan’s chapter on the: “Jesuits and Protestants in South Africa, 1685-2015;” “Choobe Maambo on the, “Encounters between Jesuit and Protestant Missionaries in their Approaches to Evangelization in Zambia;” Aquinata Agonga on, “Soror nostra es: Jesuits, Protestants and Political Elites in Southern Africa among the Shona and the Ndebele, 1889-1900;” and Wilfred Sumani on, “Jesuit Portraits of Protestant Missionary Activity in Southern Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries.” Egan presents an extensive and broad overview of the relationships between the Protestants and Catholics in Southern Africa from 1685 to 2015. Choobe Maambo focusses on the encounter between the Protestants and Jesuits in Zambia. Aquinata Agonga writes about the relationship of the Jesuits and Protestants with the political elites in Shona and Ndembele from 1889 to 1900. Wilfred Sumani addresses missionary activity in both regions of Southern Africa in the 19th and 20th centuries. These articles shed light on historical events, providing the reader with insights into the nuances and complexities of everyday relationships, going beyond prejudices and antagonistic religious and theological premises. Ergan shows how these relationships reflected global transformations, such as the Second Vatican Council, as well as the laying down of the basic principles of ecumenical dialogue. 228 Book Reviews

The articles in this part of the book underscore the cooperation as well as the rivalry and competition between Jesuits and Protestants vying for influence over the local population. The concept of Protestantism as a heresy, which started with the Catholic Reformation and the rise of the Society of Jesus, permeated the interaction between the two parts of Africa even in the 19th and 20th centuries. As Sumani relates, according to some Jesuits, the Protestants taught “a mutilated form of Christianity based on inconsistent doctrines” (p. 153). Furthermore, the Jesuit Richard Sykes viewed Protestant missionaries as a source of corruption of native virtues, leading to vice and perversion (p. 154). Maambo also stresses the theological differences among various sectors in the evangelization process. A clear example of this is the greater rigidity and intransigence of the Catholics, as compared to the Protestants, with regard to polygamy and divorce in Zambiese communities (pp. 126-127). All the missionaries were dedicated to establishing stations and school systems, so that in various noteworthy cases, close cooperation developed, such as between the Jesuit Julius Torrend and John Fell, who worked together on translating the Bible into the Chitonga language in 1927. Sumani correctly concludes on p. 164: “As they shared life together, the prejudices between the Jesuits and the Protestants began to dissipate.” Aquinata Agonga describes other efforts at cooperation between the Protestants and Catholics. The last section deals with relations between the Protestants and Jesuits in Madgascar, the Congo and Fernando Poo: Jocelyn Rabeson, “Jesuits and Protestants in Nineteenth-century Madagascar;” Toussaint KafarhireMurhula, “Jesuit-Protestant Encounters in Colonial Congo in the Late Nineteenth Century: Perceptions, Prejudices, and the Competition for African Souls;” and Jean Luc Enyegue, “The Adulteresses were Reformers: The Perception and Position of Women in the Religious Fight of Fernando Poo, 1843–1900.” The interaction between the Jesuits and Protestants with respect to the local political leadership, as well as the intervention of colonial powers with interests favoring one side or other constitutes the common thread running through these articles. The alliances between the colonial Catholic entities, including France, Belgium and Spain, and the Jesuits, as well as between Protestants and the British are discussed (pp. 190, 217 and 228). As Kafrhire Murhula correctly points out in the chapter on the Belgian Congo during the colonial period, “Catholics used this privileged position within the colonial state system to intimidate Book Reviews Book Reviews 229

or dislodge Protestants from villages that the latter had occupied… Unlike the Catholics, Protestant missionaries were engaged in open campaigns to denounce the brutalities, atrocities and violence perpetrated by colonial agents against natives” (p.208). This chapter clearly exemplifies the tangled web of relations with the political powers and the historical changes affecting the hostility or cooperation between the Jesuits and Protestants, going beyond their theological differences. The last article by Jean Luc Enyegue, also refers to gender issues, stressing the Jesuits’ prejudice in Fernando Poo against Protestant women as a source of moral and religious corruption (p. 216). It also gives examples of cooperation in health issues as well as translation projects (p. 211). In conclusion, this book contributes to the understanding of the complex and multifaceted relations between the Jesuits and Protestants in various geographical locations in Africa at different times. In addition, it highlights diverse topics for future research, such as the gender issue in Fernando Poo, raised in the article by Jean Luc Enyegue.

Ben Gurion University of the Negev Leonardo Cohen

Brendan Gottschall SJ, Francis T. Hannafey SJ, Simon G. M. Koo, and Gianni Criveller, eds, Matteo Ricci: Letters from China: A Revised English Translation with Commentary. Beijing: Beijing Center for Chinese Studies, 2019. 172 pp. € ISBN 9781733789905.

In Greco-Roman times, the letter was the privileged medium for communication between intellectuals. Very often, they were intended for public dissemination and, thus, were highly stylised. After a certain decline in the Middle Ages, the Renaissance bore witness to the revival of the classical genre of the letter, with many an intellectual consciously imitating the epistolary correspondence of the great Roman letter writers, especially Cicero and Seneca. As a Renaissance institution, the Society of Jesus naturally participated in this revival, but more than any other contemporary organisation it stressed the crucial organisational role of the letter. Missionaries were regularly required to write letters back to Rome to report on their endeavours, and, in a true humanistic spirit, many of these letters were even polished up for publication to raise awareness of the missions and, perhaps more importantly, funds. 230 Book Reviews

Matteo Ricci, who along with Michele Ruggieri founded the Jesuit China mission, was no stranger to letter writing. We have some 56 surviving letters from Ricci (or 57 if we include a short fragment), which were addressed to the Superior General, colleagues, friends and family. Sadly, this is only a small fraction of his correspondence, much of which was lost during the Supression of the Society of Jesus. An even greater loss is the voluminous correspondence he claimed to have conducted in Chinese with his Chinese friends and acquaintances. Nonetheless, what remains are documents of great historical significance. Since Ricci did not write letters with the intention of publication, his letters, especially those sent to close friends and family often betray a candidness about his frame of mind and feelings that are strikingly absent in his official publications. Whereas Ricci’s Della entrata della compagnia di Giesù e Christianità nella Cina, which is perhaps one of the most important testaments of the earliest stages of the Jesuit China mission, represents Ricci’s mature perspective on China, his letters offer a crucial window into how his perspective changed over time, including the years before he established himself in China. They intimately reveal Ricci’s developing knowledge of Chinese language and culture, his gradual shift from a naive optimism to a cautious realism as regards the conversion of China, and even his frustration with the absurd censorship system to which even his Chinese texts were subject by ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Although Ricci has attracted enormous attention from Anglophone scholars, it is surprising that there has been little attempt to translate his modest corpus of epistolary correspondence into English. Already in 1913, Pietro Tacchi Venturi published a transcription of 53 letters in the second volume of theOpere storiche. Overall, Tacchi Venturi’s transcriptions are reliable, but his critical commentary is dated and hampered by his lack of knowledge of Chinese. The eminent Sinologist Pasquale D’Elia promised to rectify this deficiency with a richer and better annotated edition of Ricci’s correspondence as part of his Fonti Ricciane. Sadly, however, this volume never eventuated and only in 2001 was Francesco D’Arelli’s edition published by Quodlibet, which is now regarded as standard. D’Arelli’s edition includes an additional letter that D’Elia published in 1935. Despite the importance of Ricci’s letters, translations into other European vernaculars only first appeared in 2010. In this year, Jacques Gellard published a translation of eight letters into French Book Reviews Book Reviews 231

as part of Michel Masson, ed., Matteo Ricci, un jésuite en Chine, Les savoirs en partage au XVIIe siècle (Editions des facultés jésuites de Paris). Two letters published in Matteo Ricci in China: Inculturation through friendship and faith, edited by Christopher Shelke SJ and Mariellaa Demichele (Gregorian & Biblical Press, 2010). In 2011, five letters were published in an English translation edited by Gianni Criveller (Matteo Ricci, Five Letters From China,Beijing Center for Chinese Studies). In 2016, short excerpts were also published as part of Ronnie Po-chia Hsia’s Matteo Ricci and the Catholic Mission to China: A Short History with Documents (Hackett). The Chinese translations are much more ambitious in scope. 53 letters of Ricci were translated into Chinese by Luo Yu as part of the complete works of Ricci (Li Madou quanji, 1986). However, Luo did not include the letter to Ludovico Maselli dated 29 October 1586 that D’Elia discovered and published in 1935. A new translation of the letters into Chinese was conducted by Prof. Wen Zheng in collaboration with Eugenio Menegon and published in 2018. This comprehensive volume included all 54 letters of the D’Arelli volume, a fragment of Ricci’s letter to Gaspar Fernandes, as well as two other letters noted by D’Elia in the Fonti Ricciane but never before published. The relative richness of Chinese scholarship on Ricci’s letters underscores the pressing need for a complete English translation. This new volume published by The Beijing Center Press will disappoint those looking for new English translations. The volume reproduces the five translations from Criveller’s 2011 volume and translated excerpts of four letters contained in Hsia’s volume. Though this publication claims to offer a “revised” edition of Criveller’s work, I have not been able to locate any substantive differences between the translations. Indeed, there are obvious errors in Criveller’s introduction and commentary of 2011 that could have been easily corrected with more careful editing. For instance, in note 1 of Ricci’s letter to his father Giovanni Battista Ricci dated 10 May 1605, Criveller remarks that this is the only surviving letter of Ricci to his father, but there are two others, both of which had been published long ago by Tacchi Venturi. Even typographical errors present in the 2011 text of Criveller’s introduction seem to be carried over without correction, such as the dating of the letter to Joao Alvares as “February 17, 1909 (sic)” on page 18. The blurb and preface of the book also misleadingly states that there are only 54 surviving letters. Nonetheless, this new edition is much more elegant than 232 Book Reviews

Criveller’s previous volume and adds some useful editorial notes at the end of some letters. Perhaps the most important difference is the inclusion of a valuable collection of short essays on Ricci’s letters and career in China. Whereas Thierry Meynard details the publication history of Ricci’s letters, Michela Fontana gives some insights into their significance for her work as an historian. Eugene Geinzer provides a unique heartfelt piece in the form of a letter revealing the timelessness of Ricci’s experiences. While Amy Yu Fu reflects on Ricci’s enduring significance for cultural dialogue, Antonio De Caro uses Ricci’s letters to depict an existential portrait of the missionary, stressing his oneiric experiences. Though Jean-Paul Wiest’s piece was written for the 400th anniversary of Ricci’s death commemorated in 2010, it still provides a timely and evocative portrait of Ricci’s pioneering efforts in bridging East and West. Despite the shortcomings noted above, the volume's translations themselves are of a very high quality overall and can be reliably used by scholars without the means to access Ricci’s original text. A deficiency would be their dependence on D’Arelli’s edition which largely reproduces the text of Tacchi Venturi, who did not know Chinese. For instance, in letter 7 to Martino de Fornari (p. 78 n.61), which is translated by Roberto Ribeiro, there is a cryptic sentence about the letter “ag” which supposedly means “heaven” in Chinese (p. 78). Criveller understandably comments that he is unable to decipher its meaning. The English text represents an accurate translation of Tacchi Venturi’s text, but a quick perusal of the original manuscripts reveals that this “ag” is in fact the abbreviation “vg” (verbi gratia or “for the sake of example”) which is then followed by the Chinese character tian 天. Tacchi Venturi did not reproduce this character and inexplicably D’Arelli did not correct Tacchi Venturi’s transcription with reference to the original manuscripts. However, in letter 10 to Claudio Acquaviva dated 30 November 1584 the letter's translator, Ribeiro, seems to have done his due diligence. In the text of Tacchi Venturi and D’Arelli there is an important yet confusing sentence on Ruggieri’s Catechism (the Tianzhu shilu): “mi raccomandò il p. Michel Ruggieri, mio compagno, che mandassi un Catechismo che habbiamo fatto in lettera cina, già con la gratia del Signore stampato e molto ben ricevuto nella Cina, nel quale, con un dialogo di un gentile et un padre di Europa, si dichiarano tutte le cose necessarie al christiano, con bel ordine e buona lettera e lingua cina che, agiutati di alcuni suoi letterati, Book Reviews Book Reviews 233

habbiamo accomodato con riputazione delle principali sette della Cina.” (TV, 2:51) At issue here is the confusing word “riputazione”. The Chinese translations of this text by Luo Yu and Wen Zheng have erroneously understood this final sentence as indicating a process of accommodation to Chinese religion undertaken by Ruggieri and Ricci, which would be highly surprising given that the Tianzhu shilu is very critical of Buddhism. A perusal of the manuscript reveals that Tacchi Venturi’s transcription is mistaken, and that “riputazione” should read as “refutazione”. In his translation, Ribeiro correctly renders this passage as “we also accommodated them in order to refute the principal religions in China” (p. 85). The choice on the part of the editors to include Hsia’s translations from four of Ricci’s letters rather than to produce new and complete translations perhaps was not ideal. While Hsia’s translations are quite accurate, the fact that they are not complete is disorienting: the original contours of the letters are lost to the reader, rendering it difficult to be used and cited. Some lack of clarity in the Hsia volume – specifically concerning the correct identification and citation from the original letters of the quoted segments – have been unhelpfully carried over to this edition (the problem is at letter 20). With these caveats aside, all contributors to this book are to be commended for bringing attention to the importance of Ricci’s letters which have been so neglected in Anglophone scholarship. Since Ricci’s years of absence from Italy is often reflected in a rather inelegant and opaque Italian (though I cannot vouch for Ricci’s Portuguese or Spanish), these translations and their accompanying commentary will be useful, including for those with a command of Ricci’s mother tongue. It is hoped that the translations offered in this volume will serve as a foundation for more detailed textual study of Ricci’s correspondence.

Sun Yat-Sen University Daniel Canaris

Wenceslao Soto Artuñedo S.J., coord., Diego de Pantoja, SJ (1571- 1618). Un puente con la China de los Ming. Aranjuez: Xerión, 2018, 217 pp. € 13.00. ISBN 978-84-947926-8-7.

Cuando hablamos de Diego de Pantoja, jesuita español y misionero en China, nos estamos refiriendo a un personaje por el que han mostrado más interés en principio las autoridades chinas que los 234 Book Reviews organismos españoles, con ocasión del cuarto centenario de su muerte en 1618, en la ciudad de Macao. Las autoridades chinas proclamaron con toda solemnidad un año conmemorativo de su figura, con el título de «2018, Año de Diego de Pantoja». Esta proclamación constituyó una gran sorpresa, tanto para el embajador de España en China, como para el Instituto Cervantes de Pekín, que tuvieron que reaccionar sumándose a esta iniciativa cultural de las autoridades del país. Por ser Diego de Pantoja español, natural de Valdemoro, también se rindió homenaje a su memoria en el Instituto Cervantes de Madrid, homenaje que contó con la presencia del embajador de China en España, así como de otras personalidades del mundo de la cultura y de la política nacional e internacional. La reacción por parte de la Compañía de Jesús se centró principalmente en el presente volumen, que no consiste en una biografía documentada, rigurosa y de corte académico, sino que contiene varias contribuciones complementarias las unas de las otras, con las que se consigue dibujar el perfil adecuado correspondiente a su persona como jesuita y como misionero. Como marco previo se ofrece al lector la vertiente más apostólica de Pantoja, que está dedicada a su tiempo de misionero en China, al mismo tiempo que a su relación con el P. Mateo Ricci. A continuación su figura viene comparada con la estructura de una planta, con referencia explícita a la raíz, el tronco, las ramas y el fruto, incorporando sus raíces valdemoreñas y su entorno familiar, iluminando los primeros años de su infancia, su formación y su vocación de futuro misionero. Otra aportación nos presenta a Diego de Pantoja a la luz de la Chrono-historia de la Provincia de Toledo de la Compañía de Jesús, por el R. P. Alcázar de la misma Compañía. 1586-1590. En esta historia el padre Bartolomé Alcázar le dedica un total de 62 páginas, lo que constituye una mención de considerable importancia. En este relato se presenta el estado de la Cristiandad en China en el momento en que Pantoja fue destinado a aquella misión. Son descritos sus trabajos apostólicos y se da conocimiento de sus escritos. Se destaca su intervención para negociar un lugar de sepultura para el P. Mateo Ricci, contribuyendo así a asegurar la permanencia de los jesuitas en China. También se dan a conocer las «nuevas industrias» para promover la fe, que utilizaron él y el P. Sabbatino. Entre las obras que compuso Pantoja destaca la Segunda parte de la verdadera doctrina de Dios, continuación de la que había compuesto Mateo Ricci con el nombre de La verdadera doctrina de Dios. Se dan a conocer las adversidades que tuvo que soportar, especialmente un ataque en que fue maltratado físicamente por chinos paganos y la persecución Book Reviews Book Reviews 235

seria contra todos los cristianos en general. De resultas de esta persecución tuvo que salir desterrado definitivamente de China y murió en Macao. Una aportación de gran interés la constituye el estudio sobre los ritos chinos y jesuitas según la documentación franciscana, dado el conocido carácter polémico que tuvieron dichos ritos hasta su prohibición final por la Santa Sede. En este estudio es posible contemplar algunas de las causas del fracaso de los ritos chinos. Aparece claramente cómo la Iglesia de la Edad Moderna fue incapaz de llevar a cabo la tarea que llevó a cabo la Iglesia de la Edad Antigua con la cultura grecorromana. A esto se unió por parte de los occidentales un complejo de superioridad que iba impregnado de un afán de dogmatizarlo todo, que chocaba con la mentalidad china, impregnada en gran medida del espíritu de Confucio. Esta actitud fomentaba en algunos misioneros un gran menosprecio hacia los intérpretes y letrados de la cultura china, a los que ni siquiera se les reconocía ser expertos de su propia cultura, hasta llegar a desautorizar al propio emperador, considerándolo un mero juguete de los misioneros jesuitas. Los misioneros franciscanos partidarios de la adaptación en la evangelización denunciaron el apasionamiento de los que eran contrarios a los mismos, pues no daban razones para mantener sus opiniones, sino que se dedicaban a desacreditar a sus oponentes. Se subraya en este estudio que las opiniones contrarias a los ritos no eran propias de ninguna orden religiosa en particular, sino de sujetos concretos, muy activos en sus posiciones. Los misioneros de la Propaganda Fide y los de las Misiones de París fueron en conjunto favorables a los ritos. La prohibición final de los ritos supuso un golpe mortal para las misiones en China, golpe que fue confirmado definitivamente por el papa Benedicto XIV. Las calumnias vertidas contra los jesuitas por misioneros adversarios de los ritos y muy apasionados en sus posturas, llegaron a acusarlos de idolatría y figuraron entre los elementos que favorecieron, de forma indirecta, la supresión de la Compañía de Jesús en el último tercio del siglo XVIII. El volumen se completa con un trabajo denominado En el surco de Diego de Pantoja: la Provincia de España y la Provincia China, en el que se enumeran los frutos actuales derivados de la labor misionera de aquellos jesuitas excepcionales, como puede comprobarse en el siglo XXI, con un total de 145 jesuitas de diversas partes del mundo, que atienden a colegios, centros sociales y residencias apostólicas, sin olvidar la colaboración en la docencia y en la investigación universitaria. Esta publicación lleva consigo implícita la intención de servir para la evangelización a partir del cuarto centenario de la muerte de 236 Book Reviews

Diego de Pantoja, partiendo de un análisis histórico riguroso. Tanto Ricci, como Pantoja, como los primeros misioneros jesuitas chinos, trabajaron llenos de entusiasmo, sin miedo a arrostrar los peligros que los amenazaban, incluyendo la posibilidad de perder la vida. En el fondo de esta publicación late la ilusión de que pueda servir de referencia al lector, con vistas a contribuir a que el Espíritu pueda seguir animando a otros muchos a caminar por la misma senda por la que ellos caminaron.

Facultad de Teología de Granada Antonio Navas Gutiérrez SJ

Nadine Amsler, Jesuits and Matriarchs: Domestic Worship in Early Modern China. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2018. 272 pp. $ 90.00. ISBN 9780295743790.

Nadine Amsler’s Jesuits And Matriarchs: Domestic Worship in Early Modern China addresses a lacuna in the field. Scholars of Christianity and late imperial China have long focused their attentions on the work of European missionaries and their interactions with (male) Chinese literati, giving little attention to Chinese women’s religiosity and participation in the Catholic China missions before the modern era. The last decade saw a few exciting studies on the mendicant orders’ interactions with Chinese women but until this book, no sizeable study has been done on the most influential missionary group—the Jesuit mission. This vacuum is especially noticeable, since scholars of Chinese history and literature have pointed out the vibrant literary culture among elite women in early modern China. Elite women were active participants in literary and religious communities of the time, pushing boundaries beyond their inner quarters. It is unthinkable that Catholic women of the seventeenth century were unaffected by the rapidly changing norms of the time. It is truly exciting to see a study that introduces the gender perspective to further our understanding of both the Jesuit missionaries’ work and the Jiangnan Catholic communities in the seventeenth century. This volume is roughly divided into two sections. The first (Chapters 1 through 4) explores gender relations from the perspective of the Jesuit missionaries in China. Chapter 1 talks about the crucial moment in the earliest decade of the Jesuit China mission, when Matteo Ricci and his colleagues abandoned the gown of the Buddhist monk and adopted the Confucian scholar’s outfit. This decision, paired with their effort in Book Reviews Book Reviews 237

learning Chinese language and Confucian classics, won them respect from the literati elite. Historians have reiterated the positive impact of this transition: it paved the Jesuits’ road towards evangelizing the upper-strata of Chinese society. But Amsler studies this moment from the perspective of masculinity. She argues that, in order to perform literati masculinity, Jesuit missionaries had to come up with creative ways to reconcile conflicts between this newly adopted masculinity and their role as celibate religious specialists on evangelical missions. Chapter 2 delineates the Jesuits’ proto-ethnographic description of and largely positive attitude towards Chinese (elite) women’s seclusion. In their Western-language writings, Jesuit missionaries presented an idealized, homogeneous picture of gender relations in China. This image justified the Jesuits’ strategy in converting women through their male relatives, and their accommodation policy in the administering certain sacraments to women, such as confession and absolution, communion, extreme unction, and marriage. Chapters three and four discuss these accommodations, the pushbacks from the mendicant orders, and the debates in Rome. Overall, this section of the book concludes that, in constructing a group persona of “Confucian scholars from the West,” Jesuit missionaries’ masculinity depended upon their observation of gender segregation, making it difficult to evangelize Chinese women directly. As a result, Jesuits emphasized the household as the primary religious space for women, through the establishment of household oratories and adaptations in ritual practices. The second section (Chapters 5 through 9) focuses on Chinese Catholic women’s lives and communities. It contains general studies on women’s religious needs and domestic communities (chapters five and six), and case studies on Catholic women’s domestic communities in Jiangnan region (chapters seven through nine). Chapter 5 talks about how Chinese women’s spiritual needs in reproductive success transformed the images of Catholic saints, especially Virgin Mary and St. Ignatius, into efficacious deities, largely through the spread of sacramentals through female networks and oral transmission. Chapter 6 discusses urban women’s congregations as domestic and homosocial communities, and the leading role senior women of the household played in pious, charitable, and missionary activities. According to Amsler, Chinese women’s Catholic identity was defined through a combination of daily pious activities through the domestic community on the one hand, and rarely administered church-based rituals on the other. She further points out that Chinese women’s communal religiosity differed from that of Chinese men’s 238 Book Reviews in two ways: First, women’s congregations depended more heavily on family and neighborhood networks. Second, women were more likely to organize their devotions in the general congregation than in particular groups monitored by a male priest, thus giving women leaders more responsibility and autonomy. The culminating part of the book contains case studies of the famous Xu sisters in Shanghai and their matrilineal transmission of their faith (Chapter 7), the domestic convents of Hangzhou and Nanjing (Chapter 8), and Catholic women’s pious patronage through the production of textiles, financial contribution, and sponsorship of church buildings. The overall conclusion of this section can be summarized in the following way: Chinese Catholic women exerted their own agency within the domestic realm, playing leadership roles in domestic piety for their immediate and extended families in a female network, and indirectly participated in the translocal, even global, Catholic communities. Among the many strengths of this book, I especially appreciate Amsler’s comparative perspective. Not only does she contextualize Chinese Catholic women’s devotion and work in the social, economic, and religious traditions of their home-world, she also provides ample comparison with the post-Tridentine religious climate in Europe, helping readers to understand how intertwined these two worlds were even in the inner-chambers of gentry women. I also appreciate Amsler’s attention to material culture and economic production, which helps us to understand how nügong or women’s work acquired layers of meaning in the early modern Catholic women’s community, demonstrating their Confucian virtue, Catholic devotion, and their participation in the proto-industrial world of textile making in Jiangnan region. In terms of source material, this book is made possible through the author’s painstaking archival research on the various kinds of letters and reports missionaries and visitors sent back to their superiors. The use of these archival materials, combined with close reading of the Jesuit missionaries’ Chinese and Western- language publications, gave us the breakthrough in understanding Candida Xu’s individual spirituality and communal work: instead of a lone heroine, she now stands with other Catholic gentry women of her family. Together they constructed a supportive network to each other, and a patronage group in relation to the Jesuit missionaries. All of this research is done in the absence of any extant Chinese writings from the Xu sisters, which makes the details uncovered in this volume even more remarkable. Overall, Jesuits and Matriarchs is a profound study, well- Book Reviews Book Reviews 239

informed in both the changing gender norms and women’s lives in late Imperial China, and in the Catholic Church and missionary history of the early modern era. Scholars of both church history, gender history, and Chinese history and religion will find in it an intriguing and informative read, prompting scholars to rethink gender relationships, and reexamine assumptions and conclusions drawn from only the public and male parts of society.

Bucknell University Yunjing Xu

Bernadetta Manyś, ed. Dwa XVIII-wieczne diariusze wileńskiego kościoła pw. św. św. Janów – Edycja źródłowa i opracowanie. Part 1: Diarius actorum parochiae Vilnensis. Part 2: Dyjariusz albo notacyje roku całego, to jest 1742. Poznań: Instytut Historii UAM, 2018. 245 pp. + 193 pp. ISBN 9788365663580.

In recent years, historians have shown an increasing interest in manuscript sources from local Jesuit archives. For the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, many of these sources are now re-emerging from the libraries and archives in Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, after being forgotten in the period following the suppression of the Society of Jesus. Compared to the manuscripts preserved in the Roman Archive of the Society of Jesus, these sources allow a different approach to the history of the Society, more focused on the activity of the Jesuits in a specific social and cultural milieu. The two journals recently published by Bernadetta Manyś, regarding the religious celebrations that took place in St. John’s church in Vilnius, brilliantly represent these kind of Jesuit local sources. Bernadetta Manyś’s work fits into the queries carried out by Lithuanian scholars in the Vilnius cultural institutions, which have led to the publication of a significant amount of sources related to the Vilnius Academy.1 Bernadetta Manyś’s edition significantly

1 Vilniaus Akademijos vizitatorių memorialai ir vyresniųjų nutarimai, ed. E. Ulčinaitė, A. Šidlauskas, Vilnius, Mosklas, 1987; Akademijos laurai, ed. M. Svirskas, I. Balčienė. Vilnius, Vilniaus universiteto leidykla, 1997; Vilniaus jėzuitų kolegijos dienoraštis 1710-1723 metai – Diarium Collegij Societatis Iesu ab anno 1710 ad anni 1723 septembrem exclusive, ed. I. Katilienė, E. Ulčinaitė, Vilnius, Baltos lankos, 2004; Liber extraordinarius provincialis – Ypatingoji provincijolo knyga, ed. I. Katilinė, L. Jovaiša, Vilnius, Vilniaus universiteto leidykla, 2012. 240 Book Reviews expands the scope of previous historiography, since the published journals reflect not only the liturgical culture of the Jesuits, but also their social relations and the role of their church in the life of the Lithuanian capital. Bernadetta Manyś is a scholar affiliated to the Historical Faculty of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, an institution that since the end of the Second World War carries out research on the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.2 She specializes in the history of eighteenth-century Vilnius and its inhabitants. In this field, she already has remarkable academic achievements, including a monograph,3 a source edition,4 as well as many articles in Polish, Lithuanian and Western European languages.5 The journals published by Dr Manyś had been previously almost totally ignored by historians. They both concern one of the most important Catholic churches in the Lithuanian capital: the St. John’s church, founded as a parish church after the baptism of Grand Duke Jogaila (1387). In 1571, the St. John’s church was entrusted by the local bishop Walerian Protaszewicz as a Jesuit college, which he had founded two years earlier. Since the Constitutions forbade Jesuits to carry out parish ministry, a member of the secular clergy was given this task. Therefore, the St. John’s church had a multifunctional character. On the one hand, it was used by local residents as a parish church, where weddings and baptisms took place and where guild-confraternities prayed before their altars. On the other hand, in this church the Jesuits carried out their pastoral ministry and the religious celebrations of both the Order and the Vilnius Academy took place. Finally, the Lithuanian nobility also

2 Among the representatives of the Poznań school of Lithuanian studies one should mention Henryk Łowmiański, Jerzy Ochmański, Zbysław Wojtkowiak, Jan Jurkiewicz and Rafał Witkowski.

3 B. Manyś, Uroczystości rodzinne w Wilnie za Augusta III: (1733-1763), Poznań, Wydawnictwo Nauka i Innowacje, 2014.

4 Wileńskie aniwersarze imienin Augusta III w świetle prasy informacyjnej z epoki: opracowanie i edycja źródłowa (Biblioteka Źródłoznawcy, nr 6), ed. B. Manyś, Poznań, Instytut Historii UAM, 2016.

5 Among others, see B. Manyś, Vilniaus Šv. Jonų bažnyčios 1742 m. dienoraščio tyrimai ir teksto ištrauka, Lietuvos istorijos metraštis, 1 (2016), p. 111-120; B. Manyś, L’espace public de la ville de Vilnus à l’époque modernę, in Cultures en transit dans l’espace urbain: coexistence, hybridation, métissage, red. A. Jakuboszczak, M. Forycki, M. Serwański, Poznań-Strasbourg 2017, p. 77-87. Book Reviews Book Reviews 241

attended the liturgy in the church, especially during the sessions of the Supreme Tribunal. This complexity is reflected in the sources published by Dr Manyś. The first diary was written in Latin language by parish priest Antoni Konstanty Korwin Kossakowski in 1721–23 and is now preserved in the collections of the Vilnius University Library.6 The second diary was written in Polish by the lay brother Ignacy Siemaszko, who fulfilled the duties of sexton in 1742–73. This manuscript, now kept in the Historical State Archive of Lithuania, was written in 1742 and updated until the Jesuit suppression.7 Although both authors focused on the religious celebrations that took place in St. John’s church, they wrote from very different perspectives. While Kossakowski devoted much attention to the liturgy he personally celebrated, and his relationship with other social groups, such as the Jesuits, the Jews and the townspeople, Siemaszko left more detailed remarks on the organization of Jesuit liturgy. On the contrary, the social dimension of his narrative was limited compared to Kossakowski’s journal. This depended on the sexton’s task, who had to keep the church functioning as a place of worship serving both the city and the Academy. The different approach of the two authors allows a comparative analysis, and at the same time highlights the peculiar role of the secular clergy and the Jesuits in Vilnius. The edition was prepared in a careful and reliable way. Bernadetta Manyś correctly identifies the religious and secular dignitaries mentioned in the sources. In the case of Jesuits, she relies not only on previous historiography, but also on archival sources, such as the personnel catalogues preserved in the Roman Archive of the Society of Jesus. Moreover, she is well acquainted with Jesuit terminology, as evidenced by the explanations of notions like magister, scholasticus and professus. The editor’s note is very detailed and provides all the necessary information to understand how the source edition was prepared. At the end of the second volume, Bernadetta Manyś adds a useful glossary, containing Latin and Old-Polish words and expressions, as well as the notions related to the liturgy. Perhaps more functional solutions could have been applied to some parts of the critical apparatus. For instance, it would have been better to place the list of abbreviations before, not after the source

6 Vilnius. Vilniaus Universiteto Biblioteka, fondas 57, No. Б55-4.

7 Vilnius. Lietuvos Valstybės Istorijos Archyvas, fondas 1135, apišas 20, No. 302. 242 Book Reviews transcript. Moreover, although the author should be praised for translating Kossakowski’s journal from Latin into Polish, it would be easier to compare the two versions if they had been put side by side. The content of the sources published by Dr Manyś can be interesting for scholars not necessarily focusing on the history of the Society or the history of Vilnius. In the field of liturgy they show that despite the regulations introduced by the Council of Trent, local customs and practices further played an important role. In turn, information concerning musical activity can be useful to musicologists. In regard to the history of Vilnius, the journals show the interplay between different social and religious groups and the role of the Jesuit church as a space of integration for the local community. For the historiography on the Society of Jesus, the published journals provide a deeper insight into Jesuit piety and religious practices. In conclusion, Bernadetta Manyś’s source edition marks a significant step forward in research on Jesuit houses in Vilnius. It shows how much the discovery of new sources can contribute to our understanding of the multicultural and multiconfessional structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Poznań Andrea Mariani

Klaus Schatz SJ, Jesuiten in Schweden (1879-2001), Münster: Aschendorff, 2019. 194 pp. € 36,00. ISBN 978-3-402-13427-6.

While the story of the so-called old Society of Jesus, before the suppression of the order in 1773, is largely well researched and documented, studies regarding the development of the Jesuits after the official restoration in 1814 are still missing in many areas. To close this research gap, the Frankfurt Church historian Klaus Schatz SJ has already contributed with his five-volume Geschichte der Deutschen Jesuiten (1814-1983) (Münster, 2013), which was later enlarged with the Geschichte der Schweizer Jesuiten (1947-1983) (Münster 2017). With his latest work, Jesuiten in Schweden (1879-2001), he continues to pursue this project, but at the same time sets new accents. What is most striking here that he extends the study up to the year 2001, based on the consultation of more recent holdings of the Roman general archive and the German provincial archive in Munich and on various interviews with witnesses. In addition to the recent history, however, Book Reviews Book Reviews 243

also the old Society of Jesus is honored in two chapters.1 So the volume provides an overview of the entire time of the Jesuits in Sweden and contributes to a better understanding of the specific conditions under which a Swedish mission in the 19th century was restarted. While the first Jesuits (1574 to 1591) had direct access to the royal family and hoped for a recatholicization of Sweden, the returned religious (from 1879 on) after the restoration of the Society of Jesus could initially be engaged in pastoral activity only within a very limited scope. At first, they did not identify themselves as Jesuits, since the term had become politically charged in the context of confessionalization and a banishment had to be avoided. The first decades of the return to Sweden can be described as an endeavor marked by deprivation and characterized by the pastoral care of the few and often scattered Catholics. Often the right approach was up for debate. The extent to which a more restrictive-militant strategy or one more conciliatory would be more expedient led again and again to tensions, which also put a heavy burden on relations with the rest of the clergy. Under the apostolic vicar Albert Bitter (1886- 1921), the clashes continued to grow, causing in 1910 the decision of the Jesuits to end their Swedish commitment. An important factor in this resolution was the fact that the idea of constructing a school could not be realized and that the Jesuits, in their being restricted mainly to parish work, neither fulfilled their task nor produced a promising outcome. That the religious nevertheless remained in Sweden was primarily on account of the laity, whose petitions and various interventions in 1920 finally reversed the decision already taken. However, a simple continuation of the previous situation was unthinkable for various reasons. Although the number of Catholics was growing through foreign immigration in the wake of the First World War, because of bad financial investments, the already completed withdrawal from their duties, and, not least, the low capacity in human resources, the religious found themselves in a precarious situation. Crucial for a new start was the missioning of various Jesuits who knew how to take advantage of a new openness toward Catholicism which was already apparent in the interwar years. An important instrument for this reentry was the original diocesan journal “Credo”, for which one of the Jesuits became responsible

1 The basis of the presentation is essentially: Richard Wehner SJ, Jesuiten im Norden. Zur Geschichte des Ordens in Schweden I. 1574-1879, Paderborn: Bonifacius- Druckerei, 1974. 244 Book Reviews from 1937 onwards. In addition, several mission stations were taken over, among which Uppsala, which for many years had a residence in Gothenburg, took a special position. In that important university city the religious recognized good conditions for a long- term intellectual influence on the public and especially on the high church circles in regard to orthodoxy and ecclesial unity. (cf. p. 79) In the post-war years, Catholicism in Sweden again experienced strong growth through the arrival of refugees and migrant workers, which immigration again made critical the issue of a strategy of integration or division into national groups. This became significantly clear in Västerås, a highly industrialized city, in which the Jesuits were based since 1949. Another focus in the work of the religious was the accompaniment of converts. The Jesuits tried to do this in various ways, developing new offers of catechesis and further education. In Stockholm emerged the “Katolsk Orientering”, and in 1962 a Catholic information service (“Katolsk information Tjänst” – “KIT”) was established by which news about the Catholic Church, especially following the Second Vatican Council, was made accessible. This contributed to an increasingly positive perception of the Catholic Church in Sweden. The Jesuits understood their task in a secularized society to be profiling Christianity as more than the Swedish Lutheran Church, which was limited by its integration into state and society (cf. p. 109). In order to fulfill this aim better, the focus of the Jesuit mission, raised in 1968 to the status of a “region”, became more and more around Uppsala and Stockholm. In addition, new church buildings were erected at both sites – St. Eugenia in Stockholm in 1982 and St. Lars in Uppsala in 1985 – which also made it possible for the Catholic Church to gain new visibility. In the capital the work of the Jesuits was determined form the parish work and the “Katolsk Orientering”, with a considerable range of course offerings. In Uppsala the new journal “Signum” became significant. “Signum” had already emerged in 1974 from the amalgamation of “Credo” and “KIT” and was designed as an instrument for the encounter of Catholicism with the secularized milieu of Sweden (cf. 137). However, problems in financing “Signum” eventually led to considering the foundation of a cultural institute. On the one hand, the existing forces and offerings could be brought together and, on the other hand, a better financial security, based on donations and state support, was intended. In 2001, the “Newman Institutet” was finally founded. It has been based in Uppsala since 2005, though Book Reviews Book Reviews 245

most of the events were previously in Stockholm, and since 2010 has been a state-recognized university. Schatz describes 2001 as an epochal year, from which moment the Swedish Lutheran Church is no longer a state church and the Jesuits have been able to set a new important accent on Catholic life in Sweden with the “Newman Institutet”. Pointing out the difficulties and the eventful development that the Catholic Church in Sweden had encountered over the course of the centuries past is an important merit of Schatz’s historical description. The author shows again and again, impressively, how strongly the history of the Catholic Church in Sweden is linked to that of the Jesuits. The references to the often very small number of Catholics and the few Jesuits – there were never more than 20 members of the Society in Sweden at the same time – contributes to better understanding the history. That there were so few Jesuits allows a detailed description of individual Jesuits who influenced the mission through their often different and powerful characters. At the same time, the mission in Sweden, which from 1879 was mainly supported by German members of the Order, was always dependent on cooperation, working together with other Jesuit provinces, members of other male and female religious orders, and the secular clergy. In addition, however, lay people were a particularly important support, not only for the religious, but also for Catholicism itself, as Swedish converts gave to the Catholic Church a new social visibility. Also important was the entrance into the Jesuit order of native Swedes. How different their individual lives were and that many of them left the Order is not only mentioned by Schatz in various chapters, and especially treated in an excursus, but is also understandable through the brief biographies (pp. 167-186) in which all the Jesuits who were active in Sweden since 1879 are documented. The book also has several indexes, which makes it easier to compare the Swedish experience with the developments of the Jesuits and the Catholic Church in other countries. Such comparison should provide interesting insights regarding the character of the Order and its way of proceeding. However, Schatz points out a peculiarity in the introduction: While the presence of the Jesuit order in Germany and elsewhere in the Western world has been reduced in the last half-century, this is not the case in Sweden. (cf. p. 7) Whether this assessment will continue, the coming decades will show. Jesuiten in Schweden provides sound evidence of just how unforeseeable and predictable developments may be.

Collegio Bellarmino, Rome Jörg Nies SJ 246 Book Reviews

Urbano Valero SJ, Pablo VI y los jesuitas. Una relación intensa y complicada (1963-1978). Bilbao: Mensajero, 2019. 374 pp. € 18.00. ISBN 978-8427143111.

El papa Pablo VI ha sido recientemente canonizado el 14 de octubre de 2018; y el 5 de febrero de 2019 se inició el proceso de beatificación del Siervo de Dios P. Pedro Arrupe. Este libro viene a ser un homenaje a estos dos hombres santos, que tanto se distinguieron en la renovación de la Iglesia iniciada con el Concilio Vaticano II. Pablo VI mantuvo con la Compañía de Jesús una relación “intensa y complicada”, como dice el subtítulo del libro. Una intensidad basada en el amor innegable que el papa profesaba a la Compañía. Y una complicación que se manifiesta en algunos desencuentros entre el Papa Montini y el General Arrupe. Estudiar sus encuentros y desencuentros, como se hace en este libro, ilumina en gran medida la forma en que uno y otro gobernaron la Iglesia y la Compañía El autor es una persona muy bien preparada para tratar del tema bajo el punto de vista histórico, jurídico y personal. Aunque el Archivo Secreto Vaticano sigue cerrado a los investigadores sobre el último cuarto del siglo XX, el autor considera que existe suficiente información para el desarrollo del tema, que cuenta ya con abundante bibliografía (nota 2, página 17). El P. Urbano Valero, por razón de su trabajo en la Curia General de la Compañía, ha tenido acceso al Archivo Romano S. I. y posee documentación propia como los escritos del P. Abellán. Además, ha sido testigo directo de los hechos, como provincial de Castilla, primer provincial de España, asistente del P. General y delegado en la Congregación General XXXII (CG 32). Es, además, un gran conocedor del Instituto bajo el punto de vista histórico-jurídico, como lo ha demostrado en su contribución decisiva en la elaboración de las “normas complementarias” de las Constituciones, normas aprobadas en la Congregación General 34 (1995). El mismo autor reconoce que el estudio documental se ha completado con su testimonio personal: “he tratado de combinar el afán cuidadoso del estudioso interesado por el tema con el testimonio vivo de quien ha participado de cerca en momentos especialmente significativos del relato” (p. 18). Una prueba gráfica de esta intervención personal aparece en la misma portada del libro, donde aparece Pablo VI acompañado por el P. Arrupe a su derecha y por el P. Valero a su izquierda. Su doble condición de investigador y testigo se refleja en la armonía entre los hechos y los comentarios. Los hechos se narran con precisión y exactitud cronológica y fáctica, respaldados siempre por un buen Book Reviews Book Reviews 247

apoyo documental. Los comentarios son equilibrados, sensatos y convincentes. El trabajo tiene una introducción, ocho capítulos, un complemento y un apéndice documental. La introducción desarrolla dos prolegómenos útiles para entender el contenido del libro: la especial relación de los jesuitas con los sumos pontífices y una semblanza general muy positiva sobre la vida y carácter de Pablo VI. La relación de los jesuitas con los papas se manifiesta principalmente en el voto específico de obediencia a sus mandatos en lo concerniente al provecho de las almas, propagación de la fe y disponibilidad para ir a cualquier parte del mundo. Se transcriben los textos en las tres fórmulas del Instituto: la de agosto de 1539 (que recoge las deliberaciones de los compañeros en la cuaresma de aquel año), la de septiembre de 1540 (incluida en la bula fundacional de Paulo III) y la de julio de 1550 (en la bula de Julio III). La convergencia de los tres textos es evidente, pues de ellos se deduce que la obediencia al papa “es nuestro principio y principal argumento” (p. 35). El capítulo 1 trata de las relaciones del Papa con la Compañía en los primeros cinco años de su pontificado: “Comienzo y primer periodo esperanzador, … con algún sobresalto (1964-1969)”. Por entonces se estaba celebrando la Congregación General XXXI (CG 31), que inició cambios profundos en la organización de la Compañía y eligió General al P. Arrupe (22 de mayo de 1965). La Congregación tuvo dos sesiones, la primera de mayo a julio de1965; y la segunda de septiembre a noviembre de 1966. El Concilio Vaticano II, había concluido el 8 de diciembre 1965. A partir de entonces comenzaron los tiempos difíciles de aplicación del Concilio, que tantos desvelos causaron al Papa. El Concilio había aconsejado a los religiosos la “renovación acomodada”, manteniendo la fidelidad al carisma fundacional. Operación delicada, en la que Pablo VI acompañó continuamente a la Compañía, insistiendo siempre en el debido equilibrio entre fidelidad a los orígenes y a las nuevas exigencias de la historia. Pero no faltaron algunos sobresaltos. El primero tuvo lugar, a finales de julio de 1966, en el tiempo intermedio entre los dos períodos de sesiones de la Congregación General XXXI. Al P. Arrupe le fue remitido un proyecto de carta autógrafa del Pontífice, dirigida a él para que la diera a conocer a los Padres congregado, a fin de que la tuvieran en cuenta en el resto de sus trabajos. El texto se refería a cuatro peligros o daños que amenazaban a la Compañía y a los remedios que, según la doctrina del Concilio sobre la vida religiosa, se les debía aplicar. Tales peligros o daños eran: poca estima de la 248 Book Reviews vida interior, abandono de la disciplina religiosa, crisis de obediencia y del ejercicio de la autoridad y contagio de la mentalidad secular. Se pedía al P. Arrupe su opinión sobre la conveniencia de enviarle esta carta. En la audiencia celebrada el 12 de agosto siguiente el Papa y el General acordaron que no había carta autógrafa, pero que el General daría cuenta de su contenido a la Congregación, como hizo el 20 de septiembre. El segundo episodio de este género tuvo lugar en el vibrante discurso conclusivo de la Congregación, después de la Eucaristía celebrada en la Capilla Sixtina en la mañana del 16 de noviembre de 1966. El Papa, al grito de “¡nubes en el cielo!”, aludió a extrañas sugestiones, llegadas a sus oídos, que habían seducido a algunos miembros de la Compañía a abandonar las sabias enseñanzas de su fundador, para acomodarse a los torcidos deseos del mundo. Reconoció, sin embargó, inmediatamente que la misma Congregación había proyectado los remedios apropiados, y concluyó su discurso con las alentadoras palabras: “Cristo os elige, la Iglesia os envía, el Papa os bendice”. La cordialidad y afecto de este volvieron a expresarse, además de las ocasiones ya indicadas, en la felicitación pascual, escrita de su puño y letra, y en la fiesta de San Ignacio de 1969. Los capítulos 2 y 3 se centran en España, donde surgieron los problemas que perturbarían a la Compañía y provocarían en Pablo VI gran preocupación. El capítulo 2 se titula “Inquietud en España. Emerge la ‘vera’ Compañía (1969-1970)”. La “vera” Compañía -expresión coloquial con la que se designó el movimiento- estaba formada por un grupo de jesuitas de prestigio (varios eran profesores y escritores), que juzgaban que los defectos de la Compañía se debían a la acomodación o reforma que se estaba haciendo durante el generalato de Arrupe. La solución estaba, según ellos, en el retorno a los usos y costumbres tradicionales. Por eso se les llamaba también, con humor, “los descalzos”. La actitud de los descalzos explica las preocupaciones y reticencias del papa. El autor menciona como precedente el catálogo de males denunciados por 31 jesuitas asistentes al congreso internacional de Ejercicios en Loyola el 27 de agosto de 1966 (pp. 93-95). La “vera” surgió propiamente el 8 de febrero de 1969 en Chamartín, donde 18 jesuitas, reunidos con permiso del Provincial de Toledo, elaboraron un documento, en el que enumeraban, en seis apartados las deficiencias de la Compañía y propusieron como posible remedio la formación de comunidades en las que se viviera el auténtico espíritu ignaciano y se practicaran los tradicionales métodos de apostolado,, “gobernadas por un superior mayor propio directamente dependiente del padre general” (pp. 97- Book Reviews Book Reviews 249

101). El P. Valero, que asistió, con un grupo de jesuitas de lengua española participantes en un seminario de formación de Superiores, a la audiencia general del Papa el 5 de noviembre de 1969, y había sido designado, junto con el P. Carlos Palmés, Provincial de Bolivia, para saludarlo al final de la misma, quedó fuertemente sorprendido y preocupado por las palabras que el Papa les dirigió: “Curate la vostra Compagnia”, añadiendo que la Compañía es la columna que sostiene a la Iglesia, y, si la columna tiembla, todo el edificio se conmueve. ¿Era una señal de que las denuncias de la “vera” habían llegado al Vaticano? Nuestra opinión es que estas denuncias no podían generalizarse a toda la Compañía; pero no eran inventadas, pues había no pocos signos alarmantes en el comportamiento de algunos jesuitas. La inquietud de la “vera” llegó también a la Conferencia Episcopal Española. A mediados de 1969. el cardenal secretario de Estado pidió al cardenal Vicente Enrique y Tarancón, arzobispo de Toledo y vicepresidente de la Conferencia Episcopal Española, un informe sobre la situación de los jesuitas en España; y, algún tiempo más tarde, este tuvo una conversación con el Papa sobre el mismo asunto, quedando convencido, según manifestó más tarde, de que le había disuadido de la idea de consentir la formación de comunidades espaciales para los jesuitas tradicionales que lo desearan. A pesar de ello, sucedió que el presidente de la Conferencia Episcopal Española, Mons. Casimiro Morcillo, arzobispo de Madrid, pidió a su Asamblea General, a principios de diciembre, por encargo, según dijo, del Papa, su parecer sobre la conveniencia de crear en España alguna o algunas provincias autónomas en las que se reunieran las comunidades de estilo tradicional. Según informaron algunos obispos amigos de la Compañía a los Superiores de esta, 48 obispos de un total aproximado de 70 habían votado a favor de la creación de alguna provincia autónoma, 23 en contra, y el resto se había abstenido. Ante esta situación, el autor, ya como Provincial de España, convocó a todos los provinciales, que, después de una prolongada deliberación sobre el asunto, decidieron por unanimidad poner sus cargos a disposición del P. General, notificando el hecho al Santo Padre. El P. Arrupe, por su parte, tuvo una audiencia con el Papa, para conocer directamente su pensamiento y sus deseos sobre la Compañía, en la que este le dijo que no pensaba sustituirse al gobierno ordinario de ella, pero le pedía que tomara medidas eficaces para remediar la situación. Así lo comunicó este en carta a los jesuitas de España, al mismo tiempo que confirmaba en sus cargos a los Provinciales, pidiéndoles su colaboración para cumplir los deseos del Papa sobre la Compañía. La división propuesta por la “vera” era 250 Book Reviews peligrosísima, y no fue secundada por el Papa. Pero al menos los de la “vera” consiguieron audiencia en la Santa Sede (carta de Villot de 26-3-1970, en la que advertía a Arrupe que los “venerados Padres” no debían sufrir molestia alguna, ya que todo católico tiene el derecho de comunicarse libremente con la Santa Sede), a las que seguirán otras, con catálogo de defectos de la Compañía. El capítulo 3,” Visita del P. Arrupe a España y su seguimiento posterior”, puede considerarse como el contragolpe a las denuncias y exigencias de la “vera”. La visita a España se realizó del 2 al 18 de mayo de 1970. Fue una siembra de esperanza en la Compañía que debía adaptarse al mundo en que vivía con fidelidad a la identidad ignaciana bajo la guía del Vaticano II y la CG 31. Para ahondar en estas consignas los provinciales españoles se reunieron en Roma con el P. General, del 15 al 21 de junio. El día 17 fueron recibidos por el Papa (foto de la portada) que les expresó su confianza con la exigencia de siempre: “Renovaos, sí, pero fieles al espíritu de la Compañía” (p. 132). El P. Arrupe, por su parte, escribió el 29 de junio de 1970 una carta a los jesuitas de España, sincera y densa, muy rica en orientaciones (pp. 134-140). El capítulo 4 describe la preparación de la Congregación General 32, fue muy cuidada y al mismo tiempo muy contestada por el sector más radical de los que sde oponían el rumbo renovador de la Compañía. El P. Arrupe puso todo su interés personal en ella. Poco después de anunciarla (25-12-1971), recomendó a todos los jesuitas que utilizaran la deliberación comunitaria como instrumento para reflexionar sobre la renovación acomodada que necesitaba la Compañía. Los provinciales de todo el mundo fueron especialmente invitados a estas reflexiones en grupos lingüísticos desde octubre de 1972 hasta enero de 1973. Por si fuera poco, se nombró una comisión preparatoria, presidida por el P. Calvez, que hizo un listado de temas que podrían ser tratados en la Congregación y promovió y coordinó por toda la Compañía los estudios y propuestas para su tratamiento. Mientras se preparaba la CG 32 arreciaron los ataques contra la misma. Los más exaltados de la “vera”, al ver frustradas sus esperanzas de una provincia independiente, formaron un grupo clandestino bajo el nombre de “Jesuitas en Fidelidad”, que organizó una campaña desenfrenada contra la legitimidad de la futura Congregación. A principios de 1974 apareció el panfleto “La verdad sobre la Compañía de Jesús”, escrito por el P. Nicolás Puyada, lleno de calumnias contra Arrupe. Las voces de “Jesuitas en fidelidad” llegaron al Vaticano. “Lograron, en efecto, crear en la Santa Sede un grueso dossier informativo, muy negativo para la Compañía e Book Reviews Book Reviews 251

infundieron en el papa y su entorno un serio temor de los destructivos ‘aires de cambio’ con que llegarían a Roma los electores de la CG 32” (p. 163). Esta sospecha se confirma en el capítulo 5 “bajo el estrecho control de la Santa Sede”, en el que se recuerdan varias cartas del Secretario de Estado, cardenal Villot, que conocía la división de la orden, y, en la primera de ellas, expresaba el deseo del Santo Padre de que en la futura Congregación estuvieran representadas todas las mentalidades (18-4-1972). En carta de 2 de julio de1973 transmitía a Arrupe las acusaciones llegadas, acusándole de carencia de autoridad y firmeza. Arrupe lamentaba que en el Vaticano dieran más crédito a las noticias negativas, muchas anónimas, que a las procedentes del gobierno legítimo. Unos días antes de la convocatoria oficial de la CG 32 el mismo Papa, en carta autógrafa de 15 de septiembre de 1973, mostraba su confianza en la Compañía en aquella hora decisiva, insistiendo en la acomodación sin variar los elementos esenciales. El P. Valero agradeció por carta al Papa su solicitud, expresando su adhesión al General y lamentando que la carta pudiera ser mal interpretada por los “jesuitas en fidelidad”. El capítulo 6 se dedica a “La Congregación General 32”. Según el autor el desencuentro Arrupe-Pablo VI, fue “lamentable y evitable” (p. 186). El 3 de diciembre de 1974. al comienzo de la Congregación General, el Cardenal Villot manifestaba claramente al P. Arrupe, por encargo y en nombre del Papa, en respuesta a lo tratado con él en la audiencia celebrada días antes, que una eventual extensión del cuarto voto, reservado a los profesos, a todos los jesuitas “parece presentar graves dificultades que impedirían la necesaria aprobación por parte de la Santa Sede” (p. 187). El 17 de enero de 1975 el cardenal repitió la decisión del papa en una entrevista con el P. Arrupe y los padres Calvez y Gerhartz. El resultado de esta entrevista no fue comunicado a la CG 32, que el 20 de enero decidió, por 228 votos a favor y 8 en contra, tratar otros temas relacionados con los grados, y dos días después realizó una serie de votaciones indicativas, no resolutivas, sobre ellos. Informado el Papa de ello, como se hacía cada día sobre todo lo que sucedía en la Congregación, expresó inmediatamente su “vivo disgusto” por lo sucedido, mediante una dura carta de Villot al P. Arrupe del 23 de enero. Se lamentaba que no hubiera impedido posiciones “no conformes con las disposiciones pontificias”, se reiteraba la prohibición de tratar sobre el mismo tema, y se pedía una “cuidadosa relación” de los motivos que habían llevado a la CG 32 a realizar la votación indicativa (pp. 193-195). El autor se hace eco del sentimiento general 252 Book Reviews de los congregados, que, a falta de más información, veían como desproporcionada la reacción del Papa, pues, en lo que se refería a la posible extensión del cuarto voto, solo se trató de una votación indicativa, ajustada a la “representación” ignaciana, y sometida en todo caso a la voluntad del pontífice. Los motivos que justifican la votación están bien explicados en la relación que la misma CG 32 dio al cardenal Villot el 6 de febrero de 1975 (pp. 203-208). Eran razones basadas en serios argumentos, extraídos de los prolijos estudios sobre el tema realizados en la Compañía después de la Congregación General anterior. El Papa mantuvo su negativa. El autor se plantea en un excursus si la distinción de grados es un elemento sustancial de la Formula Instituti (como pensaba Pablo VI). Al menos puede deducirse que no todos los elementos mencionados en ella y considerados sustanciales lo son en la misma medida, y que la distinción de grados puede interpretarse como un medio para la acción apostólica explicable en un contexto histórico muy distinto del actual, por lo que se podría permitir algún día su variación. Al final de la Congregación, el Papa manifestó al P. Arrupe con sus Asistentes Generales su satisfacción por la obediencia filial con que ella había aceptado sus disposiciones. El capítulo séptimo repite, como el primero, la actitud del Papa amable. En sus tres últimos años (1975-1978) manifestó “repetidos gestos de benevolencia” en distintas ocasiones y con distintos grupos. El último capítulo (octavo) se dedica a la “conclusión y colofón”. Es un resumen del contenido, mirado desde la perspectiva del complejo carácter del pontífice. Pablo VI presentaba, en efecto, varias imágenes. Una, amable y cariñosa, que predomina al principio y al fin de su pontificado. Pero tuvo también su lado majestuoso y distante, que producía admiración y respeto. La CG 32 padeció esta forma de ser. A la que hay que añadir la del hombre preocupado y angustioso, que se refleja en el “desencuentro” con la Congregación y el P. Arrupe. Pero en las tres se reconocía al mismo Pablo VI, que pretendía el bien de la Compañía para servicio de la Iglesia. La obra añade un complemento sobre la “crisis” de la Compañía y el gobierno del P. Arrupe. Viene a ser el marco que envuelve su generalato, al mismo tiempo que resuelve las dos grandes objeciones contra su manera de gobernar: que no se enteró de las dificultades, y que no dio respuesta adecuada a las mismas. El autor sostiene con buenas razones que el P. Arrupe estaba perfectamente enterado de los males de la Compañía, y que procuraba aplicar remedios con amor, paciencia y pedagogía. Se dedicó por entero al gobierno de Book Reviews Book Reviews 253

la Compañía a la introdujo en un período nuevo de la historia del mundo, abriéndola a nuevas exigencias (p. 290). Por último, se ofrece en el libro un apéndice documental dividido en dos partes: siete documentos de Pablo VI y ocho del P. Arrupe. Aunque los documentos han sido publicados ya en otros libros (los dedicados a la CG 31 y 32, y en “La identidad del jesuita en nuestros tiempos”), es oportuno publicarlos de nuevo en este libro, pues ayudan a esclarecer su contenido.

Universidad Pontificia Comillas Manuel Revuelta González SJ

Matteo Binasco,Roman Sources for the History of American Catholicism 1763–1939, Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2018. 300 pp. $ 75.00. ISBN 978-0268103811.

Readers of this journal will likely recall their first research visit to the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu. Mine was some decade ago, and I was terrified. I had ARSI’s address and hours of operation from its website. But what would I find there? Was a week enough? Too much? Too little? What other relevant archives could I visit while in Rome? What other relevant archives were there in Rome? A decade ago, how I wish I had a copy of Matteo Binasco’s essential guide to the city’s archives and libraries for scholars of American Catholicism. This thoughtful and thorough book emerged from a 2014 conference in Rome sponsored by the University of Notre Dame’s Cushwa Center for the Study of American Catholicism. The conference shared a conclusion found in this book’s foreword by Kathleen Sprows Cummings—namely, that U.S. Catholic history “could be properly interpreted only in a transatlantic context, with close attention given to archival sources at the Holy See and in Rome” (xii). Certainly, the days of historians telling the stories of American Catholicism from purely domestic sources are over. But how to find those Roman sources? Where to find them? With his survey of sixty archives and libraries in Rome and the Vatican, Binasco has answered so many questions, and research travel budgets will never be the same. He clearly demarcates his sources: the thirteen archives of the Holy See (from la Dottrina della Fede to Segreto Vaticano) and the archives for eighteen different religious orders, for six religious colleges, and for ten 254 Book Reviews civil and religious archives (such as the national or city archives and that of the Keats-Shelley House). He also considers seven libraries as well as five repositories for materials related to Italian immigrants in the United States. Binasco’s exhaustive breadth, though, is even exceeded by his amazing depth of knowledge within these archives and libraries. For each we have its Italian and English name, address, and contact details (phone, fax, email, website). “Status” summarizes when the archive is open, what is required in advance of a research visit (e.g., an appointment, a letter of reference), and what collections are open to researchers. Binasco provides a brief history of the archive or its sponsoring agency, and he closes each entry with a selective yet quite helpful bibliography of recent scholarship emerging from the archive. However, for me, the “description of holdings” sections for each source are the true gems of this book, often providing Binasco’s own findings from the archives. As such, he demonstrates the rewards for the itinerant researcher’s visits to “so-called minor repositories” (27). What is to be found within the archives della Fabbrica di San Pietro? How about a 1938 letter from the Vatican’s mosaic sales representative in the United States, who, complaining of poor business, promised his superiors in the Holy See “in the future I will not make mistakes on American taste in art” (61). Binasco is particularly and rightly fond of the regrettably under-utilized collection in the Abbey of San Paolo fuori le Mura. There, one can read the 1878 lamentation of the Louisville bishop (“Drunkenness…the curse of the priesthood in this country”) and the observations from St. Paul’s during the U.S. Civil War (“This is a war to the death—no compromise—the South as it has existed must be blotted out like Carthage and the proud Southerner will be an extinct animal, only to be seen stuffed in Barnum’s Museum!”) (27). The entry on ARSI is representative of the whole of Binasco’s work (running from pages 91-95). Readers can find where the archive is, how to contact staff, and when to visit. A history sweeps from Ignatius and Pope Paul III to the Jesuits’ first North American mission in Nova Scotia in 1611, from the suppression of 1773 to the restoration of 1814. The “description of holdings” is Binasco at his dogged best. He divides the ARSI collection among its four sections (Old Society, New Society, Fondo Gesuitico, and Miscellaneous), divides Old and New further (among vows, catalogs, indipetae, letters, and obituaries), and does the same Book Reviews Book Reviews 255

for the procurator’s collection and the miscellaneous items. He points researchers towards unlikely sources—whether elsewhere in ARSI, at the national library, or online. (The urls for the latter, though, can fill nearly a full line, a tad cumbersome for transcription.) The bibliography for ARSI runs more than a page. While this book can aid any scholar of American Catholicism, Binasco’s approach still belies an important point about archives. Historians develop a trust in archives and their presumed permanence. But archives move, grow, and shrink, and Binasco provides scholars with an indispensable snapshot of Rome’s collections related to American Catholicism…but it is a snapshot nonetheless. Indeed, twelve of the sixty archives and libraries surveyed in this text were “closed” for reorganization or other reasons when Binasco conducted his research. This fact is certainly not Binasco’s fault, and his book’s helpful histories, descriptions of holdings, and bibliographies remain for nearly all these closed sources. But what archives have reopened or closed since this book’s publication? What new collections have since been added or processed (like that of the Apostleship of Prayer at ARSI)? What contact details have since changed (like those for the ARSI email addresses)? Again, these are subsequent developments that are not Binasco’s fault. Neither was the announcement of March 4, 2019. Chronologically speaking, Binasco begins with archives and libraries with sources dating back to 1763, a reasonable starting point given the Treaty of Paris and its impact on American Catholicism. His endpoint is 1939, “the official closing date,” explains the book’s introductory essay, “for consultation of the Vatican archives,” and a date followed by most archives in this study (2). The Holy See only releases new material based on pontificate, and it announced-- only a year after the publication of Binasco's book--that archival records from 1939 to 1958 would be made available as of March 2020. Therefore, a modest proposal: Binasco’s wonderful book is like any great project (such as the 2014 Cushwa conference) in that it identifies a need and sparks creativity about the next great project to meet that need. Here we have a model and much of the work done to guide historians of American Catholicism to Roman sources. But what of those sources from the other half of the story, those archival collections scattered around the United States, for religious orders, for archdioceses, for institutions, and for individuals? A truly indispensable guide to sources for the history 256 Book Reviews of American Catholicism would need to be dynamic enough to capture the dynamism not only of that history but of the collecting of that history as well. It should be printed, for sure, but should be available and updated (with convenient urls) online as well. The Cushwa Center is well situated to coordinate and host such a digital platform and to build upon the monumental achievement of Matteo Binasco. Until this next great idea is launched, Rome should see many more historians of American Catholicism, with this fabulous book in tow.

Institute for Advanced Jesuit Studies, Boston Seth Meehan

Ines G. Županov and Pierre-Antoine Fabre, eds, The Rites Controversies in the Early Modern World. Leiden - Boston: Brill, 2018. xxiv, 403 pp. €143.00/$165.00. ISBN: 978-90-04-36629-9.

Questo libro è il risultato di un workshop – tenutosi a Parigi nel 2010, presso il Centre d’Etudes de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud – CNRS / EHESS – coordinato dagli stessi organizzatori e con lo stesso titolo del volume per il quale redigiamo questa recensione. La pubblicazione si presenta senz’altro come un risultato importante, significativo e molto opportuno per fare il punto su un tema – “la controversia dei riti” – che negli ultimi anni ha ricevuto una notevole attenzione storiografica e, con questa, un considerevole aggiornamento degli studi a riguardo di questo importante nodo storico (ma anche etno-antropologico) della prima Età Moderna. In termini generali e nella misura in cui pone al suo centro la polemica dei riti, questo volume è dedicato ampiamente al contesto asiatico (soprattutto quello cinese e indiano) con un excursus complementare riguardante il contesto coloniale sud- americano. In questi contesti e nei diversi contributi di questo libro, in stretta connessione con la centralità della controversia in questione, troviamo presenti altri temi decisamente indissociabili: 1) le importanti problematiche linguistiche e di traduzioni; 2) le interpretazioni coeve, ed una loro odierna rilettura, dei rituali attorno ai quali si inscrivono le dimensioni della polemica; 3) dimensioni, quest’ultime, che si rivelano in quanto strumenti di reciproche traduzioni e di interculturalità, di conflitti (dipendendo dai vari punti di vista: missionari, teologici, locali, romani e/o inquisitoriali) tra meccanismi di accomodamenti ortopratici e Book Reviews Book Reviews 257

ortodossie; 4) il tutto colto, percepito e/o interpretato in quanto modi di supporti referenziali per letture dei costumi di alterità che si inscrivevano in un’opposizione caratteristica: in prospettiva civile (politica) o sub specie religionis! Questi sono in fondo i nodi (ed i conseguenti temi storiografici dominanti) che riguardano le varie querelles che si accendono globalmente in Epoca Moderna e attorno ai quali sono organizzati i lavori di questo, senz’altro ricco, importante e denso contributo collettivo. Con quanto abbiamo messo in evidenza sopra e secondo quanto sottolineato dai curatori del volume nell’introduzione del libro, combinando la stretta relazione che si stabilisce tra l’osservazione etnografica e la filologia (applicata sì ai testi biblici, ma anche alle problematiche e dispute linguistiche che si sommano alle polemiche sui riti stessi), i singoli contributi mostrano chiaramente come, in questa prima epoca moderna, gli apologeti Protestanti e Cattolici formulano, inventano o intravvedono la loro “religione”: anche quando questa è dipinta con i connotati della “superstizione”. E, attraverso questa operazione, l’osservazione finalmente planetaria delle culture altre si viene configurando come una (pressuposta) forma di “ragione naturale”. È in questo modo che, di fatto, il diciasettesimo secolo si viene configurando come la genesi di una storia delle religioni che, con la sua nuova prospettiva comparativa, poco a poco, sostituirà l’intenso, quanto frustrante, tentativo anteriore di recuperare e costruire una storia cronologica delle popolazioni extra-europee.1 I diversi concetti e le diverse interpretazioni missionarie di riti e costumi, con il confronto e la disputa che si accendono attorno ad essi, mettono finalmente in gioco la crescente divisione tra

1 Per la prospettiva della scuola storico-religiosa italiana cf. História das Religiões. I seguenti lavori di chi scrive sono citati nelle note a piè di pagina in forma abbreviata: A. Agnolin, “Un Gesuita «Bramino» nell’India del XVII secolo: l’accommodatio gesuitica in Madurai e la polemica dei riti del Malabar”, Rivista Civiltà e Religioni 4 (2018), pp. 15–53; “Le rite et le lieu de l’autre. L’accommodatio jésuite au Malabar″, Littératures 77 (2017), pp. 47–65; “O Amplexo Político dos Costumes de um Jesuíta Brâmane na Índia: a Acomodação de Roberto de’ Nobili em Madurai e a polêmica do Malabar (séc. XVII)”, Tesi di libera docenza, São Paulo, 2017, in fase di pubblicazione; História das Religiões: perspectiva histórico-comparativa, São Paulo: Paulinas, 2013; A. Agnolin, C. A. de M. R. Zeron, M. C. Wissenbach, M. de Mello e Souza (Org.), Contextos Missionários: Religião e Poder no Império Português, São Paulo: Hucitec/FAPESP, 2011; Jesuítas e Selvagens: a negociação da fé no encontro catequético- ritual americano-tupi (séc, XVI–XVII), São Paulo: Humanitas/FAPESP, 2007. 258 Book Reviews domini “religiosi” e “politici”. Se, nel contesto degli studi offerti dal volume, questo diventa evidente nel caso delle querelles sui riti Cinesi o del Malabar, così come nel caso dell’America coloniale, uno degli esempi più significativi (non preso in considerazione dagli studi presenti nel volume, ma, comunque, tra i più famosi e conosciuti) di questo processo è quello che riguarda le celebri reducciones gesuitiche del Paraguay (sparse su un territorio che si estendeva, grosso modo, tra il sud del Brasile, il Paraguay e il nord dell’Argentina). In questo caso, il progetto religioso di evangelizzazione, infatti, si costituisce, prima di tutto, alla base di una particolare organizzazione “politica”: reductio ad vitam civilem, questo è il nome dell’istituzione sulla quale, in quel contesto, si sarebbe dovuto radicare il processo evangelizzatore... È propriamente la distinzione tra “riti civili” e “riti religiosi” che costituisce dunque la base di una “polemica dei riti”. Ed è alla base di questa distinzione che si inserisce il progetto e la strategia dell’Accommodatio gesuitica che alimenterà la polemica nel contesto cinese, prima, e in quello del Malabar, successivamente. Questa la prospettiva generale e di fondo, nella quale si inscrivono le emergenti problematiche ermeneutiche, interpretative e linguistiche che coinvolgevano il confronto sui rituali locali: sempre condizionati, nella loro interpretazione, dai diversi luoghi (e, quindi, dai diversi punti di vista e di potere!) di provenienza della loro caratterizzazione. Con enfasi e attenzioni diverse, questi stessi temi e problematiche sono quelli attorno ai quali si organizzano anche le varie sessioni del libro: vale la pena ripetere, attento ad un tema di ricerca storica che negli ultimi anni vede crescere ed intensificarsi un importante interesse di ricercatori e studiosi relativamente al più significativo processo di globalizzazione realizzato in Età Moderna: processo questo che si verifica non solo, ma in modo privilegiato, giustamente in ambito missionario. In questo senso, la “controversia dei riti” riguarda, appunto, uno dei momenti più significativi e centrali di un confronto nell’ambito del definirsi di un nuovo “Pianeta Culturale” (G. Mazzoleni, Roma 1986): un confronto, appunto, che si costruisce attorno ad una peculiarità di traduzioni che coinvolgono diverse alterità culturali a livello planetario, soprattutto nella prospettiva di una loro ritualità da decifrare e tradurre. E ciò, giustamente, nella misura in cui questa ritualità si rivelava, poco a poco, come luogo privilegiato per tessere relazioni (che oggi chiameremo) di “interculturalità” con queste alterità. Ma, al tempo stesso, si tratta di un confronto che mette in scena proprie, specifiche e differenziate modalità della Book Reviews Book Reviews 259

sua costruzione internamente all’Occidente missionario: confronto con l’altro, dunque, ma anche e imprescindibilmente un confronto attraverso l’altro. Un confronto storico che si realizza nell’ambito e relativamente al contesto asiatico – quello cinese (di maggior eco, all’epoca) e, in stretta e successiva dipendenza, quello relativo al Malabar (nel sud dell’India) –, che si amplia relativamente al contesto americano (trattato nella parte 5ª del libro), ma, finalmente, un confronto che non può prescindere dai contesti europei dove risuona e riverbera nella pluralità di voci, strategie e interpretazioni della controversia rituale, moltiplicando e amplificando i conflitti locali sulle diverse strategie e interpretazioni dell’alterità: offrendo, dunque, una dimensione globalizzante agli stessi conflitti locali. Tenendo presente queste prime caratterizzazioni, abbastanza generali, del problema, ai fini di una recensione che presenti una pur minima complessità di questi studi, crediamo valga forse la pena soffermarci sulla centralità del problema posto da ogni studio, al fine di riuscire a ricavarne, con un breve sguardo d’insieme, un’unità importante di questo libro. Quest’ultimo, infatti, è composto, di 14 contributi (con quelli finali dei due curatori del volume stesso), divisi per le 5 parti, più l’epilogo, del libro. Oltre a quelle rituali, le problematiche linguistiche e etno- antropologiche a mezzo delle dispute sulle traduzioni (e sulle tradizioni locali) si evidenziano, in questo volume, soprattutto nella sua prima parte. Tra Cina e Roma, nei due primi contributi del libro, si affaccia e si rivela, nella misura del possibile, una nuova attenzione storica rivolta all’emergere di voci dall’interno della polemica dei riti: un’emergenza, quelle delle “voci cinesi”, che risulta in due importanti e bei contributi, giustamente per la sfida nel rincorrere quest’altra parte di un incontro troppo spesso studiato in una dimensione a senso unico. Così, Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, riguardo la controversia dei riti cinesi in un suo determinato momento storico, quello del 1635, cerca di mettere a punto gli elementi centrali di un’etnografia che si realizza tra i missionari/ etnografi, tra i convertiti/informanti e, finalmente, tra lo shock del confronto linguistico e il problema posto dai rituali indigeni. Tutto ciò fino ad affrontare il problema della stretta relazione che, in quel contesto, emerge tra l’Etnografia e l’Autorità dei letterati cinesi: quest’operazione, comunque, è realizzata non volendo trascurare il fatto che “i letterati cristiani appartenevano all’ethnos la cui erudizione nei testi cinesi li qualificava al massimo come informatori indifferenti all’elaborazione finale di un discorso etnografico ‘oggettivo’”. Ed in ogni caso, tuttavia, l’autore riscontra 260 Book Reviews come “l’autorità etnografica dipende dalla traduzione: cioè dalla capacità di descrivere, tradurre e interpretare da un sistema simbolico (rituali, lingua) in un altro”. Sempre nello sforzo di recuperare, possibilmente, le “voci cinesi” e prenderne in considerazione le sfide e le conseguenze decorrenti dal dialogo interculturale con l’Europa – che si stabilisce, soprattutto, tra il diciassettesimo e il diciottesimo secolo –, procede dunque il lavoro di Nicolas Standaert. A questo proposito, l’autore, parla di un vero e profondo “dislocamento mentale” che si realizzò nell’Europa dell’epoca quando quest’ultima si trovò di fronte ai testi classici provenienti dalla Cina. D’altro lato, bisogna quindi tener conto di come, a sua volta ed in questo nuovo contesto, le comunità cristiane locali acquisirono “una consapevolezza transnazionale di appartenenza a una comunità più ampia, sviluppando la propria argomentazione interculturale”. In questo modo, secondo lo studioso, gli “imperativi culturali” o le ambiguità inerenti ai riti e alle loro interpretazioni devono necessariamente essere presi in considerazione dalle moderne analisi della cultura e dei rituali. Il terzo contributo di questa prima parte, è quello (brillante per lo stimolo proposto) offerto da Michela Catto che si sofferma, invece (in modo interessantissimo, a nostro avviso), sul “viaggio”, o se vogliamo sulla costruzione del senso di una parola (quelle che possiamo definire le avventure iniziali del termine), “ateismo”, che si tesse tra il contesto europeo e quello cinese dell’epoca. In questo modo, lo studio verifica come la questione del presupposto ateismo cinese sia da analizzare in stretta relazione con l’inizio della polemica sui riti ed emerga dalle discussioni e dai conseguenti conflitti sulla traduzione del nome di Dio e sul valore o significato da assegnare alla venerazione degli antenati e di Confucio. L’alternativa interpretativa (la disputa) che emergeva riguardo ai riti locali era quella che si stabiliva tra una loro interpretazione “sociale”/ “politica” o “religiosa”/ “idolatrica” (“superstiziosa”): nel primo caso, una loro presupposta funzione “política” avrebbe corrisposto alla “natura ateistica del governo cinese”, d’altro lado, la seconda alternativa poneva un sostanziale paradosso: “come potevano [queste popolazioni] essere idolatre e superstiziose quando [i loro riti] venivano praticati dagli atei?”. All’interno di questa visione dicotomica e polemica, infine, possiamo rintracciare le avventure e la genealogia del viaggio di un termine – e quindi di un dibattito – che “ha permeato le fondamenta culturali dell’Europa moderna e ha contribuito a plasmare il concetto illuminista di ateismo”. La seconda parte del libro si affaccia, invece, su un altro contesto Book Reviews Book Reviews 261

asiatico, quello indiano, nel quale riverbera un’altra forma di polemica dei riti che emerge in decorrenza (e fino a poco tempo fa meno studiata) di quella cinese. Si tratta della polemica del Malabar che si struttura in relazione all’importante alternativa di evangelizzazione gesuitica proposta dal padre (poi “bramino”) Roberto de’ Nobili nella missione di Madurai.2 Coerentemente con la prima parte del libro, anche il contributo di Margherita Trento, in questa parte, potrebbe essere a buon diritto considerato come la proposta del recupero di una “voce indigena” colta all’interno delle diverse fasi di questa polemica indiana. In questo lavoro, infatti, si analizza come i due principali antagonisti gesuiti della polemica – padre Nobili e il più anziano padre Gonçalo Fernandes – ricercavano entrambi l’accesso ai testi tradizionali indiani: e giustamente qui si inserisce il ruolo cruciale svolto (nello sviluppo della controversia di Madurai) da un giovane Bramane convertito, noto con il nome di Sivadharma o di Bonifacio Xastri. Lo studio mostra dunque come la disputa non matura solo come frutto di una distinzione intellettuale tra i due gesuiti, ma decorre anche come risultato delle varie fasi di influenza e autorità che Bonifacio (in quanto Bramane cristiano) viene esercitando in quel contesto. E cosa ancor più interessante è intravvedere come, in fase di negoziazione del suo ruolo tra diversi mondi, questo “mediatore culturale” sfruttò, a sua volta, il suo rapporto e ruolo con Nobili e con Fernandes per raggiungere, in qualche modo, i suoi propri obiettivi. In questo caso, diventa evidente come Bonifacio realizzi uno scambio ben particolare: quello della sua conoscenza dei testi tradizionali a beneficio di un suo specifico programma. Dunque, se la questione dei riti rimane cruciale per il giovane convertito, rimane tale da una prospettiva che, alla fin fine, pare proiettarsi in direzione opposta a quella degli stessi missionari. Secondo i termini dello studio: “Per lui era fondamentale continuare a perfezionare i riti che gli permettevano di rimanere membro della sua comunità Brahmanica”. In questo caso, infine, si evince anche il fatto che “il metodo di Nobili era chiaramente più in sintonia con questa esigenza. E questo potrebbe essere stato uno dei motivi per cui, negli anni successivi al suo abbandono, Bonifacio continuò a sostenere attivamente Nobili nei suoi sforzi per riconciliare l’identità cristiana e brahmanica”. D’altro lato, sempre in questa seconda parte e a riguardo della controversia dei riti del Malabar, il contributo di Gita Dharampal-Frick si intrattiene sulla specificità di una lettura “religiosa”, soprattutto

2 Cf. O Amplexo Político. Per una sintesi di questo lavoro: “Un Gesuita «Bramino»”. 262 Book Reviews nella sua caratteristica dimensione “rituale”. In quest’ultimo caso, la prospettiva si confronta, finalmente, con una problematica contemporanea (a partire dal classico lavoro di Victor Turner: The Ritual Process), con il risultato che: “più positivamente ed in una vena costruttiva per migliorare la nostra comprensione del rituale, il metodo di accomodamento di Nobili può essere interpretato come l’evidenziazione di un processo di dinamiche trasformative rituali, in cui non solo il sovversivo, ma anche l’elemento costitutivo creativo del rituale si manifesta. Inoltre, è il potenziale ludico intrinseco al rituale, articolato solo di recente nell’analisi accademica, che viene messo in evidenza dalla proposta di Nobili”. Sulla specifica e peculiare relazione tra Missione e Inquisizione si soffermano invece i due lavori della terza sezione del libro. Sempre riguardo alla polemica dei riti del Malabar, il lavoro di Giuseppe Marcocci si occupa del rapporto tra riti e religione così come si configurava agli occhi dell’Inquisizione di Goa (fin dalla sua fondazione, nel 1560), prendendo in considerazione la prima reazione dei suoi giudici all’approvazione papale dell’accommodatio del gesuita Roberto de’ Nobili. Secondo Marcocci, dunque, “la polemica sui riti che ne derivò fu anche una svolta per il Sant’Uffizio, poiché segnò una significativa sconfitta per l’opinione più diffusa tra gli inquisitori portoghesi in India, cioè [che] il metodo di conversione di Nobili e l’adattamento era illecito”. Il curioso e interessante paradosso di quella che l’autore dello studio chiama “sensibilità etnografica degli inquisitori”, infine, risulta essere “proprio la stretta associazione tra riti e religione”: si trattava, in fondo, di quella stessa associazione la cui manutenzione era servita all’Inquisizione di Goa per condannare Nobili e la sua tecnica di conversione, oltreché ad aver permesso loro “di raggiungere almeno una comprensione parziale di ciò che il padre gesuita stava realmente facendo in Madurai”. Ancora sulla polemica dei riti del Malabar e, più in generale, dell’Oriente e sulla documentazione inquisitoriale decorrente si intrattiene il lavoro di Sabina Pavone. L’autrice dello studio rileva, anzitutto, come le fonti inquisitoriali non fossero appena una espressione di un “processo interno”, ma il risultato di una costante iterazione tra l’interno e l’esterno affinché si potessero rendere comprensibili le differenti religioni del e nel nuovo contesto mondiale. Tutto ciò richiedeva continui aggiustamenti che si realizzavano in continui dialoghi tra il centro e la periferia, in differenti approcci all’evangelizzazione da parte dei missionari e, finalmente, in relazione alle diverse culture incontrate per la prima Book Reviews Book Reviews 263

volta in numerose aree del globo. In questa direzione, dunque, le fonti inquisitoriali diventano “un utile spunto sulla controversa relazione tra ortodossia, ortoprassi e eterodossia”: complessità (di cui il Sant’Uffizio era consapevole, come mostrano le stesse fonti) di una relazione “che ha dato forma alla moderna Chiesa cattolica”. Questa complessità risuona anche in quella della relazione tra un punto di vista teologico e la pratica missionaria: l’idea di ortodossia e del legame con il canone tridentino rimangono fondamentali per gli stessi missionari della Compagnia di Gesù, ma la pratica missionaria che dovettero affrontare – a livello planetario e,nel caso specifico, presso popoli come quelli della Cina e dell’India – rese evidente la complessità del problema: lo stesso Sant’Uffizio e la lunga e conturbata polemica dei riti sono testimonianza di ciò. Infine, dunque, i documenti del Sant’Uffizio rivelano lo strappo che un mondo cristiano sottomesso a rigide forme ortodosse dovette affrontare nel contesto della sua mondializzazione. “Distanza e Prossimità” della controversia dei riti è il tema affrontato dai due contributi della quarta parte del libro. In questa direzione, il contributo di István Perczel si sviluppa a partire da un importante e sostanziale allargamento della prospettiva (degli incontri, degli interessi e degli shock) e del coinvolgimento di attori (apparentemente) nello sfondo del quadro della disputa che si sviluppa nella costa del Malabar. Ne guadagna decisamente in chiarezza la complessità della situazione che si determinò localmente, in quel momento storico, nel quadro di una più ampia rete di attenzioni e interessi. In questo contesto indiano, infatti, si constata come, oltre agli altri ordini religiosi europei, la missione dei gesuiti doveva competere con le chiese siriane o dell’Asia occidentale che fornivano i propri missionari sul campo. Pertanto, quando i gesuiti elaborarono le loro strategie missionarie sulla costa del Malabar, il quadro generale che si constata è quello di una situazione complessa, con il sovrapporsi di vari importanti attori e di importanti elite che includevano: 1) i re o signori indù locali (naiques); 2) le autorità portoghesi stanziate a Cochin e Cranganore; 3) la popolazione locale non cristiana: indù di varie caste, ma anche ebrei e musulmani; 4) la comunità cristiana locale, di antiche origini cristiane, ma divisa in due caste o comunità di nascita endogamiche (jatis): grosso modo definite come “nordisti” e “sudisti”; 5) la Chiesa d’Oriente che, tra l’altro, nel 1552 si divise in due parti: una che si rifaceva alla sua forma originale, la cosiddetta confessione di fede “nestoriana”, e l’altra che, a sua volta, veniva ad unirsi a Roma costituendosi come una nuova entità e ribattezzata come Chiesa caldea; e, si noti bene 264 Book Reviews a questo proposito che, entrambe inviarono i propri missionari in competizione tra loro in India; 6) i missionari cattolici che iniziarono la loro attività prima dell’arrivo dei gesuiti; e, finalmente, 7)il papato (con la sua Congretatio de Propaganda Fide) che ha cercato di promuovere i propri interessi contro il patronato (Padroado) reale portoghese della missione. Muovendosi in direzione al tema della funzione del linguaggio siriaco, di una nuova definizione dell’accomodamento, verificando queste strategie di accomodamento emergenti alla fine del XVI secolo (tra prelati cristiani siriaci, arcidiaconi e gesuiti), l’analisi constata, infine, un fenomeno più generale (malgrado la particolarità degli attori) e caratteristico della prima Età Moderna: si tratta del fatto che, creando un nuovo tipo di prossimità sociale, culturale, coloniale ecc., gli incontri culturali di quest’epoca “hanno creato un campo sia di contestazione che di adattamento”. In questo caso, “le ‘liti’ tra le prime élite intellettuali moderne, facevano parte di un processo in corso nel sud dell’India dove diverse formazioni religiose si erano sviluppate per più di un millennio”. A partire da queste considerazioni e dall’analisi condotta, dunque, l’autore difende l’ipotesi che “i gesuiti fossero ispirati dalle strategie dei missionari siriani, mentre [al tempo stesso] lavoravano per imporre una determinata visione del cattolicesimo. È questa situazione paradossale che li ha obbligati a riorganizzare i loro strumenti missionari, “mettendoli nei guai” a lungo termine in altre parti dell’India, come nelle “dispute dei riti di Malabar” e [d’altro lato, in termini più generali] nel mondo”. Il lavoro di Ovidiu Olar si intrattiene, invece, sull’analisi di documenti che fanno riferimento ad una curiosa figura (di solida formazione accademica e poi diplomatica) olandese, che nel 1644 si diresse verso l’affascinante capitale dell’Impero ottomano. Questa documentazione ci presenta il Patriarca di Costantinopoli come principale autorità ed arbitro della situazione, permettendoci tuttavia di comprendere meglio quanto le azioni del Patriarca Nikon (il settimo patriarca di Mosca e di tutti i russi della Chiesa Ortodossa Russa, che servì ufficialmente dal 1652 al 1666), andassero molto al di là di un mero progetto di “correzione” dei libri sacri. In questa direzione, i manoscritti di Leida ci dimostrano come si rompa il paradigma “locale” delle riforme religiose dell’Europa orientale del diciassettesimo secolo, offrendoci la possibilità di intravvedere quanto possa risultare più fruttuoso affrontare il tema avvicinandolo in modo comparativo al contesto storico generale dell’epoca. Dunque, per quel che riguarda il contesto ed il tema di questo volume, in questo contributo possiamo constatare quanto Book Reviews Book Reviews 265

le polemiche sui riti del primo mondo moderno non siano affatto un problema che riguarda esclusivamente l’Asia, ma si proietti ed emerga, anche, nel contesto dell’Europa orientale: pur senza la presenza di missionari contrapposti riguardo ai corretti modi di intendere e interpretare i testi sacri, riscontriamo tuttavia, nel contesto trasmessoci da questa documentazione, accese discussioni sull’autorità religiosa, sulla adiaphora e sul significato dei riti “appropriati” o “permessi”. Non da ultimo, poi, dobbiamo tenere in considerazione il fatto importante che uno dei personaggi principali degli eventi qui descritti fosse stato educato a Roma e avesse servito per molti anni come agente della Sacra Congregazione di Propaganda Fide. Altro dato comparativo importante, infine, riguarda l’esito del confronto: anche in questo caso sarà la perseveranza della Grande Chiesa che finirà per prevalere. Alla fine di tutto il complesso percorso storico, infatti, dopo una lunga e difficile lotta, il Patriarca “Nikon fu deposto e mandato in esilio. Un sinodo del 1667 lo condannò, fondamentalmente, per aver sfidato il sovrano di tutta la Russia”. E tutto ciò, malgrado il fatto che, partecipanti dello stesso sinodo, Paisios di Alessandria e Kakariyos di Antiochia approvassero le decisioni del patriarca ogni qual volta queste concordassero con la tradizione greca”. In quest’ultimo caso diventa evidente, dunque, come, pur “accomodando gli sforzi dello zar per continuare le riforme, la cui indulgenza era stata tradita da Nikon, le loro argomentazioni andarono oltre”. Ancora secondo i termini dello studioso, quindi, “la vera fede, cioè quella articolata dal sinodo, doveva essere protetta a tutti i costi. Gli atti del sinodo costantinopolitano del 1593 erano costantemente citati. I vecchi credenti dissenzienti erano trattati come eretici, e venivano chieste [per loro] penitenze civili. [In questo modo, quindi] furono realizzati grandi sforzi per ‘portare in armonia e unità la fede e la disciplina della Grande Chiesa Russa con la Chiesa orientale’, [in fondo, in fondo] proprio come Nikon aveva voluto”. L’ultima sezione, la quinta, propone uno sguardo ulteriormente allargato al tema della controversia dei riti nella prima Età Moderna, spaziando su orizzonti che nei suoi due primi contributi si distendono, rispettivamente, all’America coloniale del sud e al contesto coloniale andino. Così, nello studio di Guillermo Wilde – partendo dal contesto dell’America portoghese, con la prima importante figura del missionario gesuita responsabile della locale missione, alla metà del Cinquecento, Manuel da Nóbrega – si evidenzia come, quando le pratiche indigene parevano non caratterizzate da un significato religioso, o quando non si opponevano ai principi morali della fede 266 Book Reviews cristiana (una specie di adiaphora proposta per il nuovo continente americano), queste potevano essere in qualche modo tollerate. All’interno di non semplici dissidi in quel nuovo contesto – come, per esempio, quello che vide contrapposto, giustamente, Nóbrega con il primo vescovo portoghese dell’America, Pero Fernandes Sardinha –, i missionari della Compagnia di Gesù si trovarono finalmente nella necessità di realizzare quello che, in un nostro antico contributo, abbiamo denominato di “incontro catechetico- rituale”.3 In altre parole e nei termini suggeriti da questo contributo del libro, nel contesto dell’America del Sud della prima età moderna, i gesuiti si trovarono nella necessità di elaborare una distinzione dei costumi indiani tra quelli che si sarebbero dovuti trattare come “consuetudini civili” e quelli che, invece, avrebbero corrisposto, in qualche modo, a una prospettiva “religiosa”. La distinzione si collocava alla base della successiva (polemica) proposta: e cioè, se era conveniente o meno inserirsi all’interno e utilizzare gli strumenti di consuetudini indigene di ordine “civile” per poter, sulla loro base, realizzare il successivo processo di evangelizzazione. Al di là della prospettiva storico-religiosa aperta dalle basi di questo importante processo storico, in ogni caso, nel suo contributo, l’autore sostiene che “nelle loro descrizioni delle società indigene, i gesuiti costruivano una separazione arbitraria di sfere civili e religiose al fine di controllare la conoscenza di quelle società. Inoltre, manipolarono quella separazione per loro stessa convenienza, cercando di mantenere il potere nell’amministrazione spirituale delle missioni”. Il suggerimento del contributo, dunque, è che “non sono le usanze o i riti stessi a essere messi in gioco nel contesto sudamericano, ma ciò che è stato scritto su di essi, la conoscenza che è stata prodotta in particolari condizioni geopolitiche”. Wilde evidenzia, dunque, due livelli di problemi propri del contesto americano che, possiamo dire, si inseriscono nei termini di costruzioni analogiche: da un lato, si tratta degli sforzi iniziali dei missionari dedicati a cercare le categorie native secondo le quali si potessero identificare credenze in qualche modo collegabili a concetti cristiani o ad eventi biblici, assieme al continuo tentativo di riscontrare categorie native che potessero servire a nominare il Dio cristiano; d’altro lato, si tentava di stabilire equiparazioni o corrispondenze tra pratiche rituali indigene (dovutamente riconosciute come innocue o progressivamente addomesticate) e forme occidentali di amministrazione sacramentale. I dibattiti

3 Cf. Jesuítas e Selvagens. Book Reviews Book Reviews 267

dottrinali che seguirono i concili ed i sinodi di tutto il XVI secolo tentarono di risolvere, quindi, questi due ordini di problemi: il Terzo Concilio di Lima (1582–83), le cui trame furono sostanzialmente rette dalla figura centrale del gesuita José de Acosta, produrrà il primo catechismo (trilingue) cristiano per le popolazioni meso-americane, offrendo una prima formulazione sintetica di come amministrare i sacramenti agli indigeni: noi potremmo dire, oggi, di come amministrare gli indigeni attraverso i sacramenti. Finalmente, è sulla base di queste due dimensioni che, secondo Wilde, si sviluppa il principio di accommodatio nel contesto americano. All’interno di esso si evidenzia, infine, quanto sia risultata significativa la relazione che si veniva a stabilire tra l’uso delle lingue native (e la formazione dei missionari-linguisti delle lingue locali come “lingue generali”) e la loro connessione e identificazione con pratiche culturali indigene lette sub specie religionis.4 Interessante questo contributo aperto su questa prospettiva, sviluppandosi dunque tra l’analisi del modo di “tradurre le Credenze” e quello di “tradurre i Sacramenti”, arrivando a disegnare, pur sinteticamente, i modi missionari di amministrare/ somministrare il “sacro”, nel contesto missionario americano, in operazioni e strategie che si estendevano tra appropriazioni e mimesi. Il lavoro di Claudia Brosseder si intrattiene sull’accomodamento realizzato dai Gesuiti presso quella che l’autrice definisce, prima, come “religiosità” Inca e Andina, e dopo come “Teocracia Cristiana- Andina” attraverso una politica matrimoniale. L’obbiettivo dichiarato dello studio è quello di voler ricostruire l’interconnessione dei processi dialettici che perpassano i discorsi teorici, le sistemazioni native e che porterebbero alla realizzazione degli scambi interculturali di pratiche che, a sua volta, avrebbero portato, nei termini della studiosa,”ad una parziale secolarizzazione dei rituali andini”. Il lavoro, dunque, evidenzia un antagonismo tra il discorso coloniale europeo (che avrebbe voluto portare lo specialista rituale nativo a interrompere i legami con la religione andina) e l’agenzia nativa (che pare somigliare alla prospettiva di questo discorso e che, talvolta, “produce un moderno medico nativo specialista che non si affidava alle huacas andine”. In questo modo, si sarebbe affermata una situazione all’interno della quale “gli specialisti rituali nativi accettavano il cristianesimo, ma spesso lasciavano intatta la logica dei rituali andini”. In questo modo, si interrompeva una logica pregressa dei rituali locali – basata su un linguaggio simbolico che faceva riferimento alle

4 Si tratta in fondo di due temi e problemi storici di ordine storico-religioso sui quali si veda Jesuítas e Selvagens. 268 Book Reviews huacas locali – “tagliando i legami tra le rappresentazioni rituali e le entità sacre andine”. L’autrice dello studio viene ad indentificare, così, l’emergenza di “un nuovo sistema religioso coloniale andino, incarnato nei rituali locali”: un nuovo sistema non più legato alla “logica dei rituali andini con i suoi poliedrici legami con le huacas conosciute nel primo periodo coloniale”, ma che a partire dal momento coloniale avrebbe fatto sempre più affidamento sui “meccanismi della magia dannosa attraverso le sole analogie” (insomma, si sarebbe configurato come un linguaggio meramente analogico). Finalmente, il terzo contributo di questa parte, di Ana Carolina Hosne, si intrattiene sull’incontro (o forse meglio sulla ricerca, più o meno ostinata) e sullo sforzo di traduzione di (scovare, in qualche modo) un Dio cristiano nelle missioni gesuitiche extraeuropee. In questa direzione, ci imbattiamo ancora una volta con il problema della lingua: la mediazione linguistica locale e quella missionaria (europea) si collocano al centro dello sforzo missionario e della bella ed interessante analisi della studiosa.5 La riflessione al centro dello studio è dunque quella che si fissa sul modo e le strategie secondo le quali i missionari riuscivano o meno a tradurre il Dio cristiano nei contesti extraeuropei. “L’assenza di un termine per Dio, sia Dios in spagnolo, o Dio in italiano, attribuito sia da Acosta che da Ricci all’assenza di una lettera “d”, ‘costrinse’ apparentemente gli spagnoli in Perù a usare il termine spagnolo Dios, mentre i gesuiti in Cina optarono per un nome cinese per Dio, Tianzhu”. Tuttavia, come dimostra attentamente l’analisi del contributo, ciò che sta alla base di queste scelte missionarie locali è di una complessità che va molto al di là della pressuposta presenza o assenza di una lettera alfabetica: anche se (secondo la nostra specifica ricerca) le spiegazioni missionarie e la funzione dei missionari-linguisti rivelano aspetti comunque importanti di questa interpretazione. In ogni caso, tuttavia, nella “ricerca” o nella “traduzione” di un Dio cristiano nei contesti operativi delle missioni gesuitiche pesavano, soprattutto – negli esempi presi in considerazione e al dilà questi –, le differenze contestuali di un ambiente propriamente coloniale (come nel caso della missione peruviana) o di uno spazio di missione non coloniale. L’analisi proposta, dunque, rivela

5 Anche per la nostra attenzione al problema in base ad una prospettiva propriamente storico-religiosa, si veda Paolo Scarpi, Si fa presto a dire Dio: riflessioni per un multiculturalismo religioso. Milano: Ponte delle Grazie (Adriano Salani Editore), 2010. Book Reviews Book Reviews 269

come, nel primo contesto, principalmente nella prima metà del diciassettesimo secolo, incarnando quella che si configurava come l’“idolatria” indigena, “le huacas finirono per oscurare gli attributi positivi del presunto creatore andino, Viracocha”: si è trattato del momento in cui “l’avversione all’idolatria durante la battaglia e il ruolo di Viracocha come creatore ex nihilo hanno perso importanza nell’antagonismo tra ‘il vero Dio’, il cui nome doveva essere pronunciato esclusivamente in spagnolo, e le huacas idolatre”. Nel contesto cinese, invece, Ricci (il primo gesuita ad ammirare il confucianesimo come un sistema superiore di moralità e politica) e i gesuiti credevano di poter riscontrare presso i classici locali le prove di un monoteismo primordiale. La selezione di Ricci dei termini Shang di e Tianzhu per Dio (secondo il missionario italiano, “il nostro Signore del Cielo è il Signore in Alto” dei libri canonici cinesi) fu approvata, infine, dalVisitador Alessandro Valignano nel 1600: lo stesso Valignano che nel suo catechismo per il Giappone (stampato a Lisbona all’inizio del 1586 sotto le istruzioni del generale Acquaviva e senza la conoscenza dell’autore) scelse di non tradurre il termine “Dio” (usando invece il latino Deus). E qui, l’interessante analisi comparativa condotta da questo contributo sui “nomi di Dio” nei due contesti (peruviano e cinese) ritrova i termini della polemica sui riti nel suo luogo di nascita privilegiato: là dove i Francescani e i Domenicani sostenevano che la strategia di traduzione gesuitica (insieme ai riti cinesi che adoravano gli antenati e Confucio) violava gli insegnamenti del cristianesimo. E se, verso la fine del diciassettesimo secolo, la Santa Sede fu decisamente coinvolta in questa controversia, questa “apertura” (verso la traslitterazione latina, come in Giappone, o verso l’identificazione con un termine cinese) dura, all’interno della Compagnia di Gesù, fino agli inizi del 1630. In questa direzione, dunque, oltre alla differenza dei contesti operativi (coloniale, nel caso del Perù, o del complesso inserimento in un contesto non coloniale, come nel caso della Cina), l’analisi potrebbe suggerire, anche, ulteriori ed interessanti percorsi di ricerca in direzione ai particolari riflessi storico-comparativi di una polemica e delle sue particolarità estese ai diversi contesti, ma anche tessute da una temporalità che, in qualche modo, avvicina le sfide e le proposte missionarie. I due epilogi finali elaborati dai curatori del libro – Pierre Antoine Fabre e Ines G. Zupanov –, ognuno a suo modo, paiono collocare in evidenza due sintesi importanti relativamente al percorso di studi e alle rispettive analisi proposti nei vari studi ed emergenti 270 Book Reviews dalla “polemica dei riti” nella prima Età moderna. Così Fabre centra la sua attenzione sulla figura di un grande “controversista”, il gesuita Michel Le Tellier (1643–1719), facendolo diventare l’esempio significativo di un atteggiamento comune ad altri gesuiti durante il “lungo secolo della controversia sui riti”. Nel tentativo di difendere i riti cinesi, infatti, “Le Tellier riunisce una serie di interpretazioni riguardanti i riti confuciani di cui tutti i gesuiti si sono serviti nella difesa della loro fragilità, ma che insieme mostrano un alto grado di indecisione. Deve essere data priorità all’aspetto sociale di questi riti inventando un mondo senza religione, o dovrebbe essere accordato a questo una certa forma di religiosità, rischiando così un conflitto ‘interconfessionale’? In entrambi i casi e su due fronti diversi, la posizione della Compagnia di Gesù rimane discutibile”. Secondo le linee iniziali trattate da questa nostra recensione, infine, nell’opera di questi gesuiti ritornano a risuonare: 1) l’opposizione tra “riti religiosi” (cattolici) e “riti civili”; 2) in questa prima opposizione, si inserirebbe la possibilità di creare un orizzonte di compatibilità nella misura in cui dovessimo comprendere le due forme di ritualità solamente nella loro comune e basica dimensione di “riti civili”; 3) finalmente, tra le righe, trapelerebbe la soluzione opposta: nel qual caso fossero qualificati come riti religiosi i riti cinesi e confuciani incontrerebbero la possibilità di una riduzione della loro opposizione una volta assorbiti nella religione cattolica. Il dilemma si colloca decisamente come centrale e, sotto questo punto di vista, rimane assolutamente aperto: in fondo si tratta di decidere se i riti cinesi debbano essere esclusi o inclusi dalle cerimonie “religiose”. E la decisione, base della polemica missionaria, è quella che, da un lato, vede la loro esclusione “perché provengono da una tradizione [...]6 estranea alla religione cattolica”, e, d’altro lato, “dovrebbero essere inclusi perché provengono da origini religiose (o legge naturale) che precedono la religione cattolica. E, finalmente, dovremmo riconoscere, a questo proposito, quale importanza abbia assunto lo strumento interpretativo di “legge naturale” per l’esperienza missionaria: attorno a questa si sono costituite tante dispute della prima Età Moderna; attraverso di questa si sono tentate tante

6 “Religiosa”, ci dice Fabre, ma, con la Storia delle Religioni dovremmo, prima di tutto, problemattizare giustamente la qualificazione in causa: cioè, storicizzare la sua genesi occidentale e la sua funzione all’interno di questa prospettiva culturale, anche quando serva, appunto, ad interpretare l’alterità culturale secondo questa sua stessa prospettiva “religiosa” (necessariamente tra virgolette). Book Reviews Book Reviews 271

mediazioni, storiche e concettuali, del conflitto; a mezzo di questa, infine, si sono costruite aperture e strumenti in direzione alla sfida di una compatibilizzazione globale di culture. Dal canto suo, la sintesi proposta dalla Zupanov parte dall’osservazione generale secondo la quale le controversie sui riti: 1) rappresentano un fenomeno globale e di transizione del primo mondo cristiano moderno in fase di inedita espansione planetaria: la fine del percorso (la “risoluzione” dell’apertura che aveva portato giustamente alla polemica) si concluse con una nitida divisione; 2) in secondo luogo, pur cambiando le direttrici delle polemiche in termini globali, i conflitti defragravano e coinvolgevano tanto i nemici interni quanto quelli esterni: al di là dello scontro sulla “religione”, quindi, tanto a livello locale, quanto a livello globale, i conflitti si radicavano in circostanze di profonde trasformazioni politiche e sociali. A partire dall’esempio del conflitto tra due gesuiti del Malabar, Gonçalo Fernandes e Roberto de’ Nobili (sul contesto del quale è stato così importante e stimolante il contributo di studi della Zupanov), che nasce dalle diverse interpretazione, “religiose” o “civili” dei riti locali, la studiosa evidenzia come “i risultati delle dispute del diciassettesimo secolo tra i missionari in Asia rivelavano un acuto senso della possibilità e della necessità di un confronto tra diversi ‘riti’, che nel diciottesimo secolo emersero come un importante dispositivo euristico utile per sistemare e classificare i nuovi incontri di società e culture non cristiane”: si pensi, in quest’ultimo caso, alle testimonianze storiche offerte dai lavori Cérémonies et coutumes religieuses de tous les peuples du monde, de 1723–43 (editato da Jean Frédéric Bernanrd e illustrato da Bernard Picart), a La Scienza Nuova, de 1725, di Giambattista Vico, e, nello stesso anno del 1724, a Les moeurs des sauvages américains comparées aux moeurs des premiers temps, de Joseph-François Lafitau, e a De l’origine des fables, de Bernard de Fontenelle. In termini generali ed in qualche modo, dunque, con la Zupanov possiamo sintetizzare come gli scontri e le dispute che si verificano tra i rappresentanti delle strutture ecclesiastiche (tra Goa e Roma, ai diversi gradi) ed i loro “inviati”/missionari in terra di evangelizzazione, possono essere ridotti, nel diciottesimo secolo, al grado di permissività e alla maggiore o minore apertura che poteva essere concessa alla diversità sociale e culturale dei possibili neofiti: e questo, soprattutto, all’interno della liturgia, dei sacramenti edei sacramentali. Tra i riti cinesi e la polemica del Malabar, alla fine, si consumò il fallimento dell’impresa cattolica in Asia. Tuttavia, allo stesso tempo in cui si avviava questo fallimento, è curioso 272 Book Reviews osservare come la missione pietista del Tranquebar (anche questa nel Sud dell’India, ma posta sotto il patronato del re di Danimarca) cominci a trarre beneficio giustamente dalla confusione e dal caos che si viene determinando nella missione portoghese di Madurai. Un’eredità culturale e missionaria si realizzava e si trasmetteva, al di là delle opposizioni interne del cristianesimo: ed in questo caso, “i pietisti non solo erano in grado di attrarre popolazioni già cristianizzate, ma si appropriavano [...] di buona parte della letteratura e della conoscenza catechistica missionaria”. Finalmente, come dicevamo all’inizio, questa importante messa a punto dello stato degli studi riguardanti le controversie sui riti nel primo mondo moderno presenta e fa emergere la centralità di alcune problematiche (già riscontrate, tra l’altro, in nostre precedenti ricerche e studi), tra cui la stretta connessione di queste controversie con le importanti problemi linguistici e di traduzioni; in stretta dipendenza dalle prime, si presentano quindi le interpretazioni/ traduzioni realizzate nei diversi fronti della polemica, rispondendo alle loro diverse finalità; quindi, le diverse dimensioni interpretative paiono acquisire connotazioni di strumenti di interculturalità (più o meno reciproca), di conflitti (dipendendo dai vari punti di vista: missionari, teologici, locali, romani e/o inquisitoriali) che si radicano tra meccanismi e funzionalità differenziate: di accomodamenti ortopratici e/o ortodossie; tutto questo, infine, colto, percepito e/o interpretato in quanto l’affermarsi di modi e supporti referenziali per letture dei costumi di alterità che si inscrivevano in un’opposizione caratteristica: in prospettiva civile (politica) o sub specie religionis! Questi sono in fondo i nodi generali (ed i conseguenti temi storiografici dominanti) che riguardano le varie querelles che si accendono globalmente in Epoca Moderna e attorno ai quali sono organizzati i lavori di questo, senz’altro ricco, importante e denso, contributo collettivo. Un’importante insieme di contributi differenziati che, tra l’altro, rivelano l’importanza che le differenti dimensioni interpretative e operative dei missionari assumono e mantengono in dipendenza dalla diversità dei contesti storici e sociali nei quali si trovano ad operare. A questi aspetti, infine, vorremmo aggiungerne o sottolinearne un altro paio (che ci paiono importanti), nella misura in cui trapelano dalle diverse analisi, ma non trovano mai una loro specifica attenzione in quanto tali. Si tratta, anzitutto, di quella che ci pare possibile chiamare di “matrice italiana” dell’accomodamento Book Reviews Book Reviews 273

rituale.7 Anche se non sempre limitata a missionari gesuiti italiani, emerge come la matrice ed il protagonismo – della costruzione teorica e pratica, oltreché della difesa di questa strategia –, caratterizzino soprattutto questi, a partire da un progetto e dal coordinamento giapponese-asiatico di Alessandro Valignano: ci sembra importante richiamare l’attenzione su ciò proprio nella misura in cui, a dispetto della sua importanza in questo contesto e per queste problematiche, tanto il contesto giapponese, quanto la figura di Valignano (quale primo e forte antesignano del progetto di accomodamento) sono assenti dall’insieme di questi studi. Il secondo aspetto sul quale vogliamo richiamare l’attenzione – e che, in questo caso, emerge senza ombra di dubbio dai vari contributi di questo prezioso libro – è quello della necessità (tra l’altro, esplicitamente manifestata dalla stessa introduzione) di intravvedere come ed in che misura il diciasettesimo secolo si viene configurando in quanto “genesi di una storia delle religioni” o, per lo meno, come uno dei suoi momenti più significativi: emblematico e privilegiato. In quanto solamente pochi (un paio, forse) tra i lavori qui presenti non problematizzano minimamente questa prospettiva (da qui certa confusione e fragilità di questi, causa l’assenza di un’analisi storico-religiosa), senza dubbio dalla quasi totalità dei testi si evince decisamente il processo di questa genesi e, quindi, la possibilità e la necessità di approfondire questa importante prospettiva per comprendere meglio i fenomeni analizzati. L’analisi storico-comparativa proposta dalla Storia delle Religioni si fondamenta, giustamente e anzitutto, su una prioritaria storicizzazione della genesi occidentale del concetto di religione (e delle diverse funzioni che va assumendo lungo il suo percorso storico): e tutto ciò, anche quando, alla fin fine, questa serva, appunto, ad interpretare l’alterità culturale, non solo sub specie religionis, ma anche in prospettiva civile o, addirittura, ateistica.

Università di São Paulo (Brasile) Adone Agnolin

7 Quello che potremmo definire un “impero simbolico” emergente in contrapposizione all’“impero político” portoghese, secondo quanto suggerito da Nicola Gasbarro: “O Império Simbólico”, in: Contextos Missionários; Per una dimensione rituale che si apre, in qualche modo e non senza problemi, alle dimensioni dell’incontro e dell’ortopratica, cf. “Le Rite et le Lieu de l’Autre”.

ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXVII, FASC. 174 2018-II

Articles

David Aeby, Un antijésuitisme issu des missions d’Asie dans le diocèse de Lausanne: Les Lettres édifiantes et curieuses de l’abbé Pierre-François Favre (1746) 189

Ana Carolina Hosne, In the Shadow of Cathay: A Survey of European Encounters in Discerning, Mapping, and Exploring Tibet during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries 243

Research Notes

Andrea Mariani, State-Sponsored Inventories of Jesuit Houses in the Aftermath of the Suppression of the Society of Jesus: Notes on a Source for Jesuit History from the Polish– 289 Lithuanian Commonwealth

Gauthier Malulu Lock SJ, Louis Antoine Grimod (1716–1788). Dernier « ex-jésuite » en Egypte après la suppression de la 375 Compagnie de Jésus

Living History

Paul F. Grendler, An Historian’s Journey to Jesuit Education 385 Bibliography (Paul Begheyn SJ) 403

Book Reviews

P.-A. Fabre, F. Rurale, eds, The Acquaviva Project (J. Dalton) 513

G. Imbruglia, The Jesuit Missions of Paraguay (F. Fechner) 517

P. Valvo, Pio XI e la Cristiada (G. Dellamary Toral) 519

A. Reynoso SJ, Francisco Xavier Clavigero (G. López Castillo) 522

E. González González, El poder de las letras. Por una historia social de las universidades de la América hispana (F. R. Vega) 527

C. Ferlan, Sbornie sacre, sbornie profane. L’ubriachezza dal Vecchio al Nuovo mondo (C. Benocci) 531

P. Gwynne, ed. and trans., Francesco Benci’s Quinque martyres (A. Cañeque) 536

L. Galeazzo, Venezia e i margini urbani. L’insula dei Gesuiti in età moderna (D. Brunello SJ) 539

E. Pantini, C. Faverzani, M. Marconi, Lo sposo burlato da Piccinni a Dittersdorf (M. Saulini) 541

C. Flucke, M.J. Schröter, eds, Die litterae annuae der Gesellschaft Jesu von Glückstadt (1645 bis 1772) (V. Moynes) 543

Notes and News in Jesuit History

Jesuitas en el Perú: ayer y hoy (1568-2018). Convegno di studi, Centro Cultural de San Marcos, Lima 20–21 settembre 2018 549 Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu vol. lxxxvii, fasc. 174 (2018-II)

Book Reviews

Pierre-Antoine Fabre and Flavio Rurale (eds). The Acquaviva Project: Claudio Acquaviva’s Generalate (1581-1615) and the Emergence of Modern Catholicism. Chestnut Hill, MA: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2017. 410 pp. $50.00. ISBN: 9780997282382.

“Turmoil in the congregation”; “rivalry”; “most entangled turmoil”; “hearsay scattered through the city”; “pernicious suspicion”.1 The marginalia on the opening pages of Francesco Sacchini’s (1570–1625) history of the Society of Jesus under Claudio Acquaviva (superior general 1581–1615) reflect the turbulence facing the Jesuits at his election. The Jesuits’ rapid global expansion during the late sixteenth century exacerbated the complexity of Acquaviva’s challenges. Listing delegates charged to investigate matters of detriment to the Society, Sacchini notes representatives of countries from Poland to the East and West Indies.2 Sacchini also alludes to the significance of external influences on the Jesuits’ development under Acquaviva; by page three, Pope Gregory XIII (1502–85) himself has intervened.3 Sacchini’s text reveals that Superior General Acquaviva was called to resolve a myriad of questions about the spirituality, organisation and activities of the Society. Moreover, Acquaviva had to do this during a period of extreme religious and political flux. Whilst the details of Sacchini’s history indicate the extensive scholarly scope needed to illuminate the events of Acquaviva’s generalate, Sacchini’s own approach is far too limited. Like Niccolò Orlandini (1554–1606), Sacchini’s predecessor as official Jesuit historian, Sacchini reduces the history of the entire Society to a biography of its Superiors General: Historiae Societatis Iesu sive Lainus (1620), Borgia (1622), Everardus [that is, Mercurian] (1652) and, finally, Claudius [Acquaviva] (1661–1710).4 This biographical format

1 “Turbarum in Congregatione origo…Aemulatio Palmii adversus Manareum… Rumor per urbem sparsus… Suspicione[m] pernicies…intricatissimae turbae”. Francesco Sacchini, Societatis Iesv pars quinta sive Claudivs. Tomvs prior avtore Francisco Sacchino eivsdem Societatis sacerdote. Res extra Europam gestas, & alia quaedam suppleuit Petrvs Possinvs ex eadem Societate (Rome: Ex Typographia Varesij, 1666), 2–5.

2 Ibid., 4.

3 Ibid., 3.

4 Orlandini began Historiae Societatis Iesu sive Ignatius but died before its completion. Sacchini brought the work to completion and publication. 514 Book Reviews suited Sacchini’s aim to justify Acquaviva as a worthy successor of Ignatius. Nonetheless, it excludes many of the Jesuits’ activities and challenges during this crucial period. As Sacchini’s marginalia attest, many Jesuits did not walk in lock-step with their Superior General, his delegates, or each other.5 Moreover, by focusing on a Superior General who rarely left Rome, much of the Society’s global activity is side-lined as res extra Europam gestas et alia (a section of the book that was incomplete at Sacchini’s death).6 Critically, biography limits discussion of external events to a Society whose activities and troubles were seldom discrete from the wider world. The most decisive questions of Acquaviva’s generalate were affected or even created by the Jesuits’ engagement with the external institutions and individuals, political and religious, from Madurai to Milan. Perhaps more than that of any other generalate, a study of the Society under Acquaviva demands an approach that is broad, global and interdisciplinary. Though not a biography, the volume does much to elucidate Acquaviva’s role as a ‘re-founder’ of the Society, revealing how he addressed unresolved questions from the Society’s early years about fundamental aspects of the Jesuits’ organisation and relationship with the outside world. In a jointly-authored contribution, Fabre and Patrick Goujon argue that even the Spiritual Exercises were a battle ground between mystics and anti-mystics within the Society. Developing a Directory of the Spiritual Exercises (1599), Acquaviva regularised their use as a tool of spiritual direction in external missions and as a method of formation amongst the Jesuits, “structur[ing] a division between inside and outside” (33). This chapter and Fabre’s contribution on Jesuit correspondence show how Acquaviva’s measures sought to exploit Loyola’s ideals to fulfil the Jesuits’ obligations to protect and unify their Society, and to save souls in the world. They also reveal that Acquaviva’s regularisation permitted diversity. Acquaviva established a hierarchy of use to resolve arguments over the Exercises, but it was a hierarchy that allowed Jesuits to make the Exercises a “site of internal expression” (33). Moreover, Cristiano Casalini and Francesco Mattei argue that in developing the Ratio Studiorum

5 Fernanda Alfieri and Claudio Ferlan (eds), Avventure dell’obbedienza nella Compagnia di Gesù. Teorie e prassi fra XVI e XIX secolo, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2012; Michela Catto, La Compagnia Divisa: Il Dissenso nell’ordine Gesuitico tra ’500 e ’600, Brescia: Morcelliana, 2009; Silvia Mostaccio, Early Modern Jesuits between Obedience and Conscience during the Generalate of Claudio Acquaviva (1581–1615), Farnham: Ashgate, 2014.

6 This section was completed by Pietro Possino. Book Reviews Book Reviews 515

Acquaviva proposed guidelines for teaching which, in practice, were open to local variation. Here again we see Acquaviva negotiating the Jesuits’ obligations ad extra — here, to teach — with those ad intra — in this case, protecting the Society from occasions and accusations of heresy. In these contributions and others on missions in Madurai and Peru we see that, with the help of his most astute men, Acquaviva sought lasting solutions, using an acute perception of the diversity amongst the Jesuits and the limitations presented by the their internal and external responsibilities. The volume also illustrates that Acquaviva’s generalate was definitive for the formation of a lasting Jesuit identity. A chapter by Guido Mongini outlines Acquaviva’s efforts to transform the Society’s trials into an edifying narrative of saintly persecution that was to be circulated within the Society. Mongini thus reveals the significance of self-mythologising for the Jesuits’ internal identity, as well as for the external, historical image more frequently discussed by scholars.7 Remarkably, Mongini notes that the strictly confidentialTratado de las persecuciones de la Compañia de Jesús (c.1606) by Pedro de Ribadeneyra (1526–1611) even suggested that the living pope, Clement VIII (1536–1605), was a persecutor of the Society. This revelation bolsters the conclusions of recent scholarship that has radically disrupted traditional conceptions of the Jesuits’ historical relationship to the papacy. Unfortunately, misconceptions of the Society as a passive papal tool are reiterated in a chapter on the inquisitions (José Martinez Millán and Esther Jiménez Pablo), which states that the Jesuits were “a suitable instrument to instil Catholicism under the will of the pope” (242). The effect of this comment is heightened by a failure to mention the split between the Jesuits, the papacy and the Roman Inquisition over the Society’s privilege to absolve heretics, which culminated in 1587 with the revocation of the privilege and the transformation of the Society’s relationship with the papal tribunal.8 This omission is particularly unfortunate as these events were, at least in part, influenced by happenings in Spain described in detail in the

7 John O’Malley, “The Historiography of the Society of Jesus: Where does it stand today?’ in O’Malley, ed., Saints or Devils Incarnate? Studies in Jesuit History, Leiden: Brill, 2013, 1–35; Guido Mongini, “Ad Christi similtudinem”: Ignazio di Loyola e i primi gesuiti tra eresia e ortodossia, Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 2011, 23–44.

8 Adriano Prosperi, Tribunali della coscienza: Inquisitori, confessori, missionari, Turin: Einaudi, 1996, 237. 516 Book Reviews chapter, as well as challenges from France not discussed here.9 Later in the volume, a masterly contribution by Franco Motta traces the roots of perceptions of the Society as a papal taskforce. Offering an account of the entwined theological and political ideas that stirred suspicions about the nature of Jesuits’ apparently unwavering loyalty to Rome, Motta illustrates how factors discussed across the volume, from nationalism to obedience to the Ratio Studiorum, impacted perceptions of the Society. Though focused on Jesuit identity, this overview of the volume’s key themes is a welcome addition late in the work, particularly in the absence of a conclusion or detailed introduction by the editors. This collection reveals much of the character and approach of a Superior General who is so often overshadowed by comparisons to the Society’s great founder-saint and the extraordinary events and fellow-Jesuits of Ignatius’s time. The research presented here shows that Acquaviva was singular in his shrewd negotiation of the Jesuits’ obligations ad intra and ad extra across a vast range of activities. The work is an important development in the series of studies on the early generalates that have been published in the last decades. Like the Mercurian Project (2004) it elucidates the decision-making processes of a general faced with manifold international challenges and a Society with intense growing pains. Echoing the approach of Francisco Borja y su tiempo (2012), the volume uses a single generalate as a point of departure for exploring questions and developments that transcend the life of the Superior General and even that of the Society. In its conception and breadth, the volume also reflects the perhaps unprecedented vitality and promise of Jesuit studies at present. This is most evident in contributions that are unconstrained by the limits of a particular country or individual. This further désenclavement of the history of a crucial juncture for the Jesuits and early modern Catholicism will undoubtedly lead scholars both to conclusions and further questions, not only with respect to the global context within which they operated, but also to themes well beyond the confines of the Society.

University of St Andrews, Scotland Jessica M. Dalton

9 The denunciation of Loyola’s doctrine on obedience by French Jesuit Vincent Julien, for example. See Mostaccio, Early Modern Jesuits between Obedience and Conscience, 86–96. Book Reviews Book Reviews 517

Girolamo Imbruglia, The Jesuit Missions of Paraguay and a Cultural History of Utopia (1568–1789), Leiden/Boston, Brill, 2017, € 133,00. 323pp. ISBN 978-90-04-35059-5

In numerous articles and monographs, the Jesuit experience in early modern Paraguay is cast as an exotic topic, as a case on the margins of Christianity, or as a mere appendix to the history of European expansion. Paraguayan history itself, furthermore, commonly is treated as a story of faraway lands. Imbruglia’s impressive monograph, by contrast, shows that for many Europeans in the early modern period, Paraguay was much closer to their interests than it may seem to Europeans today. It was a core topic in European debates about religious and political aspects of “civilizing” processes and the relationship between historiography and Utopian literature. Paraguay, for these early modern observers, was not a marginal place on the edge of the known world, but a key example used to discuss social development and historical change in the metropoles of Central, Southern, and Western Europe. Unlike many other studies about the Jesuits in Paraguay, Imbruglia‘s work does not start with the year 1608 when the Jesuit Province “Paracuaria” was founded. Instead, the reader is provided with comprehensive and rich analyses of such Spanish theologians as Sepúlveda and las Casas, and thus with an understanding of the intellectual background and numerous learned debates about the “spiritual conquest” that was underway. The discussion of early modern evangelization processes treated in this volume is thereby stripped of the teleological flavour of traditional mission history. What was once an argumentative one-way street becomes an inspiring and convincing panoramic view of manifold alternatives in mission theory. These theoretical reflections are compared with the Jesuits’ first practical experiences in Peru (pp. 52–58). Although a “first version” of the study was published more than thirty years ago under the title, L’invenzione del Paraguay: Studio sull’idea di comunità tra Seicento e Settecento (Naples: Bibliopolis 1987), the thorough revision and updating of books and articles — that reflect the author’s own research interests, and more broadly new research directions in the Jesuit enterprise in Paraguay — justify the claim that Imbruglia’s work is a “completely new study” rather than simply an English translation (p. 24). A particular value of the book is that, rather than limiting the analysis to French, Spanish and English literature, the author includes many works written in German, which are normally neglected in international scholarship because of language barriers. 518 Book Reviews

The aim of the monograph is to establish and explain a four-stage model of an early modern cultural history of Utopia, with Jesuit Paraguay as a case study. From the precise analysis of a considerable corpus of primary sources (mainly in Spanish, Italian, and French), the ideal of mission among the first followers of Ignatius until about 1600 emerges as the first stage. A very tangible result of this analysis is a clear and original analysis of the Imago primi saeculi Societatis Iesu (1640). This source has commonly been interpreted as an isolated visual compendium. Imbruglia instead points out the important relation between this work and the Litterae annuae, and Acta Sanctorum. Secondly, from Bolland to Muratori (c. 1640 to 1740), the Jesuit missions in Paraguay were claimed to be a Catholic Utopia based on the model of the primitive church. Sources such as the Lettres édifiantes and curieuses, the often-neglected Mémoires de Trévoux, and Muratori’s Cristianesimo felice provide the basis for an exhaustive analysis of the religious facets of Utopia. The third stage starts with the Enlightenment, and Montesquieu’s description of Paraguay when “the Jesuit missions of Paraguay […] offered the surprising twofold spectacle of both a utopia anda reality” (p. 155). With Rousseau’s Du contrat social, the idea of Utopia was freed from its religious frame. A new and genuinely political dimension was opened in the debate when a “new interest arose in that mysterious state, which had proved capable of organizing an army able to resist the joint Spanish and Portuguese colonial forces” (p. 191). The fourth and last stage is associated with the late Enlightenment and the growing influence of natural history and economic questions. Its main topics are represented, among others, in the degeneration theory of Cornelis De Pauw (1739–99) and the famous Histoire des deux Indes (1770) edited by Guillaume Thomas Raynal. The invaluable contribution of Imbruglia’s monograph is obvious: While the numerous tracts, reports and pamphlets about the Jesuit missions in Paraguay were used until recently only as arsenals for isolated pro-Jesuit or anti-Jesuit arguments, Imbruglia has instead analysed them as part of a dialogue which reaches far beyond mission history, deep inside the history of the underlying ideas that informed it. Paraguay has once more moved closer to Europe.

Fernuniversität, Hagen Fabian Fechner Book Reviews Book Reviews 519

Paolo Valvo, Pio XI e la Cristiada. Fede, guerra e diplomazia in Messico (1926-1929). Brescia, Morcelliana, 2016. €40,00. 540pp. ISBN 8837229763.

El espíritu de investigador del autor, finalmente logra plasmar en un grueso volumen de más de 500 páginas el resultado de una sistemática y metódica investigación realizada particularmente en los archivos secretos del Vaticano, y de los Jesuitas (ARSI) y otros archivos en México. Su proceso de indagación de los documentos ha aclarado temas de gran relevancia para la comprensión de la historia de uno de los acontecimientos más importantes en la segunda década del siglo pasado en México. Ciertamente han existido muchos otros autores que habían revisado parte de estos documentos, que afortunadamente siguen estando disponibles en dichos archivos, con la organización del material de una manera tan profesional, y además, aclarando los hechos desde la perspectiva de la Santa Sede, hacen posible que podamos contar con una versión que será una importante referencia para la historia de México en este periodo tan significativo. En la presentación de dicho volumen Francesco Margiotta Broglio lo dice muy bien al señalar que es una obra, sin duda, original, que afronta en todos sus principales aspectos un tema de gran interés historiográfico insertándolo dentro del marco de la política internacional de la Santa Sede. Valvo no conforme con revisar los diversos archivos de Roma ha indagado en otros archivos en México con el fin de corroborar algunos de los aspectos más relevantes del conflicto religioso mexicano y de la Curia Romana durante los años del papado de Pío XI. Vale la pena subrayar que el autor tiene un enfoque significativo sobre temas de historia contemporánea y que además de su interés por los temas relacionados con la diplomacia de la Santa Sede muestra un enfoque entre la fe y la violencia, cosa que es poco usual en los investigadores. De aquí la importancia del subtítulo de su libro, que se enfoca en estos dos temas, la lucha de las personas fieles a la fe católica frente a los persecutores del momento, representadas por el gobierno laicista y anticlerical de Plutarco Elías Calles, desembocando dramáticamente en lo que conocemos como La Guerra Cristera o La Cristiada. El libro lo ha dividido en cinco capítulos y una nota conclusiva en donde comienza a presentar documentación sobre cuáles pueden ser los orígenes del conflicto mexicano religioso, y para ello, retrocede 520 Book Reviews en sus investigaciones a poner elementos de análisis en la relación de la iglesia y el estado mexicano desde la Independencia hasta El Porfiriato y de cómo se involucraron los católicos mexicanos en la Revolución. Y marcando con particular tino la intervención del gobierno de Washington en todos estos asuntos. En el capítulo segundo pone en particular el problema de la ruptura entre la Santa Sede y el gobierno mexicano y el retorno de 1921 a 1925 de las relaciones. En el capítulo tercero ya comienza con el estudio de la crisis de 1926 con particular énfasis en la presencia de la intervención del embajador de Estados Unidos en México, Dwight W. Morrow, y a su vez, cómo se desarrolló el comité episcopal y la delegación apostólica particularmente en la suspensión del culto. En este hecho tan importante y trascendente es donde se hace más significativa la aportación que hace el autor a nuevas tesis de investigación para aclarar quién fue realmente el responsable de haberlo suspendido, porque a su vez fue motivo de la irritabilidad y molestia, no solo del gobierno del Presidente Calles, sino particularmente de la población localizada en las zonas del Centro de México más apegadas a la asistencia al culto y a la liturgia. Una situación que desata el tema de la violencia, que finalmente desemboca en una guerra y este punto lo trata con singular riqueza. En el capítulo cuarto, pasa al tema de la mediación en el conflicto que corresponde a los años de 1927 y 1928, en el cual se busca que en vez de incitar más violencia por parte de los alzados cristeros, el Vaticano y la opinión internacional traten de detener lo que se concibió como una persecución religiosa. Los documentos que aporta el autor sobre los intentos conciliatorios del general Obregón son muy importantes, puesto que no se sabía con exactitud cuál había sido la intervención del general cuando se suponía que todo el poder descansaba en el general Calles, sin embargo, el dialogo de Obregón con ciertos personajes relacionados con la jerarquía eclesiástica son una muy interesante aportación al intento de apaciguar la lucha armada. En ese mismo capítulo nos habla de cómo la Santa Sede interviene a través de la relación que se establece con Monseñor Díaz en sus viajes a Roma y cómo al mismo tiempo interviene el Padre Burque, quien, junto con el embajador, interviene a la americana en la búsqueda de soluciones. Valvo aporta documentación suficiente para demostrar que la Santa Sede desaprueba el levantamiento armado en México, contrario a lo que sostienen muchos sobre la licitud moral de la defensa de la fe a través de las armas y la violencia dentro de la ACJM Book Reviews Book Reviews 521

(Asociación Católica Juvenil Mexicana). Y además el hallazgo de las personalidades jesuitas que habían estado detrás de esta asociación. Y en el capítulo quinto nos introduce el autor con los famosos y conocidos arreglos que tienen que ver con la intervención de las gestiones, que por un lado, se lograron con la intervención de los obispos guiados por el delegado apostólico en Washington, y por el otro, por la ya mencionada intervención discreta de la diplomacia a la americana, y a este capítulo lo denominó Modus vivendi o modus moriendi? A modo de conclusión citaremos lo que el mismo autor pone en sus notas de la página 485 de su texto, dentro de muchas otras cosas muy interesantes, al referirse al cómo la Secretaría de Estado se respalda de los católicos estadounidenses como un posible modelo para la iglesia mexicana, lo que ofrece un punto nuclear para una última reflexión. La constante intervención de Estados Unidos en los asuntos de México que data desde la primera mitad del siglo XIX, lo que nos aporta al conflicto religioso de los años veinte, ulteriores y fundamentales elementos que lo hacen complejo. Durante La Cristiada muchos mexicanos ven, de hecho, en la mediación ofrecida por el embajador Morrow, por el secretario de la National Catholic Welfare Conference, el Padre Burque y el jesuita Walsh, el renovarse bajo otras formas de la injerencia política del poderoso vecino norteamericano en los asuntos internos del propio país... Pio XI lo confiesa abiertamente a Monseñor Giuseppe Malusardi en abril de 1935, cuando en el transcurso de una audiencia afirma que {los Estados Unidos no comprenden nada, ni se interesan de hecho de la cuestión religiosa y ya lo han demostrado}. De igual manera, parece nutrir lo que el Pontífice ha manifestado sobre la incapacidad de la sociedad de las naciones para mitigar la persecución religiosa en México. Son innumerables las reflexiones que propone el autor para invitar a volver a estudiar la Historia de México en este enfrentamiento entre el catolicismo y el gobierno mexicano, y poder comprender mejor al México actual. Son innumerables las reflexiones que propone el autor para invitar a volver a estudiar la Historia de México en este enfrentamiento entre el catolicismo y el gobierno mexicano, y poder comprender mejor al México actual. Este libro proporciona una riqueza enorme de información que será muy útil para todos los investigadores y ávidos lectores de estos temas.

Guadalajara, México Guillermo Dellamary Toral 522 Book Reviews

Arturo Reynoso SJ, Francisco Xavier Clavigero. El aliento del Espíritu, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica-Artes de México y del Mundo, 2018. 576 pp. Mex$ 595. ISBN 9786074612578.

A principios de 2018, pero aún con el ánimo conmemorativo tocante al 250 aniversario de la expulsión de la Compañía de Jesús recibimos la nueva obra de Arturo Reynoso SJ que a partir del estudio de un personaje clave de la orden como lo es Francisco Xavier Clavigero (Veracruz, 1731 – Bolonia, 1787) abona a la historiografía de toda una época de los jesuitas en la Nueva España y, posteriormente, de los jesuitas expulsos en el Viejo Mundo. Se trata de un nuevo punto de vista que, a partir de la revisión historiográfica sobre el tema, así como de un exhaustivo trabajo de investigación documental en el Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu nos orienta sobre aspectos biográficos insuficientemente conocidos del personaje principal del libro, así como de temas específicos de la propia Provincia Mexicana de la Compañía de Jesús que vuelven su lectura una empresa obligada. No se trata de un tema nuevo, pero sí lo es la forma en la que el historiador va construyendo su objeto de investigación y el estudio crítico de las fuentes. El libro es un estudio amplio que se compone de tres grandes partes con un total de nueve capítulos en que Arturo Reynoso realiza aproximaciones sucesivas sobre el tema. La primera parte con sus cinco capítulos es con mucho la más amplia de la obra, se llama “Francisco Xavier Clavigero: experiencia y formación en el contexto jesuita novohispano del siglo XVIII”, la segunda es “Del Nuevo Mundo a un mundo nuevo: el nacimiento de un historiador en el exilio”, mientras que la tercera parte es “La visión histórica, científica y teológica de Clavijero en debate con los críticos ilustrados”. Centraremos nuestra reseña en las dos primeras partes ya que consideramos que el tercer aspecto es el más conocido de la obra de Clavigero. A pesar de que el primer capítulo se llama “La Provincia Mexicana de la Compañía de Jesús en el siglo XVIII: consolidación, importancia y valoración de su labor apostólica”, se nos ofrece una visión panorámica de la historia de ésta provincia que nos remonta a los mismos orígenes. La estrategia es presentar el desarrollo paulatino de la orden en la Nueva España mediante el estudio de los catálogos trienales, por lo que se nos ofrece un panorama rico en detalles, con particular énfasis en dos aspectos, el primero relativo a la composición de la Provincia Mexicana de acuerdo al origen de sus miembros y el segundo, a una comparación respecto de los Book Reviews Book Reviews 523

diversos campos de trabajo de la orden, a saber, la educación en colegios, la formación en los seminarios y el trabajo evangelizador en las misiones. Encontramos aquí una propuesta de revaloración del trabajo misionero en específico, que nos llevaría a dejar de comparar el trabajo de los jesuitas de los colegios con el trabajo de las misiones ya que para nuestro autor, “es mejor comparar la labor apostólica de los jesuitas entre las ciudades –o poblaciones medianas- y las zonas misioneras, que entre éstas y los colegios” (p. 74), una propuesta de análisis cualitativo que puede ofrecer resultados más completos que la simple numeralia. En los capítulos segundo y tercero el autor del libro desarrolla tópicos biográficos de Clavijero, que nos llevan con detalle en cada uno de los momentos de vida del personaje, desde la niñez y orígenes familiares, su ingreso a los estudios formales en el colegio jesuita del Espíritu Santo de Puebla y la incorporación a la Compañía de Jesús a la edad de 16 años donde destaca en todo momento como estudiante. Es importante mencionar el énfasis que el autor da al primer aprendizaje del pequeño Francisco Javier de la mano de sus padres, el español don Blas Clavigero y la criolla veracruzana doña María Isabel Echegaray. Particularmente los oficios como funcionario real y sobre todo como alcalde mayor llevan a don Blas de Veracruz a la Mixteca Alta y a la costa de Oaxaca acompañado de su familia, lo que brindó la oportunidad a su hijo de un conocimiento inicial sobre el México profundo, un México rural e indígena muy distinto del que podría tener en el puerto. Reynoso se sirve para el estudio de esta etapa de la vida del futuro jesuita de los historiadores de la propia orden, que, expulsos como lo fue el mismo Clavijero, tuvieron la oportunidad de conocer muchos detalles de su vida gracias a la convivencia cotidiana en Bolonia como son Juan Luis Maneiro y Félix de Sebastián, así como de historiadores modernos como Charles E. Ronan SJ e Ignacio Rubio Mañé, entre muchos otros. Un tema inmanente en la explicación del autor de la obra es la relación de Clavigero con los indios, debido al peso que éstos reciben en su obra. Entra así a una discusión historiográfica moderna que suele destacar su poco trabajo entre los indios a quienes por tanto no conocería en suficiencia y de tener una preferencia por las cátedras y por el trabajo urbano. Reynoso deconstruye la historia del personaje central desde su niñez, su estancia en la ciudad de México y la lectura de las fuentes del México antiguo en la biblioteca del Colegio Máximo, su cercanía con 524 Book Reviews los ex misioneros de California Miguel Venegas y Everard Hellen y la solicitud para misionar en aquellas tierras que le fue negada (p. 101) y, en todo caso, puntualiza en su trabajo directo con los naturales, no en pueblos de misión como acontecía en el norte de México, sino en establecimientos específicos, como Tepotzotlán, el colegio de San Gregorio y quizá más claramente en el colegio para indígenas de San Francisco Xavier de Puebla, donde debió realizar misiones itinerantes dos veces al año durante varias semanas en comunidades rurales. Por lo que concluye claramente en respuesta a Jesús Gómez Fregoso que “aunque sus cualidades en México resaltaron públicamente más como profesor y predicador, resulta inapropiado calificarlo como un ´indigenista de café´ (pp. 134-135). Es importante destacar que Reynoso pone atención en cada una de las etapas formativas de Clavigero, por ejemplo al destacar a maestros como José Bellido, responsable de enseñar a los novicios la doctrina cristiana y en las normas y modos de orar y convivir que San Ignacio de Loyola estableció para los miembros de la Compañía de Jesús, o en momentos específicos, como lo fue la estancia desde 1750 en el Colegio de San Ildefonso de Puebla, época en la que vislumbra el despertar del joven jesuita hacia las ciencias modernas. Otro aspecto relevante es situarlo como parte de una cohorte de jesuitas que coinciden en los colegios y que en conjunto forman una generación notable que solo unos años después, como titulares de las cátedras pugnarán por la renovación de la enseñanza en los colegios de la provincia mexicana. Destacan aquí los jóvenes profesores José Rafael Campoy, Diego José Abad y Francisco Javier Alegre. Reynoso hace una cronología y análisis de los temas tratados en las últimas congregaciones generales en Roma tocantes a la enseñanza en los colegios y la forma en que esta problemática es abordada en la provincia mexicana a partir del estudio del perfil de antiguos y nuevos profesores. El seguimiento de los postulados de los nuevos docentes nos muestra, apoyado en Maneiro, que su búsqueda de un nuevo método de enseñanza “consistiría en la lectura directa de autores clásicos y modernos, así como en la introducción en la enseñanza de la filosofía de teorías científicas modernas que intentan dar explicación a los fenómenos de la física natural” (p. 154). El capítulo IV de la obra se titula “El ejercicio de la razón y el discurso religioso ante los misterios de la naturaleza” y en él Arturo Reynoso cierra la pinza tocante al perfil de Clavigero en lo que atañe a la forma en que enfrenta los retos de la enseñanza en épocas Book Reviews Book Reviews 525

de cambio. Para ello se realiza un análisis de sus obras Physica Particularis y Un banquete de la philosophia, donde encontramos diversas huellas de la incorporación a su curso de artes de información científica y teorías sobre los científicos modernos. De forma detallada se nos presenta el proceso de preparación de los cursos realizado por Clavigero y su interacción a medida que se implementaba con otros jesuitas y religiosos, antiguos amigos miembros del clero secular. En cuanto a su metodología, nuestro autor destaca que para Clavijero “una vez que se tiene una actitud libre de apegos y prejuicios respecto de autores y sistemas la observación (experiencia) y el análisis (discernimiento razonado) de diferentes teorías científicas ayudan a elegir aquellas explicaciones que mejor conduzcan al conocimiento de los fenómenos estudiados”, por lo que concluye que en esta manera de proceder “encontramos un paralelismo con la idea que en el campo de la espiritualidad, el fundador de la Compañía de Jesús, Ignacio de Loyola, plantea en el texto de los Ejercicios espirituales a la persona que busca y desea encontrar la voluntad de Dios en su vida” (p. 198). Así, Reynoso nos lleva al punto de vista de Clavigero tocante a los diferentes ámbitos de la realidad, donde si bien por una parte sitúa aquellos fenómenos cuya comprensión se logra a través de la observación y el discernimiento razonado de las proposiciones científicas, por el otro distingue un segundo ámbito de la realidad, al asumir y sostener que en el universo creado existen fenómenos y situaciones de los que solo es posible decir algo a partir de lo que dictan la adhesión a la fe cristiana y la tradición de la Iglesia: “más que un eclecticismo, en Clavigero se observa una tensión dinámica, y no una oposición entre los parámetros desde los cuales parte para adentrarse en la comprensión de la realidad: el ejercicio de la razón y la experiencia de la fe” (p. 202). La segunda parte de la obra, compuesta por dos capítulos, es propiamente la del análisis de la obra: “Del Nuevo Mundo al Viejo Mundo. El nacimiento de un historiador en el exilio”. Arturo Reynoso realiza el seguimiento de Clavigero como historiador, a partir de cuatro obras fundamentales entre las que destaca La relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de México desde el 25 de junio de 1767, la Historia Antigua de México y la Historia de la Antigua o Baja California. Reynoso contextualiza a Clavigero en el exilio, su vida en Ferrara y Bolonia, a partir de La relación de los sucesos nos muestra al historiador en ciernes que fue capaz de redactar un ensayo sobre 526 Book Reviews unos hechos de los que él mismo fue víctima, de tal forma que a la par que narra la relación de la expulsión, precisa la situación de Clavigero y de sus compañeros de la Provincia Mexicana en su viaje a Europa, aparece aquí un Clavijero que ante los problemas de la nueva situación se erige en líder natural en coordinación con otros miembros expulsos de la orden. Nos habla del método según el cual eran fuentes para la historia los sucesos que él mismo jesuita vio, así como aquellos otros de los que sus amigos expulsos fueron testigos o de los que recibió noticia fidedigna como fueron ciertos hechos prodigiosos en el contexto de la salida de los jesuitas de Nueva España. El capítulo VI “La confianza, la indignación y el consuelo: tres miradas en torno a la supresión de los jesuitas” desarrolla los años iniciales de la estancia de los jesuitas en Bolonia y la forma en que deben enfrentar el exilio, a la vez que recrea la forma de vida y problemática de toda una comunidad que si bien busca sobrellevar su vida como era en Nueva España, frecuentemente se ve rechazada por los distintos actores sociales y particularmente por los enviados de las monarquías borbónicas que no cejarán hasta lograr la desaparición formal de la orden, lo cual logran al firmar el papa Clemente XIV la breve Dominus ac Redemptor, el 21 de julio de 1773 por la que decretaba la supresión de la Compañía de Jesús. Reynoso estudia sobre los textos específicos que hizo o editó Clavigero en este contexto, uno es el sermón que leyó el 1° de febrero de 1773 ante una inminente supresión, otro una Carta (Ca. 1774- 1776) en la que pone a consideración de un destinatario anónimo el juicio que las generaciones futuras harán sobre la supresión de la Compañía de Jesús; y el tercero, que es la traducción de la Orazione, en honor a San Ignacio de Loyola escrita por Carlo Borgo en 1781. Puntualizaremos uno de los aspectos sobre los que concluye Reynoso en relación a dos de los textos como son el Sermón y la Traducción. De acuerdo con el autor de la obra, la interpretación de la realidad en Clavigero no se fundamenta en una apreciación meramente analítica de los hechos, sino además y sobre todo, en una visión creyente de las situaciones vividas (exilio y supresión): “La comprensión creyente de la realidad no se contrapone a la lectura razonada de los hechos, sino que la profundiza y enriquece al descubrir indicios y reconocer experiencias de la actuación divina en la vida de los seres humanos. De esta manera se detecta otra dimensión de la realidad: la de la acción y experiencia de Dios en la historia” (p. 294). Al profundizar en esta materia, Reynoso Book Reviews Book Reviews 527

contribuye a uno de los aspectos menos conocidos de Clavigero como es su visión teológica de la historia. Finalmente diremos que además del amplio aparato crítico con que el autor del libro acompaña la obra, se incluyen mapas que describen la ruta de la expulsión desde la experiencia de Clavigero y consta de tres anexos pertinentes al trabajo general, el último de los cuales es la Relación de los sucesos de la Provincia de México desde el día 25 de junio de 1767.

INAH, Sinaloa, México Gilberto López Castillo

Enrique González González (con la colaboración de Víctor Gutiérrez Rodríguez), El poder de las letras. Por una historia social de las universidades de la América hispana en el período colonial, México, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Ediciones Educación y Cultura, 2017. 968pp. ISBN 9786078344581.

El historiador mexicano Enrique González González (n. 1951) ha centrado gran parte de sus investigaciones en la historia de la educación entre los siglos XVI y XIX en el orbe hispánico, especialmente en el territorio novohispano. Además, ha trabajado sobre aspectos relacionados con este, como la difusión del humanismo temprano-moderno a partir de la obra de Juan Luis Vives. El libro que aquí se reseña, escrito con la colaboración del también historiador mexicano Víctor Gutiérrez Rodríguez, es resultado de una larga trayectoria no sólo individual sino también colectiva dedicada a estudiar esta problemática. En este sentido, El poder de las letras debe ser entendido como fruto de las investigaciones realizadas en el marco del Centro de Estudios sobre la Universidad —actualmente Instituto de Investigaciones sobre la Universidad y la Educación— de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México desde la década de 1980, que inauguró en América Latina la renovación de la historiográfica sobre las universidades coloniales. El libro se divide en tres grandes partes. En la primera, “Repensar la historia de las universidades coloniales” (pp. 37-208), se reseñan las líneas más generales de la historia de las universidades coloniales, la historiografía respectiva y la información documental existente. Se explican las características de las universidades 528 Book Reviews americanas, los modelos que adoptaron (reales, sometidas a órdenes religiosas o supeditadas a seminarios conciliares) y su vínculo con los centros neurálgicos del poder colonial, entre otros aspectos. En la segunda, “Las ciudades, las universidades y las fuentes” (pp. 211-487), se presenta la historia de cada una de las universidades y se mencionan brevemente los repositorios y documentos más relevantes. La tercera, “Manuscritos e impresos. Una guía documental” (pp. 491-749), posee un carácter de apéndice: allí se describe detalladamente la documentación de los archivos —consultada in situ— que puede orientar la investigación sobre las universidades. Además de las secciones mencionadas, el libro cuenta con un “Preámbulo” (pp. 19-36) en que se postula la necesidad historiográfica de regresar a las fuentes; una muy extensa bibliografía (pp. 751-948), no necesariamente citada a lo largo del trabajo sino más bien presentada como guía para la investigación —pues contiene prácticamente todo lo que se ha escrito respecto al objeto de indagación del libro—; y por último algunos índices de distinto tipo (pp. 949-968). El poder de las letras no es exactamente una investigación cerrada y definitiva. Más bien pretende ser una guía para la pesquisa de la historia social de las universidades. En este sentido, el libro parece especialmente pensado para contribuir a la elaboración de estudios monográficos sobre cada una de las veintiocho universidades que existieron en el período colonial —las mismas aparecen enlistadas en una “Tabla general” al comienzo del texto, que contiene información institucional y cronológica—. Por lo demás, el tipo de historia que se busca guiar es, específicamente, una historia social. En efecto, los aspectos privilegiados en la indagación y la rebusca archivística son aquellos relativos a los puestos que los graduados universitarios pudieron llegar a ocupar en las estructuras de las burocracias política y eclesiástica y a las posibilidades de ascenso social. En este sentido, la hipótesis que se adelanta es que la formación universitaria en América ciertamente abría espacios en el gobierno de los territorios coloniales y en la mencionada promoción social, a pesar de lo cual existió una más que evidente marginación de los españoles americanos o criollos en comparación con los peninsulares. A su vez, este énfasis en lo social contribuye a proveer argumentos sobre el carácter colonial de las universidades hispanoamericanas —y de la América hispánica toda—, en la medida en que gran parte de la población americana (indios, mestizos, negros y castas) era excluida de la formación universitaria y que las élites criollas sufrían la competencia desigual Book Reviews Book Reviews 529

de los peninsulares. De este modo, González González conecta su tema específico de investigación con una de las polémicas centrales de la historiografía americanista reciente. Con base en este enfoque social y crítico, el libro se diferencia explícitamente de los abordajes que han caracterizado a la historiografía institucionalista tradicional sobre las universidades coloniales. Esta historiografía consistió esencialmente en la mera transcripción de documentos, en debates estériles relativos a la primacía cronológica de unas universidades sobre otras y en el sostenimiento de los mitos y lugares comunes que cada universidad creó acerca de su presunto pasado colonial. Frente a este panorama, el autor se reconoce heredero de una renovación internacional (sobre todo europea) en los estudios sobre historia de las universidades, originada en las décadas de 1970 y 1980 de la mano de autores como Lawrence Stone, Dominique Julia, Jacques Revel, Roger Chartier, Richard Kagan, José Luis Peset, Mariano Peset y Gian Paolo Brizzi. En este sentido, no es casual que González González haya realizado su tesis de doctorado bajo la dirección del mencionado Mariano Peset en 1990-1991, en la Universidad de Valencia. El aporte central del libro se encuentra en la generosa información archivística y documental que contiene sobre cada una de las universidades coloniales. Es que la imperiosa necesidad de regresar a los archivos es la demanda que el autor exige como requisito para la realización de nuevas investigaciones sobre la historia universitaria. La segunda y la tercera parte del texto resultan centrales en este sentido. En efecto, en la segunda parte el historiador interesado puede obtener los datos necesarios sobre la ubicación de los documentos relativos a la universidad, así como también sobre el uso que se les ha dado en el marco de la historiografía más tradicional. González González también detalla allí los documentos que se encuentran actualmente editados. Por lo que refiere a la documentación inédita, ésta es explicada tanto a partir de su contenido como de la accesibilidad y características de los repositorios que la contienen. Con más detalle, esta información archivística reaparece en la tercera parte del libro. Así pues, el libro puede pensarse como una exhaustiva descripción de las fuentes disponibles para cada universidad, de las lagunas existentes en la información, de las alternativas para reconstruir los vacíos documentales y del estado actual del conocimiento de cada institución. La explicación de la documentación inédita se enmarca en la distinción entre, por un lado, los archivos estrictamente universitarios (herederos de los archivos internos de las universidades coloniales) y, por el otro, los 530 Book Reviews archivos externos. Mientras que estos últimos contienen información por lo general miscelánea, los primeros pueden llegar a contener papeles jurídicos, documentos sobre la corporación y los claustros universitarios, registros escolares que permitirían un análisis serial y, por último, papeles relativos al gobierno y las finanzas de la institución. La documentación privilegiada en la recolección efectuada para el libro es la administrativa e institucional y aquella relacionada con la población académica. Como no podía ser de otra forma en un libro de estas dimensiones, la sistematicidad en el tratamiento de la información archivística relativa a cada universidad es desigual. Esta información fue pacientemente recopilada en el marco de viajes realizados por el autor y su colaborador a lo largo de muchas ciudades de América, España e Italia, sobre todo entre 2010 y 2012. Para cada universidad, se alude a aquellos fondos y legajos que poseen información y que fueron identificados en los archivos más relevantes. Asimismo, se alude a los archivos de más difícil acceso —a menudo vinculados a instituciones religiosas— que eventualmente pueden contener documentación de utilidad. Además de las descripciones de los archivos —en tanto que instituciones— y el contenido genérico de la documentación, en casos puntuales se incluyen: listados de libros manuscritos relacionados con las universidades, transcripciones parciales o totales de algunos documentos importantes, descripciones exhaustivas a manera de catálogo de algunos legajos específicos y otros elementos similares. Los repositorios consultados son los archivos nacionales y locales de América (a partir de las quince ciudades en las que funcionó una universidad colonial) y algunos archivos españoles (en especial el Archivo General de Indias de Sevilla) e italianos (sobre todo el Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu para las universidades jesuíticas). Desde luego, la rebusca archivística no pudo más que ser superficial. Como lo indica el propio autor, el objetivo fue tan sólo detectar la presencia de documentos útiles para la historia universitaria, identificar los aspectos más gruesamente allí documentados y, por último, verificar el carácter serial o no del conjunto de la documentación. Además de esta rebusca archivística, el libro provee todo un programa de investigación enfocado en la historia social de las universidades. En este sentido, y aunque desde luego no es el objetivo del texto, es posible lamentar que el esfuerzo de sistematización documental e informativa se concentre en una manera específica de historiar las universidades coloniales, dejando de lado temas propios de una más amplia historia cultural universitaria —como Book Reviews Book Reviews 531

las formas de enseñanza, la sociabilidad estudiantil, la evolución de los contenidos y la circulación de saberes—. A pesar de esto, el libro aporta las suficientes herramientas para que el historiador especializado pueda indagar en los aspectos de su interés, inclusive aquellos no contenidos dentro de la propuesta de investigación postulada. En conclusión, El poder de las letras constituye una contribución de lo más relevante para la definición de los primeros pasos de estudios monográficos sobre universidades coloniales y para la elaboración de cualquier investigación futura sobre esta problemática.

CONICET – UNSAM-IDAES – UBA, Argentina Fabián R. Vega

Claudio Ferlan, Sbornie sacre, sbornie profane. L’ubriachezza dal Vecchio al Nuovo Mondo. Bologna, Il Mulino, 2018. €15,00. 169pp. ISBN 9788815274892.

L’accattivante grafica della copertina del volume e il titolo ironico e suggestivo sintetizzano in modo efficace l’obiettivo dello studio di Claudio Ferlan e il carattere del libro, che offre ad un pubblico vasto, di specialisti e di lettori curiosi, il piacere della lettura di un testo originale. L’autore dichiara con esemplare chiarezza l’idea di partenza e il risultato che ha inteso raggiungere: il presupposto è dato dal riconoscimento che “l’ubriachezza non è una storia a sé stante, ma un tassello di un mosaico molto più ampio”(p. 145). La finalità è la trattazione della “rilevanza dei costumi del bere nella storia dell’incontro euro-americano”, esaminando i “rapporti tra gli individui, tra le società e tra individui e società,...[le] articolazioni che tali relazioni costruiscono, in una parola...[le] connessioni. Mi sono dato il compito di analizzare alcuni aspetti delle negoziazioni tra persone e modelli culturali attraverso lo studio dell’ubriachezza”. Non quindi lo studio del vino o degli alcolici europei e del Nuovo Mondo ma appunto l’eccesso del loro uso, comprendente sia le caratteristiche della materia di partenza che egli effetti dell’abuso, ad ampio raggio, anche legislativo, religioso e di etica. Il volume quindi ha una struttura che tratta il soggetto dichiarato per grandi aree tematiche, seguendo un percorso cronologico di ampio spettro, dai testi biblici fino al XX secolo, con un’attenzione a fenomeni statunitensi particolarmente drammatici, come il proibizionismo. 532 Book Reviews

Il primo capitolo tratteggia “i sentieri dell’alcol”, sintetizzati nel primo paragrafo nella ricostruzione degli episodi biblici relativi a Noè e delle storie del messicano Quetzalcóatl e dell’apache Geronimo, tutti documentanti che l’ubriachezza è “degradante, disumanizzante, conduce al peccato” (p. 13). Occorre quindi definire l’ubriachezza, non tanto come quantità di alcol ingerito quanto piuttosto come effetti che produce, variabili a seconda del contesto sociale di appartenenza, effetti che vanno da esiti molesti a situazioni peccaminose e degradanti, soprattutto pubbliche, tratteggiate nel secondo paragrafo. Si tratta di un fenomeno diverso dall’alcolismo, quest’ultimo una vera e propria malattia. Nel terzo paragrafo l’autore si interroga su “quanto è grave ubriacarsi”, individuando giudizi diversi nella storia europea a partire dalla cultura greca fino all’età contemporanea; elemento ricorrente è comunque il controllo degli effetti dell’ubriachezza stabilendo regole precise nelle quali essa sia consentita: la buona compagnia, la scarsa frequenza e il tempo opportuno, regole in parte esistenti anche nel Nuovo Mondo. Nell’ambito cristiano “la sacralità del vino deve coesistere con la peccaminosità dell’esagerazione”(p. 21). A sostegno di ciò l’autore esamina numerosi scritti dai primi secoli del Cristianesimo fino all’età barocca, sottolineando in tutti gli ammonimenti richiamanti la necessità della sobrietà nel bere. Il quarto paragrafo individua il rapporto tra il vino e la chica (“un fermentato alcolico ricavato proprio dal mais” destinato agli dei andini), essendo entrambi portatori di un “ruolo mistico” ma anche di facili eccessi, causa di idolatria, peccato e violenza, bene individuati negli scritti dei missionari gesuiti. La moderazione nel bere è sottolineata da S. Paolo di Tarso, che non esclude però l’uso del vino, anche come antidepressivo e in grado di curare alcuni mali. Il quinto paragrafo approfondisce in tal senso la frase riportata nella cultura popolare secondo cui “l’acqua fa male”: sono tratteggiati alcuni esempi, nei quali puritani, monaci e gesuiti non condannano l’uso del vino ma dispongono severi controlli nella somministrazione e in sistemi di riduzione dei danni (l’uso dell’acqua diluita con il vino, suggerito dal medico romano Paolo Zacchia), anche in considerazione della frequente pessima qualità di acqua disponibile. Il sesto paragrafo prende in esame il fenomeno delle “bevute tedesche” di vino e birra, oggetto di ampia bibliografia e di consolidate credenze, spesso inserite nell’immaginario legato ai protestanti tedeschi e in particolare a Martin Lutero, considerato dai cattolici un gran bevitore, aumentando in tal modo la sua fama di altrettanto grande peccatore. In realtà, la contrapposizione tra protestanti e cattolici in Book Reviews Book Reviews 533

materia di bere si individua nelle regole imposte dalla Chiesa, tra cui la sobrietà nel bere, sancita anche dal Concilio di Trento, regole non contemplate invece come obblighi canonici dai protestanti, pur nella considerazione della necessità di controllare gli eccessi nel bere e soprattutto dell’ubriachezza, atteggiamento, quest’ultimo, di cui si fanno portatori tutti i colonizzatori del Nuovo Mondo. Il secondo capitolo prende in esame la fase precedente alla colonizzazione: “Prima di noi. Descrizioni europee e abitudini indigene”. Sono considerati prima di tutto i “documenti”, relativi alla cultura atzeca nella parte centrale del continente americano e a quella inca sulle Ande, nelle quali è centrale l’uso del’alcol, presente nel pulque atzeco, derivante dalla fermentazione dell’agave, e nella chica degli inca, tratta dal mais. I testi dei missionari riportano situazioni assai variegate, che vanno dall’uso di alcol solo in particolari situazioni, religiose, militari o di altra natura, ai diffusi eccessi che portano all’ubriachezza di gruppo, spesso unita all’uso di allucinogeni, con conseguenze drammatiche, derivanti dalla perdita dell’uso della ragione. Sono quindi nel secondo paragrafo dettagliatamente descritte le bevande che scoprono i missionari nel Nuovo Mondo, come quelle già ricordate, insieme alle relative tecniche di produzione (in generale per fermentazione), i diversi nomi assunti nelle numerose varianti e l’uso di esse nei diversi rituali di uomini e donne, consacrate e non, ad esempio nella cultura andina nelle situazioni di “ospitalità e scambio”. Il terzo paragrafo approfondisce “la funzione sociale e religiosa dei fermentati”, sulla base di relazioni e documenti dei missionari gesuiti nei territori degli attuali stati del Perù, Messico, Brasile, Colombia ed Ecuador. Agli alcolici si somma la coltivazione e l’uso della coca, sostanze di cui si fa largo uso soprattutto nei riti funebri, ma non mancano feste religiose dove si registrano eccessi sessuali, cui si sommano in Brasile i sacrifici dei prigionieri e il successivo cannibalismo. L’orrore suscitato nei missionari riportato in questi racconti non è minore di quello manifestato nelle descrizioni dei sacrifici umani offerti alle divinità dalle popolazioni inca e atzeche, che però condannano l’ubriachezza soprattutto per ragioni sociali. Quest’ultima compare frequentemente nella varie tribù “indiane” del Nord America, secondo i racconti dei missionari. Il terzo capitolo riassume le situazioni determinatesi dopo l’incontro tra europei e abitanti del Nuovo Mondo: “Dopo di noi. Pratiche nuove, costumi modificati”. A “L’alcol che arriva dall’Europa” i missionari e i conquistatori attribuiscono la causa dello “spopolamento” dell’America meridionale successivo alle 534 Book Reviews varie conquiste, in realtà dovuto soprattutto alle nuove malattie e ai lavori forzati nelle miniere. In realtà, gli indigeni della costa nord- orientale non conoscono le bevande alcoliche ed insieme all’alcol sono stati introdotti – soprattutto dai conquistatori francesi, rileva l’autore - abitudini di ubriachezza, giochi d’azzardo e dissolutezze varie, aumentate altresì nella zona dell’attuale Manhattan dall’uso dell’ “acquavite olandese”. L’esito, come è noto, è disastroso, aprendo la via ad un totale asservimento dei nativi, fenomeno tanto più evidente in quanto essi non dispongono delle conoscenze e dei mezzi per limitare gli effetti degli eccessi. Compaiono, nella descrizione del secondo paragrafo, i “profeti”, spesso diffondendo tra le proprie genti messaggi analoghi a quelli dei missionari cristiani, secondo cui l’abuso di alcol mina la salute e suscita violenza e conflitti familiari, oltre a provocare la perdita di beni. Le ribellioni alla colonizzazione, soprattutto spagnola, non sortiscono però gli effetti sperati. Il terzo paragrafo illustra le modalità di “bere diversamente: coloni e colonizzatori”, individuando singolari priorità degli spagnoli, degli olandesi e degli inglesi all’atto della colonizzazione, secondo cui i primi costruiscono prima di tutto una chiesa, i secondi un forte e i terzi una taverna, pur se tutti mostrano agli indigeni usi nuovi di bere, all’insegna del sidro, del vino e della birra, e successivamente del whisky. Il quarto capitolo prende in esame “ubriachi delinquenti, ubriachi peccatori”. Sono esaminate prima di tutto le ragioni per le quali si diffonde l’ubriachezza, quali la “fuga dal disagio”, la ricerca di “identità collettive”, cementate da bevute che richiamano il passato perduto, l’abbandono del ruolo sacrale dell’alcol per un uso “individualista e mercantile”, le novità offerte anche dai diversi tipi di produzione alcolica, quale la distillazione. Non manca il nuovo piacere derivato dall’alcol, definito da Jean Anthelme Brillat Savarin “arma formidabile, poiché le nazioni del nuovo mondo sono state domate e distrutte più dall’acquavite che dalle armi da fuoco”. Gli eccessi dell'ubriachezza incorrono in castighi: il secondo paragrafo individua la “punibilità” degli effetti dell’alcol, molto vario in relazione alle caratteristiche sociali e politiche, che vanno dalla necessità di domare le “sedizioni” esaltate dalla diffusione degli alcolici al controllo delle vendite, spesso illegali, alla valutazione delle “responsabilità” dei delitti perpetrati in preda all’alcol, valutando quest’ultimo come causa di impossibilità di intendere e di volere, giudicando quindi il soggetto non punibile, o considerando invece l’ubriachezza come aggravante. I cristiani condannano comunque sempre quest’ultima, come peccato contro Book Reviews Book Reviews 535

Dio e contro la sua creatura più perfetta, l’uomo. Il racconto si estende all’analisi del proibizionismo americano novecentesco, con l’esame delle figure protagoniste che lo sostengono. Non è solo l’alcol a produrre effetti incontrollati: nel quarto paragrafo, “ubriachi senz’alcol”, sono esaminate altre bevande che, a torto o a ragione, producono effetti analoghi: il cioccolato, ritenuto causa di eccitazione anche sessuale e di incerta qualificazione, se sostanza liquida o solida e quindi ammessa o meno durante la Quaresima, la yerba mate e la “bevanda nera”, tratta dalla pianta Ilex vomitoria, sostanze di vario effetto a seconda della quantità e delle condizioni di assunzione. Il quinto e ultimo capitolo offre un’interessante panorama dei “luoghi dell’alcol”. Sono passate in rassegna le “taverne del’America spagnola”, quelle “in Europa”, quelle “nell’America britannica”, individuando in tutte la prevalenza degli intenti commerciali su quelli sociali, sia nella collocazione nei siti più frequentati, e quindi in generale accanto alle chiese, sia nella presenza, oltre all’alcol disponibile nelle varie forme, del gioco d’azzardo e della prostituzione, pur se la funzione sociale è molto forte, essendo le taverne anche luogo di informazione su costumi stranieri e caratteristiche locali, ambiente di reclutamento di marinai, soldati o altro, siti di ospitalità e intrattenimento. Interessante è la differenza tra l’esperienza europea, mirante al controllo delle osterie o taverne per garantire la salute pubblica e il controllo dei fuggiaschi, fino all’organizzazione di osterie riservate a secondo dell’alto e basso rango degli avventori nel mondo britannico, e la ben maggiore libertà degli stessi luoghi nel Nuovo Mondo, lentamente e con molte difficoltà sempre più limitata e controllata, soprattutto nel Nord America. La conclusione sottolinea l’impossibilità dei nativi di contrastare le novità introdotte dagli europei, riportando la sorte delle “danze macabre” indiane e la fine di Toro Seduto e di Geronimo. Il volume è privo di note ma comprende una accurata bibliografia commentata, che rimanda anche a fonti inedite. La lettura scorre piacevolmente, nonostante la complessità di molti argomenti e la particolarità delle fonti presentate; probabilmente per catturare un pubblico non specialistico, l’autore ricorre ad una modalità espositiva particolare, in uso nella cultura americana, con il racconto di episodi della propria vita, di storie tratte da fumetti, da film o da situazioni contemporanee; in testi scientifici italiani tale modalità è poco frequente. Nelle complesse ricerche sui rapporti tra Vecchio e Nuovo 536 Book Reviews

Mondo, questo studio offre quindi una prospettiva particolare, senza dubbio riferimento irrinunciabile nelle future indagini.

Roma Carla Benocci

P. Gwynne, ed. and trans., Francesco Benci’s Quinque martyres. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2018. €148,00. xiv, 739 pp. ISBN 978-90-04- 35661-0.

In 1583, five Jesuit missionaries (two Italians, two Portuguese, and one Spaniard) and fourteen Christian Indians were killed in Cuncolim, a village south of the city of Goa, the main Portuguese colony in India. The villagers deeply resented the fact that the Jesuits, in their determined attempt to plant the Christian faith in India, had destroyed their Hindu temple. In 1591, to commemorate their deaths and to aid in the campaign for their canonization, Francesco Benci, a professor of rhetoric at the Jesuit college in Rome, published a long epic poem in Latin titled Quinque martyres. Benci’s work was reprinted numerous times and enjoyed great popularity, above all because it was used in Jesuit colleges throughout Europe as a model for the composition of hexameter verse and to teach Virgil’s style. Benci’s poem was so significant that it became the model for all Jesuit epics for the next two centuries. But, despite this popularity, the work faded into obscurity in modern times, to the point that most literary and religious historians are unaware of its existence. Paul Gwynne’s valuable new bilingual edition rescues this peculiar work from historical oblivion. Quinque martyres is unusual for being written in verse, but as an account of Catholic martyrdom it is rather conventional. Divided into six books, the first introduces Rodolfo Acquaviva, the leader of the martyred Jesuits, and prefigures his future martyrdom: having returned to Goa from the Mughal court, Acquaviva feels a great pessimism after his failure to convert the Mughal emperor, Akbar. But his missionary impetus is greatly revived after having a vision in which he is transported to the heavens to contemplate a procession of Christian martyrs from all times led by Christ, the king of martyrs. Book 1 closes with the Jesuit’s resolve to embrace the same fate. Book 2 introduces Acquaviva’s companions and the “tyrants” who will be responsible for their martyrdom: a Hindu priest, as the instigator, and a Hindu warrior, as the executioner. Like most accounts of Book Reviews Book Reviews 537

martyrdom that take place outside Europe, Quinque martyres includes some sort of ethnographic study, dedicating an entire section to describing the religious practices of the Hindu villagers. Book 3 also devotes significant space to remembering recent Portuguese Jesuit martyrs and to predicting the future martyrdom of the five Jesuits. Book 4 recounts the religious debates that had taken place at the court of Akbar. This is simply a pretext for Benci to include an extended meditation on the Passion of Christ, which prefigures Acquaviva’s own passion. Book 5 describes the martyrdom of the five religious, who behave as conventional martyrs, awaiting their deaths at the hands of ‘cruel heathens’ with dignified calm. Previously, in Heaven, Ignatius of Loyola, Francis Xavier, and other Jesuit fathers who helped found the Society of Jesus, are depicted as having rejoiced when God had revealed to them the imminent martyrdom of their five companions. The final book (Book 6) also follows closely the conventions of the martyrdom literature by describing how the five Jesuits receive their crowns as they enter Paradise, while on earth their miraculously uncorrupted bodies, which had been concealed in a swamp, are discovered by two boys and brought back in solemn procession to the fortress of Rachol, where they are interred. To fully understand its meaning and significance,Quinque martyres needs to be situated in the religious and historical context in which it was produced. It was precisely in these years when the ideal of martyrdom experienced a great revival because of the confrontation between Catholics and Protestants in Europe. After the execution in England in 1581 of Edmund Campion, leader of a clandestine Jesuit mission to reconvert the island, this ideal would be fully adopted by the Society of Jesus. It is surely not by coincidence that Quinque martyres opens with Rodolfo Acquaviva feeling dejected because of his failure to convert Akbar, his pessimism only increasing after he receives news of Campion’s execution in London. Also revealing is the conclusion of the first book as it shows Rodolfo being riveted by a vision of the tortures suffered by the recent English martyrs. In the course of their attempt to restore Catholicism in England, the Jesuits produced countless accounts of martyrdom that helped spread the ideal throughout the Catholic world. In this religious atmosphere, a work like Quinque martyres made perfect sense. That it was written in epic verse was exceptional, though the fact that its author was an expert on Virgilian poetry helps explain the peculiarity of its form. From an institutional perspective, Benci also must have thought that the form was the most appropriate given who the main protagonist was. Rodolfo Acquaviva was not just any Jesuit, but the nephew of 538 Book Reviews the powerful and influential Claudio Acquaviva, superior general of the Society of Jesus between 1581 and 1615. As a work of literature, Quinque martyres incorporates all the classical tropes of the Roman epic. In the words of Gwynne, it replaces “the terrestrial glory promised to ancient heroes with the eternal glory of entry into paradise.” There is no doubt that Virgil was Benci’s main poetic model. The poem includes numerous allusions to and direct quotations from Virgil, and the vocabulary and syntax are almost entirely Virgilian (each one of these allusions and quotations are carefully marked and discussed in the extensive commentary included in this edition of the poem). In that regard, this work is a significant source for the study of the reception of Virgil in the late sixteenth century. Gwynne points out that the Jesuits had decided to claim Virgil as one of their own at a time when Calvinist preachers were criticizing secular poetry. This helps explain why Benci, who was lecturing on Virgil at the time, decided to use all the resources of Virgilian epic poetry to glorify the figure of Rodolfo Acquaviva. Gwynne argues that Quinque martyres was written not only to narrate the heroic deaths of the five Jesuits, but also to “make the action present for his Jesuit readership as a means of preparing this audience for martyrdom.” Benci achieves this by his frequent use of ekphrasis (the vivid description of a scene) in order to evoke the emotions and feelings that the five Jesuits experienced. This was also the purpose of the long reflection on Christ’s suffering inserted in the poem, as he asks the reader to contemplate the bruises, the wounds, the lacerated skin, the rivers of blood. Gwynne refers to this as “Benci’s visual language” and argues that this is the same kind of visual rhetoric which appears in the frescoes of the Roman church of Santo Stefano Rotondo, a Jesuit college and seminary for Germans and Hungarians, the walls of which had been redecorated in the 1580s with thirty-two extremely graphic scenes of early Christian martyrdom. The idea behind such gory depictions of torture and death was that the contemplation of “an infinite number of torments and martyrdoms” would move one to devotion (and, in the case of the seminarians, it would inspire them to endure suffering and death in defense of the Catholic faith). This edition of Quinque martyres will be a useful resource for literary scholars and historians of religion. Gwynne’s translation is elegant and highly readable. He has also done excellent editing work, which includes many pages of commentary on the Latin text and a comprehensive introduction that highlights the literary and rhetorical aspects of the poem. The book includes an appendix Book Reviews Book Reviews 539

with the original report in Italian describing the death of the five missionaries, sent to the Jesuit authorities in Rome by Alessandro Valignano, who, as Visitor of the Jesuit missions in the Indies, was the most senior representative of the Society in Asia at the time. The report circulated widely, as it was printed several times in places such as Milan, Venice, and Rome. It was Benci’s main source of information about the death of Acquaviva and his companions and he followed it closely, in particular as regards the description of the martyrdoms. Although the report was written matter-of-factly, it clearly shows that Valignano, like Benci, could not escape the conventions of martyrological literature.

University of Maryland Alejandro Cañeque

Ludovica Galeazzo, Venezia e i margini urbani. L’insula dei Gesuiti in età moderna. Venezia, Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 2018. 338pp. €38,00. ISBN 9788895996783.

Nell’introduzione della sua opera la dott. Ludovica Galeazzo riporta il parere della Commissione giudicatrice (G.Gullino, F. Gallerani, M. Botta) dell’Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti per lasua stampa. Giudizio molto positivo e lusinghiero, trattandosi di una studio notevolmente brillante e insieme molto impegnativo. Dice testualmente la Commissione che l’opera della Galeazzo “consiste nella ricostruzione dello sviluppo urbanistico, e delle sue implicanze sociali e artistiche, di un’area periferica di Venezia, che venne ampliata tra la fine del XVI e gli inizi del XVII secolo con la costruzione delle Fondamenta Nuove.” Varie concause sottesero l’impresa: la necessità di reperire ulteriori spazi insediativi per un popolazione che superava i 170.000 abitanti; quindi opportunità economiche legate alla lottizzazione delle nuove aree, poi anche le ricerca di prestigio legato al completamento della forma urbis. Il lavoro di Ludovica Galeazzo riguarda il tratto più occidentale delle Fondamenta Nuove, compreso tra la sacca della Misericordia, il rio di S. Caterina e quello dei Gesuiti. Lo studio in oggetto si articola in tre sezioni, dedicate rispettivamente al preliminare recupero dell’ambiente e poi al suo progressivo processo di risemantizzazione: Conquista delle spazio urbano; Costruzione dello spazio urbano; Pratiche nello spazio urbano. Ogni capitolo della tripartizione è seguito da una buon numero di immagini 540 Book Reviews e di elaborati volti a ricostruire lo sviluppo morfologico dell’insula, evidenziandone i mutamenti architettonici via via susseguiti”. Da segnalare anche le ricche e minuziose note che accompagnano il testo per una documentazione archivistica e di fonti consultate veramente straordinaria. Leggendo con pazienza e grande interesse queste trecento pagine, pensavo che andavano lette, non a tavolino, ma camminando tra le calli dell’Insula, entrando nei vecchi edifici, cioè soprattutto guardando, avendo sott’occhio, quanto viene descritto. E pensavo quanto queste pagine avrebbero interessato, soprattutto per le notizie sulla famiglia bergamasca Ragazzoni, uno storico quale fu il Patriarca di Venezia Angelo Roncalli, poi S. Giovanni XXIII, bergamasco, che amava visitare la Residenza dei Gesuiti, per poter parlare in bergamasco con qualcuno di loro. Ma soprattutto il lettore più interessato, e direi, più entusiasta o critico, sarebbe stato il P. Mario Zanardi SJ che nel 1990 preparò e curò il grande convegno su “I Gesuiti e Venezia” con la pubblicazione del grosso volume degli Atti. Il P. Zanardi ci ha lasciato anche un ricco Archivio di documenti e citazioni, raccolte in vista del Convegno. Ludovica Galeazzo ci presenta, e con un linguaggio molto elaborato, un’analisi scientifica di rara competenza dello spazio urbano dell’Insula veneziana, facendoci intravvedere anche la vita e la storia soprattutto di quattro protagonisti di quell’ambiente: due famiglie religiose, le Suore Agostiniane e i Crociferi-Gesuiti; due famiglie civili: Ragazzoni e Zen. Accennando così all’attività prevalente del quartiere: quella educativa e quella commerciale. In seguito si sviluppoò molto l’artigianato. Oggi tutto è cambiato e si pensa forse di vincere la “marginalità” con il turismo, che riempie anche gli spazi vuoti del sacro, ma non certo per il fine per cui sono stati fatti. A conclusione accetterei, e con riconoscenza, come un augurio, una speranza, le ottimistiche parole che la la Galeazzo scrive al termine del suo lavoro: “Per secoli scrigno di comunità ecclesiastiche pienamente integrate nelle dinamiche storiche della città, i due poli (Pensionato Universitario e Liceo) sono ancora oggi luoghi fortemente connessi al tessuto veneziano e dedicati alla realtà cittadina. La loro nuova veste di spazi votati alla collettività e, in particolar modo, alla cultura, non può che segnare il giusto continuum di quell’incalzante e frenetico processo di pratiche e relazioni sociali che ha caratterizzato l’insula durante tutta l’età moderna” (p. 244).

Gallarate, Italia Diego Brunello SJ Book Reviews Book Reviews 541

Emilia Pantini, Camillo Faverzani, Michela Marconi, Lo sposo burlato da Piccinni a Dittersdorf. Un’opera buffa in Europa. Lucca, Libreria Musicale Italiana, 2018. 389pp. € 35,00. ISBN 9788870969382

Il libro qui recensito offre, insieme alla vicenda dello Sposo burlato, un esempio del viaggio «delle opere in musica […] lungo i circuiti privilegiati del cosmopolitismo settecentesco» (p. VII). Tre le tappe: Italia, Francia e paesi dell’area germanica e mitteleuropea. Alle tappe corrispondono tre edizioni critiche, precedute da altrettanti saggi introduttivi, dei rispettivi libretti. S’inizia a Roma, nel Carnevale 1769; il testo a stampa del debutto, scelto per l’edizione, fornisce il nome dell’autore della musica, Niccolò Piccinni, ma non quello del librettista. Emilia Pantini individua due piani di lettura. Primo, quello dell’intreccio, comico e convenzionale. Don Pomponio sta per sposare la pupilla Lindora, innamorata del fuoriuscito Florindo. Questi, perdonato, torna e affronta, fingendosi Ortensio, fratello della giovane già rapito, lo sposo. Espedienti quali travestimento e agnizione, nonché la scaltrezza della serva Livietta, conducono al lieto fine d’un doppio matrimonio, degl’innamorati e di Livietta e Pomponio. Secondo è il piano metateatrale. Nel percorrerlo, Pantini individua anche citazioni dalla conosciutissima Merope, che, è il caso dell’aria «Dono d’amica sorte» all’interno di «Io vesto a tutta moda», colla quale Pomponio vanta il proprio parentado, hanno valore di parodia. L’analisi dei recitativi svela, d’altro canto, la canzonatura di convenzioni teatrali e sociali: l’eccessivo uso dell’agnizione, l’impossibilità del matrimonio tra persone di ceto diverso. L’importanza del piano metateatrale va oltre: esso permette infatti di formulare un’ipotesi sull’identità del librettista, un letterato colto, rimasto anonimo perché ecclesiastico. Si tratterebbe del gesuita Giulio Cesare Cordara, del quale si ricordano le satire, firmate Lucio Settano, e due libretti, firmati col nome arcade Panemo Cisseo. Frequentava l’ambiente intellettuale romano (facile incontrarvi Piccinni), partecipava a dibattiti e polemiche, come dimostrano le satire contro i «graeculi saputelli», fanatici del greco e critici del metodo d’insegnamento dei Gesuiti. In Arcadia non mancavano contrasti, mentre la letteratura antigesuitica ‘vantava’ firme prestigiose; a quest’ultimo riguardo Cordara/Settano dice la sua contro Giovanni Lami. Nel 1742 Cordara divenne storiografo ufficiale della Compagnia di Gesù. 542 Book Reviews

In Francia, Pomponio diventa Pomponin, ou le Tuteur mistifié, un’opéra bouffon rappresentata il 24 ottobre 1777, a Fontainebleau, presenti i Reali; il libretto fu pubblicato nel medesimo anno. Non abbiamo fin qui la partitura; delle due edizioni a stampa, rispettivamente 74 e 80 pagine, Camillo Faverzani per l’edizione sceglie la prima. Mentre vi è esplicitato il nome di Piccinni, tre asterischi celano quello dell’autore, che però si conosce: Pierre- Louis Ginguené, cultore della musica e della cultura italiane, legato a Piccinni anche dall’appartenenza massonica. Faverzani rileva alcune differenze tra gl’intermezzi del 1769 e l’opéra bouffon, ambientata in un paesino della Francia. La scena si apre non su un interno, ma sulla festa campestre allestita per il prossimo matrimonio. Cambiano i nomi dei personaggi: oltre Pomponin, abbiamo gl’innamorati Aurore e Dorval, il fratello Léandre. Il francese permette un’interpretazione metaforica evidente in Finette, specchio onomastico della servetta. I caratteri presentano tratti nuovi: l’indipendenza di giudizio di Aurore, l’esplicito progetto matrimoniale di Finette. Ai suddetti personaggi s’aggiungono i servi e Griffonin, notaio che parla in prosa. Nell’opéra, i recitativi sono in prosa, differenza sostanziale rispetto al libretto italiano. Un’analisi comparativa rivela, del testo francese, specificità, soprattutto dopo l’arrivo dell’innamorato. Già prigioniero dei Turchi, Léandre/Dorval ha sentimenti patriottici assenti nei libretti italiani; l’esperienza del giovane permette altresì d’inserire, coll’esotismo, due parodie, efficaci linguisticamente e drammaturgicamente. Nell’una Léandre storpia la lingua turca, nell’altra con il latino di notai e medici si burla il tutore. Da ricordare la citazione «semiparodica» di quattro versi dell’Armide di Philippe Quinault. Faverzani conclude che, tra aggiunte, spostamenti, qualche traduzione, Pomponin non è né parodia né traduzione dello Sposo burlato, ma un’opéra bouffon da quello tratta. Nel saggio finale, Michela Marconi parla, per Der gefoppte Bräutigam, di «metamorfosi» d’un libretto conosciuto e rappresentato a Dresda, Vienna, Praga. Tale successo non deve stupire: quelle città erano luoghi d’elezione per gli amanti della musica italiana e le opere buffe, di pretese sceniche ridotte, venivano rappresentate, talvolta in maniera bizzarra, e senza grandi spese. In tale contesto, Carl Ditters von Dittersdorf rimusica l’opera e la rappresenta nel 1776 a Esterháza. L’autore rivela, nell’autobiografia, il progetto nonché l’idea d’un successivo adattamento in tedesco. Dei tre libretti, anonimi, Marconi sceglie per l’edizione quello di Book Reviews Book Reviews 543

Augsburg e procede a un confronto con i precedenti; ne emerge, pur nell’impossibilità d’individuarne la modalità, la derivazione del libretto d’Esterháza da quello viennese (1770). Quanto all’autore della versione tedesca, ipotizza l’intervento di Dittersdorf. Rispetto al testo italiano compaiono i servi, cambiano i nomi, buffi e di suono onomatopeico, come nella tradizione comico-satirica, e mentre talvolta le parole pronunciate ‘traducono’ quelle italiane, vanno perdute le allusioni alla Merope. Domina, come nell’italiano, l’ottonario, la partizione è in numeri e mancano i recitativi; si può ipotizzare il parlato, forse all’improvviso, per le parti di raccordo. L’escussione testuale rivela un libero adattamento, per il pubblico di lingua tedesca, del libretto italiano. Le escussioni costituiscono, con le edizioni, la parte più valida del volume. Perplessità nascono quando sulla base delle analisi testuali si formulano ipotesi, pur fondate, sulla paternità, totale o parziale, dei libretti; va comunque rilevata l’onestà intellettuale di Emilia Pantini e di Michela Marconi, allorché sottolineano che un’ipotesi, quand’anche convincente, rimane pur sempre tale.

Roma Mirella Saulini

Christoph Flucke and Martin J. Schröter, eds., Die litterae annuae der Gesellschaft Jesu von Glückstadt (1645 bis 1772); der Catalogus Mortuorum (1645–1799), und der Liber Benefactorum (1676–1727) der Glückstädter katholischen Gemeinde, Münster: Aschendorff, 2017. €49,00. xi-922pp. ISBN978-3-402-13288-3.

“Glückstadt is a city built on the River Elbe by the King of Denmark not so many years ago where six years ago one of Ours took over the mission. I recently replaced him with Pater Heinrich Kircher who had been designated for the Indian Mission [West Indies] ... He did travel to Spain but then had to return from there because of political obstacles, and he is already learning that he could have found India in Germany”. (Annual Letter, Glückstadt [before 1651]) Built between 1616 and the late 1640s, and situated in southern Holstein on the northern banks of the River Elbe, 60km before the river opens up to the North Sea, Glückstadt was planned by Christian IV of Denmark, also holding the Duchy of Holstein from Ferdinand II of Hapsburg, as a centre of administration, garrison, and strategic springboard across the Elbe. While it was at first to vie 544 Book Reviews with Hamburg for oversees trade, Glückstadt’s pretentions to trade were gradually denied by the Elbe silting up outside its harbour. It performed its role as a bulwark much better, being the only city in Holstein to withstand a siege by the imperial troops under Albrecht von Wallenstein in 1627/1628 during the Low Saxon War. How did the Society of Jesus come to send missionaries to a Protestant city? Certainly, they had the appeal of their significant networks; nevertheless, Catholics were at first excluded from the city. The first privileges were given to Jews (1619), followed by other Christian denominations including the Remonstrant Church, the Mennonites, and the Reformed Church. In 1630, Christian IV made a treaty with the Spanish king Philip IV to open up trade with Spain, allowing the Spanish commissary and his household to practise their religion. For this reason, and because of a relatively large number of Catholic soldiers billeted in Glückstadt, the city was gradually opened up to Catholic clergy and the first Jesuit father is thought to have taken up residence there in the late 1630s. The Annuals begin around 1645, when Christmas was celebrated for over eighty Catholics. The 139 extant Annual Letters from 1645 to 1772, presented in the first volume of this work, provide very good coverage forthe 127 years in question. The texts used here were collated from the Archivium Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) and the Historic Archive of Cologne (where they only exist from 1680). The Glückstadt texts are in fact only local excerpts from Annual Letters: sent to their provincial centre — the Jesuit Province of the Lower Rhine — they were collated and edited with the letters from other missions, colleges, and residences of the province, before being sent to Rome as one item. The texts are helpfully divided into numbered paragraphs, with an average of ten per year, although busy years could run to over 30. The original texts in Latin are presented with facing-page German translations. The Annual Letters were epistolary reports reviewing the past year. Side by side with the ex officio correspondence and the yearly catalogues of members of each house, they had been devised by Juan Alfonso de Polanco to serve as a distinctive part of the internal correspondence between the peripheries and the centre; the form was fixed by the formula scribendi of 1580. Also, they were intended to connect the peripheries with one another, and, for this reason, there had been a scheme to print them. This publications programme had already become patchy by the early seventeenth century, and the last printed volumes appeared in 1658 (there are 34 volumes in all). Book Reviews Book Reviews 545

Over one hundred years earlier, in 1542, Ignatius had written to Peter Faber that one of the objectives of these letters was that they would come to be read by non-Jesuits as well: although he does not provide further detail, it is conceivable that, in setting up the enterprise, the letters were intended to attract benefactors, pupils, or novices. In content and style, the Annual Letters differ from other types of Jesuit correspondence, because, while giving a truthful account of the previous year, they were to stress edifying themes, highlighting the success of apostolates and the exemplary virtues of Jesuits and others. This made historians wary of them for a long time, causing Fred Rausch in 1997 to offer a defence to show that they are worthy of study for their historical detail, their insights into the Society’s self- image, into the Jesuits’ role in the Counter-Reformation, and for their folkloristic content. For all these reasons, the Glückstadt texts also are highly valuable. They bring to life Jesuit activities in the two residences, first Am Hafen 25, and then in the Namenlose Straße, including their church services and provision of sacraments; catechism for the young; the care of soldiers, prisoners and those condemned to death; of the poor and the sick; and the reconciliation of litigants or disaffected spouses. In addition, several times per year the fathers went on missions to towns in northern Holstein and northern Bremen-Verden, where Catholics had need of clergy. Particular emphasis is given to the work of confirming those in the Catholic faith who seemed in danger of falling away, while conversions of Protestants were a secondary aim, as explicitly stated by the writers of the 1654 Annual. As would be expected, historical events usually appear in oblique references: the warfare of 1674 — when the great coalition that included Denmark was ranged against France and Sweden — surfaces only because the usual multiple Jesuit missions per year to Rendsburg (near Kiel) were endangered. Some of these events are given pithy commentary: when in 1712 the Swedes defeated a Danish-Saxon army at Gadebusch (Mecklenburg), the writer commented on Glückstadt's reception of fugitives as the war came closer, unexpectedly adding that the destruction of the nearby city of Altona was unworthy of a Christian but worthy of a Swedish soldier. The letters give fascinating insights into the civic administration, and in the case of the Great Plague (1708–1714) which hit the city in 1712, they illustrate the measures taken for public health: the authorities closed the gates for half a year, preventing the fathers from undertaking their usual missions. According to the Jesuit observer, a naked flame carried by a civic official into a contaminated 546 Book Reviews house could be extinguished up to seven times by the pestilential breath (halitus pestilens) inside while the official went about sealing up household vessels and shrines. One of the two Jesuit priests was affected by the plague, but blood-letting and a fever healed him. The death of their housekeeper, Maria Margareta Meyer, was seen in terms of the household paying God for its overall health, but this tragically was followed by another death, that of a young boy, Carolus Matti, the son of a deceased wine merchant who appeared to have been fostered by the household. The commentator observed that the close and humid summer appeared to have had a role in spreading the plague, while the availability of affordable grains and varied foodstuffs mitigated it somewhat. The year after the plague, he described how there were far fewer illnesses and only rare deaths; he attributed this positive development, on the one hand to a merciful God, and, on the other hand, to the heightened vigilance of the municipal authorities who had learned from past mistakes. Another account appears somewhat disturbing to the modern reader: half a century after the last serious wave of witch-hunts ended, one of the Jesuit fathers was eyewitness to the hounding down of an old woman by a mob of young men. The woman had already been acquitted of a charge of witchcraft by the magistracy, but, “as usual with the unthinking mob, suspicion and hatred remained”. The Pater and many others of the city saw her being chased out of the city gates, beaten, and thrown into a water-filled ditch. Not having sunk, the mob pulled her out and viciously beat her to death. ‘Not one of the bystanders who comprised “almost the whole town” intervened – neither the soldiers, “not even a servant of the word or other influential men that they passed”, nor the Jesuit observer himself’. Events chosen by the Jesuit writers to illustrate the activities in which they became involved alongside their religious ones still make for edifying reading. In 1652, the then Duke of Holstein, Christian Count Rantzau, asked for a Jesuit to teach his little son Latinand to leave instructions for his further education, sending a coach and trumpeter to bring him to the Count’s residence at Breitenburg. The work done, the Pater thanked his host for the freedom of religious worship granted in the last year, and asked for sanctuary should there ever be an attack on these freedoms. In 1676, the commanding officer of the neighbouring garrison town Krempe asked the Glückstadt Jesuits to say mass for his Catholic officers and soldiers. On one of these occasions fifty men gathered, many more than expected, but the lack of hosts was resolved by the Lutheran superintendent, Pastor Book Reviews Book Reviews 547

Johann Hudemann. Both accounts showed to the Jesuit Curia that the men were not only meeting the congregations’ sacramental and spiritual need, but also demostrating their ability to act with political astuteness, carving useful connections among the Protestants. The editors of this work previously published the Annual Letters for Altona and Hamburg, 1598–1781 (2013) and are currently chairman and business manager of the Society for Catholic Church History in Hamburg and Schleswig-Holstein. The edition under review here is very usefully complemented (in a second volume) with texts from Hamburg’s archdiocesan archives: it includes a list of the Catholic clergy (1645–1799), reveals that the Jesuit priests who were in the city at the time of the Suppression of the Society in 1773 did not remain there after the Suppression. Also in Volume 2, the Catalogus Mortuorum (1645–1799), and the Liber Benefactorum (1676–1727) are particularly significant, given that so many of the individuals mentioned in the Annuals were not named for reasons of discretion: while the editors were able to provide names for the Jesuit priests, the congregation remained mostly anonymous. The catalogus mortuorum lists the dead, but also offers qualifications on most person’s names – from a simple ‘uxor decurionis’ in 1658, to the wife of Nicolai Marcks in 1671, buried in the Lutheran churchyard to the tolling of bells and a large group of high-ranking persons accompanying the coffin (there was no Catholic graveyard in Glückstadt until 1701/03). The list of the mission’s benefactors and their gifts is highly valuable, since the mission was financed from donations: among the smaller donations are a picture of the Madonna and Child, by Margaretha Brashaver (listed in 1676), and, in 1700, a money donation of twenty-five imperial taler from the Bohemian Lieut Müller for the costs “of confirming our privileges in Copenhagen”. Further appendices contain the short text, Officia Templi (1676– 1780), with sporadic entries concerning the Jesuits’ residences; a valuable excerpt from the Catalogus Mortuorum to highlight the five housekeepers of the mission (1674–1752); and lastly a report by the Apostolic Vicar Franz Egon von Fürstenberg (1790) showing that the diocesan priests who followed the Jesuit mission continued with the same work. Most of these are offered in the original and in translation. A map showing the political territories of Holstein around 1622, and a useful and highly readable Latin-German glossary round this apparatus off. The only point of criticism may be levelled at well- meaning duplication: rather than leave the reader search for names in the Catalogus Mortuorum or Liber Benefactorum, translations from 548 Book Reviews these are offered in footnotes throughout the Annuae, rendering the first volume more unwieldy than perhaps was necessary at 735pp: simple references (with correct page numbers) would have sufficed.

Dublin Vera Moynes ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXVII, FASC. 173 2018-I

Articles

D. Gillian Thompson, The Jesuit Province of France on the Eve of its Destruction in 1762 3

Thierry Meynard SJ, Could Chinese Vegetarians be Baptized? The Canton Conference and Adrien Grelon SJ’s Report of 1668 75

Book Reviews

P. Goujon, Les conseils de l’Esprit (M. Rotsaert SJ) 147

K.B. Roberts, S.R. Schloesser, eds, Crossings and Dwellings: Restored Jesuits, Women Religious, American Experience, 1814–2014 (J. Grummer SJ) 151

D. Strong SJ, A Call to Mission–A History of the Jesuits in China 1842–1954 (2 vols) (P.A. Rule) 155

A. Schnoor, Gestalten und Gehorchen: Jesuiten zwischen Demokratie und Diktatur in Chile (1962–1983) (M. Sievernich SJ) 158

P. Grendler, The Jesuits and Italian Universities 1548–1773 (C. Casalini) 161 H.J. Vollrath, Kaspar Schott, 1608–1666 (A. Udías SJ) 165

P.H. Blasen, A. Reuter, ...a most singular life, filled with many good thoughts. Henri Werling SJ and the Catholic Mission to Estonia (A. Mariani) 167

Notes and News in Jesuit History

Exhibition: Memory, Martyrs and Mission: Celebrating Aspects of the History of the English Hospice and the Venerable English College, Rome, 1362–2018 (16 April–11 May 2018) (M. Whitehead) 171

A Recent Jesuit Beatification: Blessed John Sullivan SJ (1861– 1933) (C. Harper SJ) 178

The Georgetown Slavery Archive: An Online Resource (A. Rothman) 180

ARSI, Lavori e resoconti delle attività (settembre 2016-luglio 2017) (B. Mac Cuarta SJ) 184 Book Reviews

Patrick Goujon, Les conseils de l’Esprit. Lire les lettres d’Ignace de Loyola. Bruxelles: Christus + Lessius, 2017. 142pp. € 14,00. ISBN 9782872993222.

This volume, The Counsels of the Spirit, is an excellent introduction to the letters of Ignatius of Loyola. It does not contain a great deal of historical information — even though it amply reflects the author’s erudition in this area — yet the materials with which the work deals are of great historical importance, making it an important scholarly contribution, not only for those interested in Ignatian spirituality, but also for those interested in the history of spirituality more broadly. In his work, the author introduces eight letters and discusses them in depth — eight, no more. This book therefore is not an anthology of Ignatius’s letters, since of course many more were written, and preserved. Instead, the volume presents an original treatment of key elements in Ignatian spirituality, by tracing these elements within the material and textual framework provided by a small but well-chosen body of Ignatius’s correspondence. The book is well structured, and presented in six chapters. In the first chapter, the author describes the art of conversation, so prominently present in the life of Ignatius, and of which the letters under consideration here are an important example in epistolary form. The author of this volume presents the letters as one part in a two-way exchange between Ignatius and his correspondents. A number of quotations from the Spiritual Exercises, the Constitutions (especially Part VII), and Ignatius’s Autobiography, are enlisted to show the perspective of the eight chosen letters: Ignatius sought to help individuals (including non-Jesuits) or groups (of Jesuits) in need of some form of help or guidance. The starting point for the letters, therefore, is not Ignatius, but his correspondents who ask him for spiritual assistance. Within this frame, the eight letters chosen for this volume demonstrate very well the wide variety of people — in very different situations, and with a range of questions — whom Ignatius sought to help through his written replies to them. The second chapter of the volume uses the letters to examine how Ignatius envisaged the spiritual advisor’s assistance of a person in need, and the methods to be employed, such as giving space to the work of the Spirit as well as to the correspondent. For Ignatius, 148 Book Reviews

God’s work was always fundamental, and the spiritual adviser should help the person seeking assistance to find the path towards being more open to God’s work; at the same time, the individual must collaborate with God’s work. These were deep convictions held by Ignatius, as is clear from the “Preamble” to the Constitutions. Ignatius believed that the spiritual director must not take the place of God’s Spirit; neither should he take the place of the person who asks for help. God’s freedom, but also the freedom of the person, are to be preserved. In that case, what kind of advice may the person giving counsel offer? Here, the author explains, ‘rules’ are important — rules for guidance. These are never orders that must be carried out; rather, they are more like suggestions, which are intended to provide some direction, while leaving the person receiving the rules free to decide how to implement them. For example, in the letter of October 1552 to Jesuits sent on mission″, Ignatius provides a variety of rules and suggestions, as well as guidelines for how to behave, but the Jesuits themselves must discern how to put these into practice. According to this method, a well-formulated rule creates a certain distance, which in turn gives a person some space to arrive at a decision. By contrast, without a rule, and without some criteria for discernment, it becomes more difficult to make a good decision. This principle is outlined in the “letter of 23 May 1551 to Arnold van Hees”, in which Ignatius proposes different ways of proceeding, and advises that it is van Hees himself who must discern what is right in the actual circumstances. The third chapter presents a “pedagogy of consolation”. It is a study of the short “letter of 30 March 1556 to Alfonso Ramirez de Vergara”. In particular, the author explains the deeper meaning of the way Ignatius starts his letter. In his opening words — “My Lord in our Lord. May the sovereign grace and everlasting love of Christ our Lord ever be our help and unfailing support” — Ignatius makes clear that both the spiritual adviser and the correspondent are recipients of God’s grace. The same can be said about the conclusion of the letter. Both resemble a formula, because the style of the opening address and conclusion appear in so many letters. However, as the author shows, they have a deep theological meaning, and the answer for which the correspondent is looking must come from God, not the person to whom the letter is addressed. For Vergara, this meant that the Holy Spirit would instruct him, not Ignatius, as Vergara probably expected. Such a process of course requires spiritual discernment, with the experience of inner movements constituting an important Book Reviews Book Reviews 149

part of the process. In this context, consolation functions as the inner guide of the person who is in need of knowing what to do. Should Vergara (finally) enter the Society or not? The answer, as we learn from the letter, would come from the Holy Spirit: what consolation, in prayer and in life, will guide Vergara in what to do, but he himself must make the decision. The confirmation of the decision, which Ignatius describes in the Spiritual Exercises [183], is the experience of a consolation and peace that remain; at this point, the experience of alternating inner movements between consolation and desolation ceases. God’s work becomes clear not so much in the path and outcome of the concrete decision, as much as in the affective resonance experienced by the inner movement of the soul. The foundation of the Ignatian view of consolation is that God is love, compassion, goodness and divine self-giving (Spiritual Exercises [234]). In the book’s fourth chapter, the author describes how to become free to do God’s will. He explains in the “letter of 15 June 1552 to Francis de Borgia”, the background to which was the possible granting of a cardinal’s hat for Borgia. Here, the help that Ignatius sought to give was to present criteria, or rules, to enable Borgia to make the right decision and do God’s will. To help him, Ignatius recounts what happened inside himself, upon receiving the news about the possible cardinalate for Borgia. He describes the inner movements of desolation in the first instance, followed by consolation. Finally, Ignatius finds peace in his negative response to the proposed cardinalate, according to the spiritual inspiration he experienced. Nevertheless, he advises, this is not necessarily the position Borgia himself should take. Indeed, he does not exclude the possibility that Borgia might take a different position, since “the Spirit can move me to this action for certain reasons and others to the contrary for other reasons”. According to Ignatius, as long as there is alternation of inner movements we are actually not free, and we still have some attachments that prevent us from finding God’s will. The orientation of consolation — the work of God’s Spirit in the individual — directs that individual towards growth through inner freedom. In the famous “letter of 18 June 1536 to Teresa Rejadell”, Ignatius provides advice about how to distinguish a good spirit from a bad spirit. Here, we see the hallmarks of Ignatian spiritual direction, where a three-way relationship is identified, between the person who asks for spiritual help, the spiritual adviser, and the Holy Spirit. The foundation is God, who in his goodness and compassion gives to everyone what is needed to progress in spiritual life. Ignatius thus 150 Book Reviews sees God as the only pole to which life is oriented, as well as the source of true peace and joy. But Ignatius adds a fourth “person”, who also plays a role in the relationship of spiritual direction: the “enemy of our human nature”, the troublemaker. Ignatius describes the way of proceeding of this “anti-spirit”, and by using the image of ‘enemy’, he also creates some distance. It enables him to avoid directly admonishing Teresa, but instead he describes in these more distant terms the inner movements experienced by the soul and their various sources (some good, some not). He concludes his letter with an exhortation to Teresa: do what gives you joy, peace, and consolation. In another “letter to Teresa of 11 September 1536”, Ignatius again confirms his positive starting point in providing advice: he emphasises to Teresa that God is love and we are created to live out the joy God has given his creatures. In the fifth chapter, which discusses the “letter of late 1547 to the scholastics in Coimbra”, we see how Ignatius reacts in another, very different situation. In the letter, we learn that the scholastics pray more than they study, and, with the agreement of the provincial of Portugal, they organise flagellations by night through the streets of Coimbra. In this letter, we are privy to how Ignatius tackles this important and delicate situation. First, he begins by encouraging them for their desire for perfection; however, as he proceeds in the course of this long letter, he invites his Portuguese confreres to more moderation, to more discernment. Moreover, if they find discernment difficult, he advises, they will be helped by obedience. The tone of the letter remains very paternal, fraternal, and motivating. But the message is very clear. Only one remark could be made about how this admirable volume might be improved: as already noted, the author very effectively enlists many Ignatian texts to situate several aspects of his study in the larger Ignatian tradition. Since the word consolation is a core concept in this book, the author rightly refers to its recurrence in the Spiritual Exercises, but does not discuss the word’s definitions provided by Ignatius himself. It is to be expected in a study of the letters of Ignatius — with their attempts to answer specific question(s) — that references would be made to the way of proceeding in the third phase, as a time of tranquillity (and the result of analysing the advantages and disadvantages of a concrete choice [181]), and that these would be quoted more than once: for the author, the confirmation of the decision, taken at the end of the process [183], is the experience of consolation and peace. In view of this, it would have been interesting to explore how this type of consolation relates Book Reviews Book Reviews 151

to the consolations described during the contemplations of the second week — so important in the second phase of an election — and how the confirmation of the third and fourth week functions in relation to the theme of consolation, and how these might shed light on the term’s use by Ignatius in these letters. This profound and stimulating book should be translated as soon as possible into English: although not an easy task, it would constitute a valuable contribution to international spirituality studies, raising awareness, too, of the historiographical importance of understanding the spiritual themes contained in the correspondence of sixteenth century religious writers.

Campion Hall, Oxford Mark Rotsaert SJ

Kyle B. Roberts and Stephen R. Schloesser, eds. Crossings and Dwellings: Restored Jesuits, Women Religious, American Experience, 1814–2014. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2017. 788pp. € 175,00/$ 220.00. ISBN 978-90-04-34029-9.

Between the covers of this book, one finds much more than sixteen papers presented October 16–18, 2014 at Loyola University Chicago’s research conference, Crossings and Dwellings: Restored Jesuits, Women Religious, American Experience, 1814–2014, which was part of the university’s celebration of the 200th anniversary of the universal restoration of the Society of Jesus and a century of women’s education at Loyola University–Mundelein College. There are also two papers that were not given at the conference (Gerald L. McKevitt SJ and Anna Harwell Celenza); a forward by Michael J. Garanzini SJ, then president of the university, who explains the vision that inspired the conference; a wise and comprehensive introduction by editors Kyle B. Roberts and Stephen E. Schloesser SJ that sketches the context of the historical period and the conference itself; an insightful “Afterword: Narrating Catholic History” by Thomas A. Tweed, whose 2008 definition of religion as “finding a place and moving across space”Crossing ( and Dwelling: A Theory of Religion, p. 74) gave rise to the title of the conference and this volume; numerous illustrations; extensive bibliographies; and a thirty page index. Besides the quantity, there is much quality. The editors organize the chapters using a chiastic structure that 152 Book Reviews divides the two centuries into four periods: 1814–1865 (Crossings 1: Indigenous and Immigrant), 1865–1920 (Dwellings 1: Urban Hybrids), 1920–1965 (Dwellings 2: Slightly Askew), and 1965–2015 (Crossings 2: Borders and Boundaries). Their excellent overview underscores not only how much more scholars have to learn about the unexamined experiences of vast numbers of individuals who left their homelands to establish new homes, people embedded in a complex global network that flourished long before the digital age; they also note how our understanding of US history would profit from such an undertaking. The first section begins with a chapter of the late Father McKevitt’s projected history of Jesuit higher education in the United States; this particular contribution surveys the process of adaptation and Americanization that was underway in the years before exiles from the European revolutions of 1848 reinforced Old World traditions, thereby slowing the process of accommodation. Frédéric Dorel’s first contribution in this volume suggests that European-born Jesuits were deeply influenced by early-ninetheenth-century Romanticism as they attempted to establish utopian communities for Native Americans in the middle third of the century. Eventually, the goal of protecting indigenous peoples from the westward expansion of American settlers and culture became a determined effort to promote rapid Americanization. Charlotte Hansen’s thorough and careful study of what Orestes Brownson wrote about the Society of Jesus and its members demonstrates that his thought was not as disapproving or hostile as it is usually characterized. Nevertheless, Jesuit reluctance to take sides during the American Civil War and the anti-liberal perspective of European Jesuits provoked an impassioned response. The chapters examining the period from 1865–1920 begin with Timothy J. Gilfoyle’s comprehensive and masterful historiographical survey of the relationship between religion and urban history. He finds that only since 1975 have scholars begun to remedy the conspicuous absence of religion in the field of urban studies. Since then, students of a “Catholic Style” have adopted the methodologies and sources of urban studies to illustrate a history much more diverse and significant than previously recognized. Dana A. Freiburger reveals that Jesuit medical schools in the nineteenth century USA creatively and pragmatically adapted European principles and guidelines to establish uniquely American institutions. A close study of rhetorical training at Clongoes Wood College in Ireland and the College of the Holy Cross in the USA enables Thomas R.E. Murphy to Book Reviews Book Reviews 153

identify recusant, constitutionalist, and ultramontane perspectives that simultaneously served individuals, State, and Church between 1814 and 1920. Rachel K. Daack’s geographical approach to studying institutional structures shows how the Sisters of Charity of the Blessed Virgin Mary maintained highly centralized core values to remain unified, in spite of their dispersion across a broad swathe of the Midwest. Rima Lunin Schultz uses Jane Addam’s Chicago as an example of how “Catholic women staffed Catholic schools for boys and girls,” concluding that “they established academies, high schools, and colleges that helped transform US society” (pp. 338–339). Closing this section, the content and illustrations found in Anna Hawell Celenza’s essay focus on music at Georgetown University from its founding in 1789 to 1930; they suggest how much we have to learn about the daily life and interests of those who have gone before us, and how they shaped and were shaped by the surrounding currents of the time. The chapters for the 1920–1965 section highlight four Jesuits whose individuality stands out even among members of that famously idiosyncratic group. Paul M. Kane presents the life of E. Boyd Barrett, an Irish Jesuit psychologist who came to the USA, left the priesthood and married, and returned to the Society of Jesus before his death. Daniel A. Lord SJ benefits from Roy Brooks- Delphin’s close study of the production, impact, and significance of Jamaica Triumphant, a pageant the Jesuit priest produced in Jamaica in 1937. Mary Ewens sees the inability of Jesuit leaders “to recognize and unwillingness to support a prophet in their midst” in the story of Father John Fox, who attempted to establish a religious congregation of native women in Alaska between 1930 and 1945. Eric Martin writes about one of the best known American Jesuits of the post-World War II period as he describes “The Long Formation of Daniel Berrigan: 1921–66,” noting among other things the radical change in Berrigan’s attitude about war. Five chapters explore shifting boundaries and borders within US Catholicism during the last fifty years. Peter Cajka studies changes in the thinking of John Ford SJ (whose minority report against artificial birth control became the teaching of Pope Paul VI in 1968) regarding the relationship between law and conscience. James M. O’Toole studiously mines the thirty year history of Newton College of the Sacred Heart to illustrate the rapid transformation of US Catholicism in the third quarter of the twentieth century, especially in the field of education. A co-editor of the personal correspondence between Philip and Daniel Berrigan, Daniel 154 Book Reviews

Cosacchi, relates the Jesuit brother’s ministerial experience to an important document of internal Jesuit legislation that focused the Society of Jesus on social justice after 1975. Frédéric Dorel’s second contribution to this volume revisits accommodation and inculturation in the relationship between Jesuits and Native Americans in the post-Vatican-II era. Paul Crowley, Jesuit editor of Theological Studies, writes about Presbyterian theologian Robert McAfee Brown, whose ecumenical collaboration with Jesuit Gustave Weigel had important effects on both their lives. Thomas Tweed’s “Afterward” compares Pierre-Jean DeSmet in the nineteenth century and Daniel Berrigan in the twentieth century as a way of envisioning how much US Catholicism has changed in the past two hundred years. While noting that the study of the “crossings and dwellings of Jesuits and their colleagues” increases our knowledge and understanding of the history of US Catholicism, he emphasizes how much more we need to learn. Tweed proposes a broad agenda for future study: “focus more on women’s interactions with men, chart more precisely movements within and across borders, analyze more thoroughly devotees’ transformations of the environment, attend to religion’s ‘mutual intercausality’ with other aspects of the wider culture, and acknowledge asymmetries of power, noting when practices and policies have promoted justice and peace—and when they have not” (p. 731). By providing numerous case studies of ordinary, often- overlooked people who made unique as well as representative contributions to forming, transforming, and connecting individuals, institutions, and local communities during a period of intense nation building, this collection deepens and broadens our understanding of American history from 1814–2014. The volume demonstrates that studying US Catholicism is not an intramural exercise of filiopietistic apologists but a crucial contribution of serious scholarship to gain a better understanding of the USA. All serious students of US history will profit from the fine bibliographies at the end of each chapter. Specialists will find much helpful information to prompt their further questions and suggest creative research projects. Those who planned and executed this project deserve many thanks.

Pontifical Gregorian University James Grummer SJ Book Reviews Book Reviews 155

David Strong SJ, A Call to Mission–A History of the Jesuits in China 1842–1954: Volume 1: The French Romance; Volume 2: The Wider European and American Adventure. Adelaide: ATF Press, 2018. Vol. 1 xxxi, 501pp.; Vol. 2 xvii, 388pp. AUD$ 44.95 (each volume). Vol. 1 ISBN 9781925643565. Vol. 2 ISBN 9781925643602.

Historians of the Jesuits in China have long lacked a comprehensive survey history of the new mission (1842–1954) based on archival sources. This has now arrived, the work of the Australian Jesuit historian David Strong, previously known for his history and biographical dictionary of the Australian Jesuits. Its two volumes cover the initial French mission in Jiangnan in Central China, its spread to the north and the eventual arrival of Jesuits of other nationalities: Italian, Spanish, Austrian, Hungarian, Canadian and American to open new missions or take up newly divided vicariates. One striking feature of this history is the emphasis on educational activities. There was a persistent but never fulfilled ambition in the old pre-Suppression mission to China, to establish a school or schools. However, except for the special case of Macau, this was never realized due to lack of resources, local sensitivities and perhaps also to a general sentiment among missionaries that they should learn from and follow the Chinese model of education rather than impose an alien model. From the very beginning of the French mission to Shanghai education, was central. Schools, even in outpost missions, seminaries and eventually universities, swallowed up Jesuit manpower. Shanghai itself was, of course, a case apart as the centre of a westernizing, commercial China. However, this did have an effect that Strong demonstrates deeply concerned superiors both in China and in Europe. Many Jesuits spent a whole lifetime in the mission without learning to speak or write Chinese. And one consequence of this was their failure to acquire the sympathy and cultural sensitivity that comes with learning and using the language. This is just one of the threads pursued by David Strong in his analysis of, especially, the French missionaries. Another thread is cultural chauvinism and opposition to ‘Protestant’ missionaries and ‘Protestant’ nations. A third thread is a tendency to disparage Jesuits of other nationalities and the Chinese priests for preferring the life of pastors to that of missionaries in new areas. The issues covered inevitably parallel the central problems of a China in rapid transition: foreign economic and political intrusion, xenophobic and nationalist reaction to foreigners; reform movements, rebellions and revolutions. All, of course, is against the background 156 Book Reviews of continuing care by the missionaries for the spiritual and often material needs of their congregations and general communities. Strong has sensibly dealt with these big historical issues by presenting them largely through the eyes of the missionaries themselves in reports and letters to Rome and home. Sometimes, unfortunately, there seems some confusion, not fully remedied by general footnote references at the end of long sections, as to whether we are reading contemporary judgments with their necessary biases and incomplete information (based on the author’s commendable use of archival materials), or the author’s own opinions. This is unfortunate, since episodes like the ‘Opium’ Wars, the Taiping Rebellion, the Boxer Movement and the Nationalist and Communist revolutions have been the subject of a great deal of historical analysis which, of course, could not be adequately discussed in the space of a mere two volumes covering over a century of such complex events. On the other hand, on-the-spot missionary impressions add a perspective not usually found in the general histories and are worth presenting as such. Above all, the missionary perspective is both ‘local’ and ‘outsider’ as commended by Paul A. Cohen in Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past (Columbia University Press, 2010). Cohen regards these as different but complementary; indeed, missionaries are both. In the period under consideration here, we may observe that to be successful missionaries had to embed themselves in the local society and often in areas remote not only from other Westerners but also from ‘official’ China. On the other hand, their education and experience of their often-painful adjustment to their mission environment sensitized them to features of Chinese society taken for granted by the Chinese themselves. A Call to Mission will provide historians with much useful and hitherto unpublished material from an extraordinary variety of archives. These include not only the Jesuit Roman Archives (ARSI) but also the archives of several Jesuit provinces, the Propaganda Fide archives in Rome, the Vatican archives and the French diplomatic archives. As noted, the footnote references and indications in the bibliography are often fairly general but will point the researcher to the areas in such archives that may prove rewarding. One significant merit of the work is that it provides material for an assessment of the divergent national approaches to mission in modern China. Two constant themes are the problem of the French Protectorate of Catholic missions in China and indigenous Book Reviews Book Reviews 157

control of the Church in China, especially the role of Chinese (including Chinese Jesuit) priests and bishops. And the role of the Holy See especially through the Apostolic Delegates is a recurring motif. Strong’s judgments on this issue, in his coda on the post- missionary era in Shanghai and elsewhere, is measured but also provides material to explain the sharp division of opinion between supporters of ‘underground’ and ‘official’ parties. The work, as it stands, will prove invaluable to historians of the Catholic Church and of missions in the modern era. If it should go to a second edition, which it deserves, it is to be hoped that the many minor errors of syntax and spelling will be corrected. Even the names of Jesuit Generals are not immune from the latter. One particular problem will need to be remedied. Anyone who has wrestled with the romanization of Chinese names will be aware of the difficulties in using older European sources and that they are not easily resolved. However, anyone interested in important questions like the relationship between Chiang Kai-shek and Christian missions will find little help in the indices to the two volumes (eight references in the first volume and three in the second). They will not find in the index nor perhaps recognize him in the text in his many other appearances as Tsiang Kiai che, Tsiang-kai-se, Cong-kai-se, or Chiang Kai-chek. In most cases, and in the absence of characters, the modern pinyin romanization should be used for the benefit of Chinese readers as well as Europeans. Ironically Chiang Kai-shek is an exception since the Cantonese form of his name has become so embedded in Western usage that it is now standard. Another issue that might be tackled is the contemporary labels for different groups. ‘Northerners’ and ‘Southerners’, ‘Bolshevists’ and ‘bandits’. ‘Reds’ and ‘Nationalists’ come along in a confusing procession, many clearly different names for the same groups. One gets the impression that they were not clearly distinguished by those who experienced their depredations which, if true, is an interesting fact in itself. Were the missionaries so isolated by distance and communications that they were unaware of the complex politics of a China in turmoil? However, the historian in the interests of the reader needs to locate these groups more precisely than the bewildered participants were able to. It is not surprising that the author of a biographical dictionary of Jesuits should provide biographies of his leading Jesuit actors. Most are in footnotes but some are in the text and locatable from the indices. There are in the author’s narrative many very interesting case studies of Jesuit activists, not always fully appreciated by their 158 Book Reviews superiors in China and Rome. This alone puts paid to generalisations about Jesuits still far too common in historical writing. This work may contribute to the growing realisation that mission history has much to offer scholars across a broad range of fields in historical research.

La Trobe University, Melbourne Paul A. Rule

Antje Schnoor, Gestalten und Gehorchen: Jesuiten zwischen Demokratie und Diktatur in Chile (1962–1983). Schriftenreihe „Religion und Moderne“ Bd. 6. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 2016. 481 pp. € 39,95. ISBN 973-3-593-50625-8.

Die vorliegende Dissertation entstand an der Westfälischen Wilhelms- Universität in Münster/Westfalen, im Rahmen des Exzellenzclusters „Religion und Politik in den Kulturen der Vormoderne und der Moderne“. Betreut wurde sie von Silke Hensel, Professorin für außereuropäische Geschichte mit Schwerpunkt Lateinamerika; das Zweitgutachten erstellte Leo O´Donovan SJ von der Georgetown- University in Washington D.C. Mit den beiden Gutachtern sind schon Brücken geschlagen nach Süd- und Nordamerika sowie zu den Jesuiten in Chile, deren gewichtige Rolle im Untersuchungszeitraum der politisch aufgewühlten und kirchlich bewegten 60er und 70er Jahre zu erforschen aller Mühe wert ist. Die zeitgeschichtliche Regionalstudie befasst sich mit der Situation der katholischen Kirche Chiles und insbesondere mit den Akteuren der chilenischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu in den zwei Jahrzehnten unter den Regierungen des Christdemokraten Eduardo Frei, des Sozialisten Salvador Allende und des Militärdiktators Augusto Pinochet. Diese Epoche war kirchlich, politisch, jesuitisch und weltgeschichtlich außerordentlich spannungsreich und zeigt wie in einem Brennspiegel die Fragen und Probleme Lateinamerikas in Kirche und Gesellschaft. Als bestimmende kirchliche Kontexte der Zeit sind die Amtszeiten der Päpste Paul VI. und Johannes Paul II. zu nennen, die in die Thematik der Gerechtigkeit, der Befreiung (Evangelii nuntiandi, 1975) und der verschiedenen Strömungen der Befreiungstheologie lateinamerikanischer Provenienz involviert waren, auch mit scharfer Kritik seitens der römischen Glaubenskongregation. In die behandelte Epoche fiel auch das Zweite Vatikanische Konzil (1962-1965) und seine unterschiedlichen Book Reviews Book Reviews 159

Rezeptionsweisen sowie die Amtszeit des Generaloberen der Jesuiten, Pedro Arrupe, der die kirchlichen Entwicklungen in Lateinamerika mitprägte. Dazu kommen die Dokumente der lateinamerikanischen Bischofskonferenzen von Medellín (1968) und Puebla (1979), die dem Paradigma der Befreiung folgten. Auf der Jesuitenebene waren die normativen Dokumente der 31. und vor allem der 32. Generalkongregation des Ordens (1974/75) prägend, wobei letztere durch das Dekret 4 mit dem Binom von Glauben und Gerechtigkeit Aufsehen erregte. Bei dieser komplexen Gemengelage ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass die chilenischen Jesuiten in den zwei Jahrzehnten besonders aktiv waren. Daher hat die Autorin die Jesuiten als exemplarisches Fallbeispiel ausgewählt. Außer der Zeitgeschichte interessiert die Autorin insbesondere die Protagonistenrolle der Jesuiten in Lateinamerika. Deren sozialer und politischer Wandel kam in der Gründung von Zentren für Sozialforschung und soziale Aktion (CIAS) in Ländern Lateinamerikas zum Ausdruck; in Chile war es das Centro Bellarmino, das die Autorin aus gutem Grund ins Zentrum stellt. Das Hauptaugenmerk der Arbeit richtet sich zunächst auf den Jesuitenorden und seine Eigenart und insbesondere auf seine soziale und politische Agenda. Hierbei geht es um den Ort der Jesuiten im Gesamtgefüge der Kirche, die Ordnung im Orden und das Verständnis von Autorität und Gehorsam, das die Autorin aufgrund neuerer normativer Dokumente wie der Generalkongregationen eruiert. Diese eher systematische Erörterung, bei der erstaunlich ist, mit welcher Akribie sich die Autorin in die Materie eingearbeitet hat, bildet die Perspektive, aus der dann die zeit- und kirchenpolitische Geschichte im Weiteren betrachtet wird, nämlich das sozialpolitische Selbstverständnis der Jesuiten in der römischen Ordenszentrale, in Lateinamerika und in Chile. Aus dieser Perspektive, die ein Panorama der Emergenz des sozialen Apostolats im Jesuitenorden entfaltet, das mit Alberto Hurtado SJ begann, kommen nun in chronologischer Reihenfolge die drei Hauptetappen der politische Geschichte Chiles in den zwei Jahrzehnten von 1962 bis 1983 zur Darstellung und zur Analyse, und zwar aus dem Blickwinkel der jesuitischen Akteure. Es war gewiss die bewegendste und konfliktreichste Zeit für das Land, als die Jesuiten in der Epoche des christdemokratischen Präsidenten Frei „eine Revolution in Gang setzten“ (p. 175) und unter Allende mit dem sozialistischen Modell konfrontiert waren, mit dem die Bewegung der Christen für den Sozialismus sympathisierte, zu der in führender Position auch Jesuiten wie Gonzalo Arroyo gehörten. Schließlich kommt auch die verschärfte Auseinandersetzung mit dem 160 Book Reviews

Militärregime Pinochets zur Sprache. Insgesamt hält die Autorin als Fazit fest, „dass sich die Mehrheit der Jesuiten, die gesellschaftlich und politisch präsent waren, im Untersuchungszeitraum für soziale Gerechtigkeit, Demokratie, Pluralismus und Einhaltung der Menschenrechte einsetzte“ (p. 404). Frau Schnoor greift auf zahlreiche unterschiedliche Quellen zurück, die sie zu einem stimmigen Gesamtbild zusammenfügt. Es sind einerseits archivalische Quellen, soweit die Archive schon Zugang gewähren; so ist das römische Archiv der Jesuiten (ARSI), von Ausnahmen abgesehen, nur bis 1939 zugänglich. Von besonderer Bedeutung sind Zeitschriften wie die ordensinternen Noticias Jesuitas und vor allem die Zeitschrift Mensaje, deren Bedeutung sich in den jeweiligen Auflagen spiegelt. Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnisse, Zeittafel, Glossar und Register und das Personaltableau der Jesuiten bieten hervorragende Hilfen zur Erschließung des Buches. Zu den schriftlichen Quellen kommen als mündliche Quellen thematische Interviews, welche die Autorin mit über 30 Zeitgenossen geführt hat (pp. 442f); deren Aussagen sind in den Text eingeflochten und durchziehen ihn wie eine oral history. Der Verfasserin, nach Selbsteinschätzung eine „kirchenferne Doktorandin“ (p. 461), gelingt insgesamt eine hervorragende zeitpolitische Studie, die durch ihren Fokus auf die kirchlichen und insbesondere auf die jesuitischen Akteure im politisch höchst bewegten Chile herausragt. Die komplexen Ereignisse werden präzise und quellenbezogen rekonstruiert und so miteinander verknüpft, dass eine Erzählung entsteht, die weder ideologisch aufgeladen noch oberflächlich verharmlost wird. Die besondere Leistung besteht darin, dass die politischen, die kirchlichen und die jesuitischen Ebenen kunstvoll verflochten sind und nicht parataktisch nebeneinanderstehen. Auf diese Weise wird die eigenständige Rolle des Ordens deutlich, auch im Miteinander und Gegenüber zur chilenischen Ortskirche und deren politischen Aktivitäten in dieser Zeit. Die Darstellungen sind in der Regel differenziert und verlässlich, aber nicht allen Beurteilungen muss man sich anschließen. So muss man keineswegs das Urteil teilen, der religiöse Wandel der 60er und 70er Jahre habe „als fundamentaler Bruch in der Kirchen- und Religionsgeschichte“ zu gelten (p. 19). Eine Regionalstudie würde hier aufgrund der beschränkten Reichweite das Urteil zu sehr überdehnen. Eine Sonderrolle in der Arbeit nehmen die Kapitel über die Jesuiten ein, deren kirchliche Verortung und deren Autoritäts- und Gehorsamskonzeption reflektiert werden. Diese Materie breitet die Autorin mit guter Kenntnis über hundert Seiten aus. Doch Book Reviews Book Reviews 161

fällt auf, dass hier eine eher systematische Untersuchung in eine zeitgeschichtliche eingebettet ist, die so ausfallen muss, weil die Autorin ja den Perspektivenwechsel im Verständnis von Autorität und Gehorsam herausarbeiten will. Freilich erfordert eine umfassende Erörterung der jesuitischen Gehorsamsproblematik die Bearbeitung einer großen Stofffülle, zumal wenn auch die spirituellen und theologischen Grundlagen einbezogen werden. Wenn überdies die Gehorsamsthematik so stark wie in diesem Fall auf die spezifisch chilenische Situation fokussiert wird, gerät die bei einem weltweiten Orden differenzierte Rezeption aus dem Blick. Insgesamt ist es der Autorin mit ihrem Werk überzeugend gelungen, zum Teil wenig erforschte Bereiche aufzuhellen, Hintergründe aufzuzeigen und einen besseren Ein- und Überblick als bisher zu erreichen. Ihre Fallstudie ist exemplarisch durchgeführt, so dass man auch für andere Länder Lateinamerikas an ihr Maß nehmen kann, zumal hier noch zahlreiche Lücken zu schließen sind. Mit ihrer Dissertation hat Antje Schnoor ein wichtiges Teilstück der politischen und kirchlichen Zeitgeschichte Lateinamerikas im 20. Jahrhundert bearbeitet. Man kann nur hoffen, dass sich durch hinzukommende Teilstücke allmählich ein umfassendes Gesamtbild ergibt, zumal das 21. Jahrhundert mit seinen politischen, kirchlichen und jesuitischen Entwicklungen der Bearbeitung harrt und der erste Papst aus Lateinamerika, der überdies dem Jesuitenorden angehört, der Katholischen Kirche neue Impulse gibt.

Frankfurt am Main Michael Sievernich SJ

Paul Grendler, The Jesuits and Italian Universities 1548–1773. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2017. 480pp. $ 34.95. ISBN 978-0813229362.

La fatica più recente di Paul Grendler, The Jesuits and Italian Universities 1548–1773, è un lavoro vasto, stratificato e a grana fine. Perciò non deve ingannare. Certo, i lettori di cose gesuitiche – sempre più numerosi, a quanto pare, almeno tra i giovani accademici – vi troveranno una guida solida e autorevole su fatti e dinamiche che hanno accompagnato la storia del mancato inserimento della Compagnia nel tessuto complesso delle università italiane dell’età moderna. Nessuno meglio di Grendler ha scavato in profondità sulla 162 Book Reviews storia dell’educazione nell’Italia della prima età moderna, e a lui si devono gli affreschi più limpidi e accurati sulla cultura pedagogica dei gesuiti. A riguardo, quest’ultimo testo non fa che colmare una lacuna nel percorso bio-storiografico dello stesso Grendler, triangolando i celebrati studi sull’Italia rinascimentale quanto a educazione elementare (Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Learning and Literacy; 1300– 1600, 1989) e universitaria (The Universities of the Italian Renaissance, 2002), con una prospettiva monografica sui rapporti tra Compagnia di Gesù e università italiane. Infatti, quello dei gesuiti fu – così O’Malley – “il primo ordine religioso educatore”. Ma lo fu anzitutto per i numerosi collegi che andarono popolando la penisola italiana, dai grandi centri urbani fino a ben selezionate piccole comunità rurali, e dove coorti di giovani studenti avrebbero atteso soprattutto ai corsi cosiddetti “minori” di grammatica, umanità e retorica, ovvero i corsi non universitari. D’altro canto, l’insegnamento triennale di filosofia e il corso maggiore di Teologia, così come delineati nella Ratio Studiorum (1599), avrebbero portato inevitabilmente le scuole gesuitiche in rotta di collisione (o convergenza, a seconda dei casi) con l’offerta formativa delle università. E proprio qui si concentra il libro di Grendler, alla ricerca documentale delle conseguenze politiche di questa pretesa pedagogica. La vita universitaria, ed in particolare il sistema parigino, sono alle radici della Compagnia di Gesù. Ignazio e i primi compagni vi si conobbero da studenti, presero il celebre voto sulla collina di Montmartre quando uno solo tra loro era maestro (Pierre Favre), quindi ottennero licenze e dottorati prima di partire per Venezia e infine Roma. Queste radici sono cruciali per comprendere siala struttura del metodo educativo della Compagnia di Gesù siai problemi che tale metodo avrebbe incontrato per radicarsi nella realtà della penisola italiana. Ignazio e i primi compagni furono segnati dall’esperienza di una università collegiata quale quella di Parigi, un sistema diffuso nel Nord Europa e in Spagna ma, certamente, diverso dalle università italiane. A questo modello essi guardarono quando si trattò di introdurre il ministero educativo tra quelli della neonata Compagnia di Gesù. E appunto qui, sulla difficile compatibilità tra i modelli parigino e italico, si fonda la storia descritta da Grendler. La penisola italiana rappresentava, infatti, un coacervo di situazioni politico-sociali assai variegato. Inizialmente, la compagnia tentò la strada del trapianto del modello nordico – in un corpo universitario e in tradizioni locali completamente diverse. Grendler distingue questo modello – “una combinazione di scuola secondaria e college Book Reviews Book Reviews 163

universitario, seguito da un numero limitato di corsi superiori e professionalizzanti in giurisprudenza e medicina” (p. 46) – da quello italico – università di alta formazione dove si insegnavano giurisprudenza, medicina, e teologia ad un livello avanzato” (p. 46). Alle prese con una città che ambiva a istituire una nuova università, come quella di Messina, i gesuiti fallirono nel momento in cui dovettero constatare che, in realtà, il progetto dei messinesi prevedeva una struttura con medicina e giurisprudenza al vertice del curriculum e dell’organizzazione. Utili nel tentare l’assalto al diritto esclusivo che Catania deteneva di essere sede universitaria nel vicereame di Sicilia, i gesuiti furono quindi liquidati quando le regalie delle città al Re spagnolo lo convinsero a concedere il medesimo diritto ad altre città. Alle prese col Duca di Savoia, che ambivaa inserire i gesuiti nella struttura dell’università di Torino, la realtà locale – variamente composta – mostrò una opposizione talmente vigorosa da far desistere dai piani non solo il Duca, ma persino i temibili gesuiti Achille Gagliardi e Antonio Possevino. Opposizione che i gesuiti dovettero amaramente ritrovare anche a Padova, benché non intendessero inserirsi nella struttura della rinomata università. Ma il problema fu che a Padova la scuola gesuita, dove insegnamenti umanistici, filosofici, e teologici venivano impartiti con regolarità da docenti attenti alla funzione, fiorì a scapito di professori universitari meno inclini alla puntatura, e perciò in perdita di studenti. La tensione politica tra Venezia e la Chiesa di Roma, culminante con l’Interdetto e l’espulsione dei gesuiti dal suolo veneziano, fece da sfondo a quello che Grendler definisce “il disastro padovano”. Un nuovo metodo era dunque richiesto ai gesuiti per relazionarsi con il mondo universitario italiano. L’occasione non mancò coi duchi di Parma, Mantova, e con le realtà locali di Fermo e Macerata, dove i gesuiti riuscirono – talvolta anche solo per breve tempo – a strutturare università in parte civiche e in parte gesuitiche. Mentre la parte civica si dedicava ai corsi di giurisprudenza e medicina, professori gesuiti si occupavano di umanità, matematica e filosofia, spesso in edifici anche separati, a rimarcare la convivente differenza (come nel caso di Parma). Questo modello tuttavia non potè applicarsi né a Palermo, a causa dell’opposizione dell’arcivescovo, né a Chambery, dove la fiera campagna anti-gesuita del vescovo giansenista spense le velleità della Compagnia. I casi rimanenti di università di tradizione e prestigio, ovvero Bologna, Roma, e Perugia, mostrano infine istituzioni universitarie refrattarie o in aperta competizione coi gesuiti. A Bologna la scuola della Compagnia si vide limitata la capacità di iscrivere 164 Book Reviews studenti. L’università di Roma osteggiò l’iniziativa del Collegio Romano di offrire corsi in diritto canonico; ne nacque una causa legale che si trascinò per decenni e che la Compagnia vinse, ma con difficoltà. A Perugia i rapporti tra gesuiti e università si incrinarono irrimediabilmente quando, sul finire del Seicento, una relazione o dossier commissionato ad un visitatore gesuita sullo stato dell’università ne segnalò la decadenza. L’arcivescovo punì la Compagnia bocciando il progetto di aprire un convitto gesuitico. Il sondaggio storiografico di Grendler si chiude con le università di Ferrara, Pavia, e Siena, accomunate dal fatto che singoli gesuiti vennero incaricati di coprire l’insegnamento di matematica, in virtù della loro competenza. Una volta acclarate le istanze socio-politiche alla base del difficile rapporto tra gesuiti e università italiane, il volume di Grendler si sofferma sulle differenze pedagogiche e curricolari tra idue rispettivi modelli educativi. I due capitoli finali analizzano gli aspetti del diverso atteggiamento nei confronti dell’autorità filosofica di Aristotele, evidenziando la sempre forte influenza dell’aristotelismo secolare negli ambienti accademici italiani rispetto al mandato per i filosofi della Compagnia di obbedire alla celebre bolla Apostolici Regiminis (1513), con cui il concilio Laterano V aveva imposto la difesa di una filosofia cristiana. Quanto all’insegnamento della Teologia, i gesuiti appaiono come innovatori sotto diversi aspetti. L’introduzione dell’insegnamento di casi di coscienza, la riduzione del lungo iter curricolare parigino a quattro anni, e l’abile gestione della politica dei dottorati (sempre meno richiesti ai membri dell’ordine e sempre più erogati ad “esterni”) rappresentano quello che Grendler definisce un fresco e inedito approccio nel panorama accademico italiano. Tuttavia, anche in questo caso, il contributo dei gesuiti non sa uscire dalle dinamiche di un “caso isolato”, quasi che l’unica possibilità per una presenza della Compagnia nelle università civiche italiane fosse quella di mantenere il profilo di un corpo sostanzialmente estraneo. Una serie di brevi ma preziose biografie di gesuiti che ebbero ruoli di rilievo nelle realtà trattate da Grendler fa da appendice al volume, esito di un accurato e cospicuo lavoro di archivio – distintivo marchio di fabbrica dell’autore. Si diceva all’inizio che questo volume non deve ingannare il lettore, specialmente quello italiano. Non si tratta, infatti, soltanto di un libro sulla vicenda storico-educativa, o storico-religioso- educativa, della Compagnia di Gesù. Questo volume è anche e soprattutto una straordinaria finestra sulla storia dell’identità Book Reviews Book Reviews 165

italiana. Che, vista dalla prospettiva del lungo medioevo delle università, fu certamente luogo di conflittuali frammentazioni, parcellizzazioni, del particulare. Città, ordini religiosi, clero secolare, duchi o viceré: il governo delle università fu pretesto di scontri, lotte per il potere, cospirazioni sotterranee. Fu luogo dove rendite di posizione, familismi, conservazione e fin concorsi truccati hanno prevalso con incontrastata longue durée. L’esperimento sociale dell’innesto gesuitico nelle università italiane permette a Grendler di far emergere queste dinamiche in tutta la loro insolubilità storica. Ma il quadro è complesso, e nell’acqua torbida della conflittualità italiana si intravede il bambino di un’etica civile che paradossalmente si manifesta nella difesa di privilegia imperiali, o nella volontà ostinata delle realtà locali di istituire o mantenere la propria università, nel permanere di una dialettica politica, talvolta aspra, tra comunità e principe sulle scelte educative strategiche. Si tratta di un’etica civile perché da tali manifestazioni traspare un senso collettivo dell’istituzione, nel caso, universitaria. Traspare l’importanza della funzione sociale dell’università che resiste al tempo nella percezione delle realtà locali e degli attori che la compongono. E, infine, traspare la specificità italiana della struttura curricolare accademica, di cui la giurisprudenza e la medicina (di qui, l’importanza di una preparazione nella filosofia naturale) hanno rappresentato a lungo il pilastro culturale. Al lettore italiano rimarrà il compito (deprimente o meno) del confronto con la situazione di oggi. Ascriviamo però a Paul Grendler anche il merito di mostrarci, nelle contraddizioni e inviluppi dell’età moderna, come eravamo quando l’università italiana godeva ancora di meritato prestigio.

Boston College Cristiano Casalini

Hans-Joachim Vollrath, Kaspar Schott, 1608–1666. Leben und Werk des Würzburger Mathematikers. Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, 2017. 176pp. € 28,00. ISBN 978-3-8260-6309-1.

Kaspar Schott SJ (1608–1666), Jesuit professor of mathematics at Würzburg, is best known as confrere Athanasius Kircher’s disciple, loyal colleague, and friend. Despite being overshadowed by his teacher’s outstanding works and personality, Schott is an interesting figure in his own right among German Jesuit scientists ofthe 166 Book Reviews seventeenth century. Hans-Joachim Vollrath, Professor Emeritus of Mathematics at Würzburg University, has dedicated much effort to studying Schott’s life and works (with seven books by Vollrath listed in the bibliography). In this volume, Vollrath provides a short presentation of both Schott’s life and writings and his connection to Kircher and his works. Many excerpts provided from Schott’s correspondence with Kircher illustrate the interactions between these two Jesuits, while Schott’s life and works also come into view through long quotations from his writings. Vollrath’s study, further, contains sixty-four illustrations, mainly depicting the title pages of books, as well as engravings, portraits, and photographs of buildings: these assist in situating Schott’s personal associations, contexts and works, but with the result that the actual body of the work is only about 118 pages. Schott was born at Königshofen, in northern Bavaria. In 1627, he entered the Jesuit novitiate at Trier, and two years later, he studied philosophy at the University of Würzburg. There, he met and became a student of Kircher, who was professor of mathematics at the university. This encounter had a profound impact on Schott’s life. In the fall of 1631, Jesuits had to escape from Würzburg on the arrival of the army of King Gustav II Adolf of Sweden during the Thirty Years’ War. Schott continued his philosophy studies at Turnai (Belgium) and afterward went to Sicily to study theology at Palermo. There, after ending his studies and being ordained priest, he became from 1649 to 1651 professor of mathematics. In 1652, Schott travelled to Rome where he spent three years collaborating with Kircher and helping him with his books and the organization of his Museum at the Collegio Romano. These three years of close contact with Kircher were key for Schott’s life and work. In 1655, he returned to Germany, first to Mainz and finally to Würzburg, where he held the chair of mathematics in the university until his death in 1666. Schott continued his collaboration with Kircher, promoting his books and helping him with their composition. Soon he began his own prolific activity as author of many books, fourteen of which were published before his death and five posthumously. In this volume, Vollrath is more interested in Schott’s writings than in his life, and it is to the Jesuit’s scholarly works that he dedicates the most attention. The first,Mechanica hydraulica-pneumatica (1657), concerns the famous vacuum experiment in Magdeburg, by Otto Guericke, with whom Schott corresponded by letter. In the same year Schott published the first two parts (optics and acoustics) of his best-known book, Magia universalis naturae et artis. The two Book Reviews Book Reviews 167

subsequent parts (mathematics and physics) were published in the following two years. In this book, as Vollrath explains, Schott tries to render the wonders of nature comprehensible to the reader – and capable of achieving wonderful effects – thereby distinguishing between natural wonders (magia naturae) and those produced by man’s work (magia artis), noting, too, that the use of the word magia could be misunderstood. This book was followed by two further works written along the same lines, the Physica curiosa (1662) and Technica curiosa (1664). Two books were dedicated to Kircher’s works, the Pantometrum Kircherianum (1660) – about a measuring devise – and Iter exstaticum Kircherianum (1660) – dealing with astronomy. The rest of Schott’s books, including those published posthumously, are briefly presented and discussed. Many of the title pages of these works are reproduced in the volume, giving the sense of what it might be like to actually handle the books. Vollrath provides a window onto other aspects of Schott’s life and work in his brief volume. For example, a clearer picture is provided of his relationships with the publishers of his books and the nobles and bishops who supported his publications and to whom some of his works are dedicated, especially Holy Roman Emperor Leopold I. Finally, the author provides a brief description of Schott’s observations of a comet in 1664 and 1665; he also outlines Schott’s substantial correspondence, especially with Kircher. In conclusion, this book is a good introduction to this often-overlooked Jesuit mathematician who lived and worked under Athanasius Kircher’s immense shadow, and who made his own contributions to the world of knowledge that are worthy of scholarly attention.

Universidad Complutense, Madrid Agustín Udías SJ

Philippe Henri Blasen, Antoinette Reuter,...a most singular life, filled with many good thoughts. Henri Werling SJ and the Catholic Mission to Estonia. Trans. by Monica Moroşanu. Cluj-Napoca, Casa Cărţii de Ştiinţă, 2017. 120pp. ISBN 978-6-061-71145-1.

This book presents a biography of Fr Henri Werling SJ, a Luxembourg-born Jesuit who served in the Estonian mission of the Society of Jesus throughout the interwar period after World War I, during the Second World War, and under Soviet rule. This book is the product of research conducted by the Documentation Centre for 168 Book Reviews

Human Migrations (CDMH) in Dudelange (Luxembourg) under the patronage of the Embassy of Luxembourg in the Czech Republic, Estonia and Ukraine. By reconstructing the life of this remarkable Jesuit, the authors also engage with the wider context of Estonian Catholicism, where the Roman Church in this period constituted a tiny proportion of the population compared to the dominant Lutheran and Orthodox Churches. With respect to Catholic plans for local conversions to the Roman faith, the book highlights the discrepancy between the views of the Jesuit Roman Curia and the reality faced by the missionaries on the field. It therefore addresses a much broader issue: the enculturation of Catholicism in a specific social environment. In researching this volume, the authors very effectively marshal- led a large number of sources, now preserved in a variety of cultu- ral and religious institutions: the Roman Archive of the Society of Jesus (ARSI), the Archives of the Congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Conception in Olomouc, the Archives of the Swiss Pro- vince of the Society of Jesus in Zurich, and – in Tallin – the Estonian National Archives and the Archives of the Cathedral of Saints Pe- ter and Paul. Moreover, the research is based on private collections containing extant documents from many of those who witnessed Werling’s life. The first chapter deals with the period before Werling arrival in Estonia. Henri was born on 14 December 1879 into a wealthy family belonging to the Luxembourg Catholic bourgeoisie, from which he received a thorough education. In spite of his father’s expectation that Henri would become the chairman of the family bank, the young man instead joined the Society of Jesus on 30 September 1900, and completed the various stages of his religious formation in Feldkirch, Walkenburg and Krakow. During World War I, Werling served in East Prussia, where he provided pastoral care to both the German and Polish rural population. When the Jesuits entered Lithuania in 1922, his familiarity with Eastern European society was among attributes that made him an ideal candidate for a missionary role in the newly formed Baltic States. Indeed, in the eyes of his Baltic hosts, his status as a citizen of Luxembourg placed Werling in a better light than his fellow-clergy from Germany or Poland, who tended to be seen with some suspicion for being too close to the interests of local elites. The second chapter concerns the establishment and evolution of the Estonian mission, which from the Roman perspective was seen as a preliminary stage leading to the eventual union of the Russian Book Reviews Book Reviews 169

Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church. After reinstating the Catholic bishopric of Riga in 1918, with oversight of both Latvia and Estonia, Church authorities had to tackle the problem of the lack of trained priests. Werling arrived in Estonia in 1923 and became the administrator of the Catholic parish in Tartu. He soon encountered many challenges, such as the low number of Catholics scattered over a vast territory, poor attendance of liturgy and catechism, and the very small income of the mission. A particular issue he had to face was the multilingualism of the local society, such that, to make himself understood by his far-flung flock, he had to use the languages of different ethnic groups: German, Polish, Lithuanian, Latvian, Latgalian, Russian and Estonian. In spite of these problems, and having being entrusted with the parish of Tallin, Werling travelled extensively through Estonia (including its islands in the Baltic See). Apart from pastoral activity, he devoted himself to the translation of religious texts and publishing. However, his impetuous character earned him some enemies. Complicated issues in which the Jesuit became involved included the question of cooperation with Capuchin missionaries – who arrived in 1931 from Bavaria – and the relationship between his mission and directives from superiors in the Church, such as the apostolic administrator of Estonia. The chapter also focuses on the relationship between Catholic missionaries and the Estonian state in this early period of Werling’s work there: in spite of the state’s liberal policy in religious matters at the time, a major problem was the obligation for foreign missionaries to acquire Estonian citizenship (including Werling). The chapter also outlines how the Catholic mission among Orthodox Christians never achieved success, given the lack of interest among the Eastern Church’s leadership in pursuing union with Rome. By contrast, overall, Werling was well received by the Estonian Lutherans, although this did not imply the will to convert. The chapter further discusses how Werling and his companions tried to alleviate the Jesuit mission’s constant financial problems through fundraising abroad. The third chapter concerns Werling’s activities during World War II. With the Soviet annexation of Estonia in 1940 came the displacement of ethnic Germans, along with most of the foreign Catholic missionaries. After the Soviets arrested Eduard Profittlich SJ1 (who had worked as the apostolic administrator of Estonia

1 Eduard Profittlich *11.IX.1890 Birresdorf (Germany), SJ 11.IV.1913 Heerenberg (Germany), † 22.II.1942 (Soviet Union) (DHCJ IV, pp. 3245–46.; Blasen, Reuter, …a most singular life, p. 92). 170 Book Reviews from 1931), then deported him to the Urals, Werling acted as de facto successor to his confrere, a post he retained during the German occupation (1941–1944). Werling himself was arrested by the Soviets on August 1945 and deported to Perm in Soviet Russia. Already aged 65, his survival depended on food parcels sent from Estonia by Czech nuns. In spite of his family efforts back in Luxembourg to have him released, it was only in 1954 that Werling was able to return to Estonia. After a long journey, he finally settled in Esna in the country’s northeast, where he died on 22 February 1961. Werling’s biography is an extremely worthwhile work. Even though the influences on historiography brought by Marxism and Structuralism have restricted biography to a genre practised by amateurs in large numbers, Philippe Henri Blasen and Antoinette Reuter have produced a fine scholarly study. The value of the book consists not only in bringing to the attention of historians a little-known but key Jesuit figure in the history of this region, but also in presenting him against the background of the social and cultural contexts in which he served as a missionary. This work is not a dry account of facts or biographical minutiae. Indeed, thanks to the accounts from people who knew Werling during his lifetime, the work offers a vivid portrait of a man devoted to the contemplation of nature and gifted with deep religious faith, as well as talent for foreign languages. On occasion, the reader might have sought more detailed information, especially concerning World War II and Soviet rule. In this regard, the opening of ecclesiastical archives from the period of the Pontificate of Pius XII (1939–1958) will undoubtedly shed more light on the fate of the Estonian mission in this period. Also, as regards the various gender issues raised by the complex relationship between the missionaries and the Sisters of the Immaculate Conception present in Estonia, despite being commendably highlighted in the introduction, receive rather limited attention in the body of the work. However, these remarks should be regarded as prompts for further scholarly research, rather than as an expression of criticism. In fact, it is the view of this reviewer that Werling’s biography occupies an important place among studies devoted to the Society of Jesus in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; this is a field that, compared with the history of the Old Society, still remains relatively neglected.

Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań Andrea Mariani ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXVI, FASC. 172 2017/II

Articles

Javier Cía Blasco SJ, Las lecciones sobre la oración del P. Diego Laínez impartidas en Roma, 1557–1558 259

Cinzia Sulas, La riforma della Ratio studiorum di fronte al paradigma scientifico moderno. La prospettiva di Luigi Taparelli SJ, rettore al Collegio Romano (1824–1829) 301

Research Notes

Fabián R. Vega, Los saberes misionales en los márgenes de la monarquía hispánica: los libros de la reducción jesuítico- guaraní de Candelaria 337

Living History

Urbano Valero SJ, El Padre Pedro Arrupe, portavoz del Papa Pablo VI en la Congregación General 31 de la Compañía de Jesús 387

Bibliography (Paul Begheyn SJ) 439

Book Reviews

G. Mongini, Maschere dell’identità (M.A. Lewis SJ) 545 M. Catto, C. Ferlan, eds,I gesuiti e i papi (P. Valvo) 547

N. Golvers, ed., Letters of a Peking Jesuit (D. Antonucci) 552

M.A. Bernier, C. Donato, H.J. Lüsebrink, eds, Jesuit Accounts of the Colonial Americas (R. Gaune Corradi) 556

P. Foresta, “Wie ein Apostel Deutschlands” (C. Ferlan) 559

A.F. Bandelier, A History of the Southwest (M.A. Lewis SJ) 562

K.M. Comerford, Jesuit Foundations (C.F. Black) 564

W. de Boer, K.A.E. Enenkel, W.S. Melion, eds, Jesuit Image Theory (L. Salviucci Insolera) 566

Notes and News in Jesuit History 571

Index volume LXXXVI 575 Book Reviews

Guido Mongini. Maschere dell’Identità: Alle Origini della Compagnia di Gesù. Roma: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2016. xvii + 458pp. €48,00. ISBN 978-88-6372-991-7.

One of the more common examples of Nicolás Bobadilla’s perfidy in the eyes of the Jesuit chroniclers of the early Society of Jesus comes from testimony he gave that was critical of Ignatius’ work on the Constitutions. “In sum it is a labyrinth” (Nadal 4:101, 110). He also wasn’t thrilled with the practice prescribed by Ignatius of regularly writing a primary letter (positive and upbeat, useful for sharing with benefactors) as well as a secondary one which would accurately describe the challenges and results (good or ill) of the mission. He didn’t have time for that. These opinions were not popular for Ignatius’ inner circle at the time, and Bobadilla became an outsider despite being one of the first companions. In fact the official chronicles tended to portray him as a bit of a clown, not overly competent, and vain. It is too bad that Guido Mongini mostly ignores “Niccolò Alonso” (as he is referred to by the author in the few places where he is mentioned, athough he appears to reintroduce him as Bobadilla when discussing the latter’s tract on frequent Communion, at p. 388). He might have found an even more interesting example of manipulating the early story of the Society of Jesus there. But even without the negative example of Bobadilla, Mongini’s thesis is presented strongly enough. Maschere dell’Identità suggests that, because the early Jesuits sought to accomplish clear goals by means of their production and retention of documents, the Society of Jesus from its origins has worn a mask (perhaps in the sense of an actor’s prosopon), to present itself to the hierarchical church and the religious world. While such a thesis sounds revolutionary, particularly to contemporary Jesuit ears, the voices of the Order’s many detractors have long spoken of dissimulation within its history. In dividing the work into three parts, Mongini addresses the “cult of personality” developed around Ignatius as founder, the ideological aspects of this new band of apostles and, finally, their corporate identity in the context of church government. In doing so, he hopes “to cast more than a glance at the fragmented profile of the original Jesuit identity” (xvii). The result is an argument that 546 Book Reviews will challenge historians of the Order to reconsider conclusions based exclusively on the documentation so carefully developed by the early chroniclers. Part One focuses on the reliance historians place on the foundational documents of the Society, particularly the Historia Societatis Iesu (Chronicon) written by Juan de Polanco, as well as the autobiography of Ignatius, as taken down and edited by Luis Gonçales da Camara. While Mongini focuses on the fear of Ignatius being identified as an alumbrado, he also begins to methodically reveal the “self-censorship in the earliest Jesuit historiography” (8). While the accusations against Ignatius might now be moot (after all he is now a canonized saint and his expressions in the Spiritual Exercises have long been approved by the Church), the conscious selection and interpretation of documents prompt a reconsideration of those accounts. Part Two focuses on the ideological aspects of the Society of Jesus, particularly as one of the new forms of the “vita apostolica”. In this context the various attacks on Ignatius, the early companionship, or the Spiritual Exercises, become the trials suffered by the early Church because of sinfulness and/or wanton blindness on the part of the persecutors. One might consider as a visual example of this two statuary compositions at the Gesù Church in Rome: “Faith defeats idolatry” shows condemned royalty looking away from the light of faith, while “Religion defeats heresy” portrays the obstinate being pulled downwards by serpent-like demons. While this artwork is the product of the seventeenth century, it reflects an attitude of struggle and triumph that emerged from the earliest writings of the nascent Society. Unfortunately, Mongini fails to note that many other congregations of preti riformati (Theatines, Barnabites, Somaschans, Piarists, for example) founded during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries also embraced this popular description. Mongini’s emphasis on the vita apostolica in Part Two sets up a return to the perception of Ignatius (after his death) as the new St. Paul of Tarsus. Once again, it is Nadal who is “central to the construction of Jesuit self-knowledge in the 1550s” (26), and so this narrative. Nadal identifies the Society of Jesus with the purified practices of the church (the Catholic reform which would be enshrined by the Council of Trent). Not surprisingly, he saw the Jesuits as an elite group within this reformed Church. So it would be Nadal who would create the explanation of an elite hierarchy within the Society of Jesus to justify the distinction of grades enshrined by Ignatius in the Constitutions with scarce explanation. Book Reviews 547

If the early Church had apostles, disciples, and deacons, and the reformed hierarchical Church of the sixteenth century had Bishops, pastors, and presumably vicars or deacons, the Society of Jesus must also have those professed of four vows, the spiritual coadjutors, and the brothers. It would be these parallels identified by Nadal, and outlined in his pláticas at Coimbra in 1561 and in the Dialogi of 1562, that would justify maintaining the system of grades to this day (399). While Mongini’s work doesn’t provide much that is earth- shattering (historiography rarely provides such exciting prose), he does propose and substantiate entrenched historiographical interpretations, and once again cautions against a blind reliance on Nadal and Polanco. Underlying Mongini’s thesis are some interesting questions: what was the early Society really like? Might Ignatius just have easily been found guilty of being an alumbrado? Mongini presents the challenges of getting past the interpretations of the Jesuits’ most institutional of histories (those of Nadal and Polanco). For this reason, it merits translation to give it a wider readership, and verification of its thesis by other historians of specific persons and events in the early history of the Society of Jesus.

Pontifical Gregorian University Mark A. Lewis SJ

Michela Catto, Claudio Ferlan, eds. I gesuiti e i papi. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2016. 224pp. €20,00. ISBN 9788815266606.

Il rapporto tra la Compagnia di Gesù e la Santa Sede rappresenta da sempre un oggetto di notevole interesse per la storiografia sulla Chiesa cattolica e sul papato, in virtù del “quarto voto” – riassunto nella formula «andare laddove il papa ordina di andare» – che fin dalle origini caratterizza l’ordine fondato da Ignazio di Loyola. Era prevedibile che l’ascesa al soglio pontificio nel 2013 di un figlio di Sant’Ignazio, l’argentino Jorge Mario Bergoglio, riaccendesse l’interesse per la relazione specialissima che da quasi cinque secoli lega i gesuiti ai pontefici, relazione che ha conosciuto nella sua storia momenti di grande intesa e altri di notevole tensione, passando anche per l’esperienza della soppressione dell’ordine stesso (1773-1814). In questo contesto il volume collettivo curato da Michela Catto e Claudio Ferlan si presenta come uno dei frutti di 548 Book Reviews questa nuova stagione storiografica. Pur senza nutrire la pretesa di offrire un quadro esaustivo dei rapporti tra l’ordine ignaziano e la Santa Sede lungo tutta la storia della Compagnia, il libro offre al lettore una serie di case studies che aprono interessanti squarci sulle vicende dell’ordine dalla sua fondazione fino alla crisi che lo attraversa negli anni del post-Concilio, segnati dal rapporto difficile tra il padre generale Pedro Arrupe (1965–1983) e i pontefici Paolo VI, Giovanni Paolo I e Giovanni Paolo II. Il legame inscindibile della Compagnia con il papato appare inscritto nel DNA del gruppo che fa capo a Ignazio di Loyola da prima che nasca la Compagnia di Gesù, come risulta dal voto pronunciato da Ignazio e dai suoi amici il 15 agosto 1534 nella chiesa di Montmartre, a Parigi, dove essi si impegnano ad affidare al papa «la realizzazione dei propri progetti di apostolato e di “servizio divino”, lasciando al pontefice stesso la decisione in merito all’utilizzo del gruppo che si poneva direttamente sotto la sua obbedienza» (p. 22). Da qui prende le mosse l’ampio intervento di Guido Mongini, che ricostruisce la fitta trama di rapporti tra il neo-costituito ordine e la Santa Sede a partire da una chiave di lettura prettamente politica, che mette in luce da una partela necessità dei gesuiti di ottenere la benevolenza del pontefice regnante per assicurare all’ordine prosperità e sviluppo, dall’altra parte l’opposizione che il favore ottenuto dall’ordine durante i pontificati di Paolo III (che nel 1540 approva ufficialmente l’ordine con la bolla Regimini militantis Ecclesiae) e Giulio III suscitano nella Congregazione dell’Inquisizione, guidata dal cardinale Gian Pietro Carafa. Quest’ultimo, che da cardinale vede il monopolio dell’Inquisizione nella lotta contro l’eresia intaccato dai privilegi concessi ai gesuiti, anche da papa (Paolo IV, 1555–1559) cercherà di ridurre il più possibile l’influenza dell’ordine ignaziano. Segue il contributo di Michela Catto, che ripercorre la vicenda dei riti cinesi condannati da papa Benedetto XIV nella bolla Ex quo singulari (11 luglio 1742). A partire dall’ampia documentazione conservata nell’archivio della Congregazione per la Dottrina della Fede, l’autrice esamina il dibattito condotto in seno alla Congregazione dell’Inquisizione sulle forme rituali del popolo cinese, soffermandosi in particolare sui riti a Confucio. Oggetto di discussione è la posizione assunta sul tema dai gesuiti (protagonisti esclusivi dell’evangelizzazione in terra cinese fino al 1600), secondo i quali questi riti, nell’ambito di una cultura che i membri dell’ordine ignaziano non esitano a definire “ateistica”, non configurerebbero tanto una pratica idolatrica – e in quanto tale da vietare ai cristiani Book Reviews 549

– quanto piuttosto un costume «comparabile alla riverenza che in Europa si faceva davanti all’autorità» (p. 60). Una controversia, quella cinese, non priva di riflessi sul dibattito culturale europeo, dove gli illuministi cercano di appropriarsi della figura di Confucio, visto come «il fautore, attraverso la sua filosofia, le sue sentenze morali e, nella pratica, il sistema del mandarinato, di una società meritocratica», e come l’espressione di «una santità legata alla morale e allo “stare” nel mondo, un’etica della professione e della vita sociale». Per questo, conclude l’autrice, «la condanna dei riti confuciani, come idolatrici e superstiziosi, da questo punto di vista può essere considerato un ulteriore tassello di un progetto della Chiesa, che proprio ai tempi di Benedetto XIV si preparava a sferrare, forse per la prima volta in maniera organizzata, le sue offensive ai lumières» (p. 72). Di notevole interesse è anche il saggio di Claudio Ferlan, che analizza i rapporti tra la Compagnia di Gesù e la Santa Sede al tempo della soppressione dell’ordine (1773) a partire dalla prospettiva della dinastia asburgica, legata a entrambe da «un solido rapporto triangolare» (p. 77). Le vicende dei gesuiti sotto la Casa d’Austria si inseriscono in un contesto internazionale segnato da una parte dalla crescente ostilità delle Potenze cattoliche (in primis Portogallo, Francia e Spagna) nei confronti dell’ordine ignaziano, e dall’altra parte dal progressivo deteriorarsi del rapporto tra Roma e Vienna durante il pontificato di Clemente XIII (1758–1769). L’autore illustra ampiamente i ripetuti tentativi – prodotti sia a livello internazionale sia sul piano interno – di spingere l’imperatrice Maria Teresa ad assumere una posizione ostile alla Compagnia, e allo stesso tempo il permanere della sovrana in una posizione di imparzialità, che demanda alla Santa Sede qualunque decisione in merito al futuro dell’ordine. A conferma dello stretto legame esistente tra i gesuiti e la Casa d’Austria, il saggio mostra come l’ordine sia riuscito a sopravvivere in terra asburgica anche dopo la soppressione decretata dal papa francescano Clemente XIV, in forza di «una radicata fedeltà dinastica, che nel corso del tempo era diventata più forte di quella nei confronti della Santa Sede» (p. 101). Nel loro intervento Emmanuele Colombo e Marco Rochini illuminano uno degli aspetti più rilevanti del carisma gesuitico, quello delle missioni, soffermandosi su un periodo particolarmente delicato per la storia della neo-costituita Compagnia di Gesù, quello del generalato di Jan Philip Roothaan (1829–1853). La volontà di fomentare le vocazioni missionarie, in conformità con le esigenze manifestate a più riprese da papa Gregorio XVI e da Propaganda 550 Book Reviews

Fide, viene perseguita da Roothaan attraverso il recupero delle “glorie storiche” della Compagnia, in un contesto nel quale si fa strada l’idea che le missioni estere possano «costituire una risposta agli attacchi alla Chiesa in Europa» (p. 112). Tuttavia, la tradizionale diffidenza di Propaganda Fide verso i metodi dell’ordine ignaziano in terra di missione e la sua eccessiva autonomia, già emersa prima della soppressione nel dibattito sui riti cinesi e su quelli malabarici, si riconferma anche con la nuova Compagnia, i cui missionari sono oggetto delle critiche contenute in un memoriale segreto, presentato nel 1836 a Gregorio XVI dalla stessa Propaganda. A margine del rilancio dell’attività missionaria della Compagnia gli autori mettono in luce l’insistenza di Roothaan sui seguenti tre aspetti: «l’importanza della corrispondenza, il metodo della accomodatio tipico delle missioni gesuitiche dell’Antica Compagnia, e l’uniformità del metodo nelle missioni interne» (p. 120). Nel successivo saggio Lucia Pozzi affronta un risvolto fondamentale dell’attività dei gesuiti al servizio della Santa Sede, il fatto cioè di essere frequentemente coinvolti dai papi nella redazione di encicliche, allocuzioni e discorsi che vanno a comporre l’ampio mosaico del magistero pontificio. Il caso specifico esaminato dall’autrice è quello dell’allocuzione di Pio XII alle ostetriche del 29 ottobre 1951, nella quale papa Pacelli riconosce la liceità morale del ricorso delle coppie sposate ai periodi infecondi per la regolazione delle nascite, liceità «condizionata da numerose circostanze, che ne minano costantemente la moralità» (p. 154). Dopo un breve excursus storico sul ruolo dei gesuiti come ghostwriters dei pontefici da Pio IX a Pio XII, l’autrice ricostruisce l’evoluzione dell’atteggiamento della Chiesa nei riguardi della morale sessuale e della contraccezione che pone le premesse del discorso pacelliano del 1951, nel quale si riscontra l’intervento decisivo del gesuita Franz Xavier Hürth, collaboratore di Pacelli fin dai tempi della nunziatura in Germania. Si soffermano infine sulla tormentata stagione del post- Concilio gli interventi di Silvia Scatena e Gianni La Bella, che chiudono il volume. Nel primo la studiosa offre una dettagliata panoramica dell’azione sociale condotta dai gesuiti nel contesto latinoamericano a partire dall’“Istruzione sull’apostolato sociale” del generale Jean-Baptiste Janssens (1949) fino agli anni Ottanta, segnati - a partire dall’intervento inaugurale di Giovanni Paolo II alla Conferenza di Puebla (28 gennaio 1979) - dalla volontà della Santa Sede di combattere i «rischi di deviazioni, pericolosi per la fede e per la vita cristiana, insiti in certe forme della teologia della Book Reviews 551 liberazione, che ricorrono in maniera non sufficientemente critica a concetti mutuati da diverse correnti del pensiero marxista» (così l’Istruzione su alcuni aspetti della “teologia della liberazione” del card. Joseph Ratzinger del 6 agosto 1984). Nel quadro tracciato dall’autrice risaltano il contributo alla presa di coscienza delle specificità socio-economiche dell’America Latina offerto dai Centros de Investigación y Acción Social e da significative figure di gesuiti del Vecchio Continente, quali il belga Roger Vekemans (fondatore nel 1961 del Centro para el Desarrollo Económico y Social de América Latina) e il francese Pierre Bigó (che nel 1967 fonda l’Instituto Latinoamericano de Doctrina y Estudios Sociales). Sul piano teologico appare fondamentale il ruolo svolto dal Centro de Reflexión Teológica creato nel 1974 dal gesuita basco Ignacio Ellacuría, rettore dell’Università Centroamericana del Salvador, il quale verrà assassinato da un reparto dell’esercito salvadoreño il 16 novembre 1989 insieme a cinque confratelli e a due laiche. La difficile parabola personale del generale Pedro Arrupe (anch’egli basco) nei suoi rapporti con la Santa Sede è invece al centro del saggio di La Bella, che tra le varie fonti si avvale anche di carte conservate presso l’Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu nel “Fondo Speciale Padri Generali” relativo agli anni di Arrupe. Se «i primi cinque anni del generalato sono caratterizzati in generale da un clima di fiducia e collaborazione», con Paolo VI lo sbandamento dottrinale che investe diversi membri dell’ordine - particolarmente evidente in seguito alla pubblicazione dell’enciclica Humanae Vitae (25 luglio 1968) - comincia a incrinare la fiducia della Santa Sede nel generale, che per l’autore appare «in difficoltà nella ricerca di un difficile equilibrio tra l’obbedienza al Vaticano e la vicinanza ai suoi confratelli, che non si sente di condannare rispetto a riserve, se non proprio condivisibili, almeno comprensibili» (pp. 196–197). La rottura si consuma definitivamente con Giovanni Paolo II, che nel 1981, complice l’emorragia cerebrale che il 7 agosto colpisce Arrupe, procede a un “commissariamento” dell’ordine, affidato al gesuita Paolo Dezza in attesa della nomina di un nuovo padre generale. Finisce così un generalato a dir poco burrascoso, al quale l’autore riconosce in ogni caso il merito di aver incarnato «un nuovo modo di esercitare e intendere l’autorità» (p. 213).

Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore (Milano) Paolo Valvo 552 Book Reviews

Letters of a Peking Jesuit: The Correspondence of Ferdinand Verbiest, SJ (1623–1688). Revised and Expanded. Ed. Noël Golvers. Leuven: Ferdinand Verbiest Institute, 2017, 962pp. €82,00. ISBN 978-908- 2090-987.

In questo ponderoso volume Noël Golvers restituisce la corrispondenza, ampliata e aggiornata, di Ferdinand Verbiest SJ (1623-1688) una delle principali figure della Missione cinese nel XVII secolo. Giunto in Cina nel 1658 ben presto divenne assistente del gesuita Adam Schall von Bell presso l’Ufficio astronomico (Qintianjian) e poi suo successore, riconquistando la sua posizione di presidente dell’Ufficio astronomico, momentaneamente decaduta per via delle accuse di Yang Guanxian. Durante la sua lunga permanenza a corte, Verbiest fu astronomo, ingegnere e interprete delle ambasciate portoghese e russa negli anni Settanta del XVII secolo; fuse cannoni per l’imperatore Kangxi durante la ribellione dei Tre Feudatari (San fan), oltre a rinnovare e costruire nuovi strumenti astronomici per l’osservatorio di Pechino. La benevolenza di Kangxi nei suoi confronti fu di fondamentale importanza per tutta la missione cattolica in Cina: l’imperatore lo teneva in così grande considerazione che lo volle in due suoi viaggi nella Tartaria Orientale e Occidentale (di questi viaggi Verbiest ha lasciato due interessanti diari, v. pp. 444-461 e 485-499). L’eco di questi accadimenti, delle vittorie e delle avversità, degli sforzi compiuti per proteggere e diffondere la dottrina cristiana, come anche degli intrighi politici, si ritrova nelle lettere qui ripresentate con ampi commenti da Noël Golvers. Non sarà superfluo sottolineare che le raccolte di lettere di singoli missionari della missione cinese rappresentano per loro natura fonti imprescindibili per delineare non solo la storia della missione, o l’attività del missionario, ma anche per dipanare e delineare quel processo di reciproca conoscenza tra Oriente e Occidente, tra cultura sinica ed europea, che proprio con l’arrivo dei missionari avvia un nuovo e fruttuoso capitolo. Purtroppo, ad oggi, queste raccolte non sono molte. Altri missionari gesuiti di cui disponiamo di un corpus epistolare completo sono: Matteo Ricci, Martino Martini, Tomás Pereira, Antoine Gaubil e pochi altri ancora (la raccolta della copiosa corrispondenza di alcune altre importanti figure, come Francesco Saverio Filippucci o Antoine Thomas ad esempio, attende ancora oggi di essere studiata in dettaglio). Ecco, dunque, l’importanza del lavoro di Golvers. Questo corpus, occorre osservare, sostituisce e amplia la precedente Book Reviews 553 raccolta risalente agli anni Trenta ad opera di Henry Josson e Léopold Willaert (Correspondance de Ferdinand Verbiest de la Compagnie de Jésus, Bruxelles: Palais des academies, 1938), il cui lavoro si basava sulle precedenti ricerche su F. Verbiest di Henri Bosmans SJ agli inizi del secolo scorso. Il lavoro di Golvers, frutto di più di venti anni di ricerche (il “Preliminary report on the Verbiest letters in the Jesuítas na Ásia collection of the Biblioteca da Ajuda” risale al 1992), non solo amplia il corpus di lettere del gesuita fiammingo, aggiungendo ben 54 nuovi elementi, in gran parte dagli archivi di Ajuda in Lisbona, ma è anche una revisione attenta e approfondita del lavoro precedente. Se nella raccolta di Josson e Willaert erano comprese in totale 80 lettere, in questa nuova versione aggiornata e aumentata si arriva ad un totale di 134 elementi, a cui si aggiunge una corposa appendice (pp. 816-870), estesamente commentata da Golvers, contenente l’apologia di Verbiest sulla presidenza dell’Ufficio astronomico di Adam Schall von Bell. Questi elementi aggiuntivi comprendono nuove lettere di Verbiest, frammenti di lettere contenute in altri testi, come anche lettere a lui indirizzate. In particolare la felice scelta di includere lettere indirizzate a Verbiest (partendo dalle risposte del Generale della Compagnia alle indipetae del giovane Verbiest), non solo contribuisce a chiarire e a meglio inquadrare alcuni episodi (si vedano ad esempio le lettere inviate da Augustin de San Pascual OFM a Verbiest per chiedere aiuto e protezione per la comunità cristiana locale nn. 29, 42, 43, 44, 53), ma anche a restituire una visione a tutto tondo dell’attività e della personalità del missionario fiammingo. Per ogni lettera Golvers (a) indica la collocazione e le eventuali altre copie, o pubblicazioni, esistenti ricostruendo dove necessario l’iter del documento, la sua diffusione, la sua genesi; (b) fornisce un’approfondita introduzione e regesto contestualizzando la lettera; (c) dà la trascrizione con estesa annotazione. Rispetto all’edizione di Josson e Willaert la raccolta di Golvers è corredata da una sostanziosa introduzione (pp. 11–84), frutto delle ricerche pluriennali su Ferdinand Verbiest del curatore, autore peraltro di numerose pubblicazioni sul missionario (tra le altre l’edizione critica dell’Astronomia Europaea, 1993; Ferdinand Verbiest, S.J. (1623- 1688) and the Chinese Heaven, 2003; con E. Nicolaidis, The Mathematical mss. of F. Verbiest from Constantinople, 2009). Nella sua introduzione Golvers non si limita a riportare la biografia dell’autore delle lettere, come avveniva in Josson e Willaert; ma ne definisce i contorni e la personalità così come emergono dalla sua corrispondenza: i luoghi dove ha operato il missionario, l’ambiente di lavoro e la corte, le istituzioni. In particolare Golvers si sofferma sulle lingue che egli 554 Book Reviews ha utilizzato nei suoi scambi epistolari (è difatti impressionante il numero: latino, portoghese, italiano, spagnolo, olandese, francese, russo, cinese, mancese), sottolineandone le reciproche interferenze, lo sprach-not, come anche i problemi di traduzione e romanizzazione del cinese. Ampio spazio è dato alla struttura e organizzazione delle lettere e ai contenuti, che spaziano dalla condizione della cristianità in Cina alle osservazioni astronomiche ed altri temi a carattere scientifico, fino agli incontri con le autorità, ad argomenti geo-politici e diplomatici, oltre a “less common topics, which come to the fore in this corpus” (p. 55). Come sottolinea Golvers, Verbiest è la personalità al centro di queste lettere, emerge come mediatore tra la corte e i missionari dei diversi ordini, come uomo della diplomazia; ma il curatore ne coglie anche l’aspetto più intimo, quello delle reminiscenze che affiorano nelle citazioni classiche, nell’uso di proverbi, allegorie e altri “abbellimenti” (ornatus) nello stile di scrittura (pp. 75–79), lontani ricordi della sua formazione in Europa. Una formazione che, come giustamente evidenzia Golvers nella sua introduzione, è arricchita da autori e testi, sia cinesi che europei, che Verbiest sovente cita nella sua corrispondenza e che insieme ai desiderata costituiscono una parte essenziale della sua attività, un corpus, anche questo, che Golvers ricostruisce in maniera accurata e puntigliosa (si veda a tal proposito anche il suo monumentale Libraries of Western Learning for China…, 3 voll., Leuven 2012–2015). L’attenzione di Golvers per gli aspetti linguistici e per la filologia umanistica è testimoniato anche dalla ricerca sul lessico latino utilizzato da Verbiest, nonostante questi ritenesse di aver perso familiarità con la aurea lingua, che trova riscontro non solo nel glossario sulla terminologia tardo-latina posto in appendice (altri suoi glossari sul latino usato da Verbiest si possono trovare in Verbiest, S.J. (1623–1688) and the Chinese Heaven e nell’articolo “The Latin treatises of F. Verbiest, S.J., on European astronomy in China: some linguistic considerations”, Humanistica Lovaniensia, 44 (1995), pp. 305–369), ma anche nelle non rare spiegazioni e puntualizzazioni sul significato di termini latini utilizzati nelle lettere. Un lavoro così non poteva che partire dalla conoscenza approfondita delle risorse di archivio. Di questo lavoro invisibile Golvers dà conto fornendo nell’introduzione, come suo costume, un dettagliato resoconto dei documenti rintracciati nei diversi fondi pubblici come anche nelle collezioni private. Infine, il curatore dell’opera fornisce ulteriori utili informazioni sulla composizione del corpus: i corrispondenti di Verbiest (purtroppo della corrispondenza con i cinesi non rimane traccia), compresa una lista dei principali Book Reviews 555 protagonisti, gli ordini religiosi di appartenenza, i paesi e le nazioni interessate, lo schema cronologico della corrispondenza. Tutte queste informazioni contribuiscono a definire in maniera estremamente puntuale l’esteso network di cui si avvalse Verbiest nella sua vita da missionario. Se l’edizione di Josson e Willaert rappresenta il punto di partenza, con il debito riconosciuto al lavoro pionieristico di Henri Bosmans (a lui si devono in definitiva le trascrizioni delle lettere), tuttavia Golvers ne evidenzia i limiti, peraltro già riconosciuti da altri studiosi, le mancanze e le omissioni (anche volute) che inficiano la precedente raccolta. Si è dunque resa necessaria una revisione sistematica che Golvers conduce con precisione segnalando ed emendando errori di lettura/trascrizione di termini cinesi (ad esempio p. 140, n. 123,p. 308, n. 829, p. 332, n. 948, da notare che nell’edizione di Josson & Willaert sono tutti modernizzati in una romanizzazione francese) e latini (ad esempio p. 168, n. 222 e 224, p. 171, n. 239, p. 250, n. 585), segnalando correzioni apportate erroneamente o arbitrariamente (p. 305, n. 818, p. 342, n. 976), le omissioni (p.194, n. 339, p. 311, n. 842), ricostruendo le parti mancanti (p. 200, n. 359) ecc. restituendo in tal modo un corpus fedele all’originale. Purtroppo questo ponderoso lavoro è funestato da una serie incredibile di errori e discrepanze editoriali e dalla mancanza di uniformità nell’editing cui si dà qui di seguito un breve ragguaglio. Per cominciare, la notazione della foliazione varia ampiamente, anche in una stessa lettera (ad esempio le nn. 19, 39bis e 89), comprendendo le molteplici diciture Fol.>fol.>fo.>f.>f°>ff.>ff°, come anche l’indicazione, non sempre presente, del r/v, nelle varianti 2r.>2r>2v.>2v>2r°>2v°>2r>2v>2v>2v-3v; il trattino lungo – è pervicacemente seguito da - (sono presenti altre discrepanze editoriali che qui non riporto per brevità); le abbreviazioni e i rimandi bibliografici non sempre sono uniformi, ad es. S.F.>S.F.>SF per Sinica Franciscana; NR>Nouvelle Relation>Nouvelle Relation de la Chine; (NR non è presente nell’indice delle abbreviazioni); ASEB> A.S.E.B.; JS>Jap.Sin.; nelle introduzioni alle lettere: JW, Correspondance>JW, Correspondance (1938)>JW, Correspondance de F. Verbiest; anche alcuni antroponimi subiscono la stessa sorte: Grelon>Gre(s)lon>Greslon; Carlo Turcotti>Carlos Turcotti; De Magalhães>de Magalhães; come anche le date cinesi, ad es. KH IX>KH 9 (perché non KX?). Per quanto riguarda i termini cinesi non sempre i caratteri sono riportati nell’apposito glossario in appendice curato da A. Dudink; lo stesso vale per i toponimi e gli antroponimi in cinese, a volte presenti a volte no, e si notano alcune imprecisioni nel pinyin ad es. Ji’nan 556 Book Reviews invece di Jinan. Infine, in alcuni casi, opere citate nel testo non sono riportate nelle bibliografie (ad esempio Lehner, Fang Hao). Si osserva, inoltre, che Germain Macret SJ prese il posto di Prospero Intorcetta SJ, in fuga da Canton nel 1666 per recarsi in Europain qualità di procuratore, e non di D. de Navarrete OP come indicato a p. 194, n. 337 (poi giustamente corretto a p. 272, n. 678), il quale fu sostituito nella sua fuga da Claudio Filippo Grimaldi SJ nel 1669 (p. 347, n. 993, p. 389, n. 1133). Le addenda (pp. 871–877) aggiunte alla fine testimoniano il ritorno sul testo in più fasi e la lunga gestazione dell’opera che ha probabilmente contribuito all’insorgere di queste discrepanze, e ci si augura che in una futura ristampa queste vengano prontamente sanate. L’opera è infine corredata da un’appendice, dall’indice completo delle lettere, da unndex i nominum et rerum, dai summenzionati glossari per i termini in cinese e latino e, infine, da una tavola sulla struttura istituzionale dei gesuiti in base alla corrispondenza di Verbiest. Pochi altri studiosi avrebbero potuto cimentarsi in una tale impresa, che necessita di approfondite conoscenze archivistiche e familiarità con molte lingue diverse, oltre che una non comune visione globale sulla missione cinese. Per tali ragioni, il lavoro di Noël Golvers rappresenta un significativo passo in avanti non solo nella nostra comprensione della figura di Ferdinand Verbiest ma anche nella ricostruzione del suo milieu culturale e sociale, ponendosi quindi come testo di riferimento per ulteriori ricerche. Questo nuovo importante contributo di Golvers, latinista e filologo, alla sinologia moderna dimostra ancora una volta l’importanza dell’interdisciplinarità. C’è da augurarsi che altri studiosi, seguendo l’esempio di Golvers, si cimentino nell’edizione critica di nuovi epistolari che rimangono ancora oggi la fonte primaria per la nostra conoscenza delle missioni in Oriente.

Sapienza Università di Roma Davor Antonucci

Marc André Bernier, Clorinda Donato, Hans-Jüergen Lüsebrink, eds. Jesuit Accounts of the Colonial Americas. Intercultural Transfers, Intellectual Disputes, and Textualites. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014. x + 464pp. $80.00. ISBN 9781442645721.

Siempre es difícil contabilizar todo lo que se escribe sobre la Antigua Compañía de Jesús en la Edad Moderna. Ejercicio que Book Reviews 557 parece imposible. Y es difícil porque, básicamente, todos los años se produce una gran cantidad de libros colectivos, monografías, tesis de doctorados, ensayos y artículos científicos, sumado a los grupos de investigación que tienen a los jesuitas como sujetos de estudio y cantera abierta de análisis. Es tan abrumadora la cantidad de producción científica en torno a los jesuitas del orbe católico moderno que es difícil contabilizarla y, sobre todo, tener información de cada una de ellas. Claramente dicha cantidad se debe, precisamente, a la apertura temática y metodológica que ha experimentado la historiografía vinculada a los recorridos históricos de los compañeros de Cristo que, en los últimos años, ha estudiado los fenómenos religiosos en modo «descentrado» y «desprovincializado». En esto, ciertamente, el global turn tiene algo que ver y decir. Y es que la historia global –desarrollada en los últimos diez años– utiliza a la Compañía como un verdadero laboratorio historiográfico: mediadores, actores, objetos, artefactos, libros y circulaciones entre diversos espacios geográficos, grupos étnicos y grupos religiosos; configurando un mundo en expansión y en constante tránsito. Esta nueva historiografía en torno a los jesuitas registra, ni más ni menos, la conciencia planetaria de los «primeros jesuitas» que contemplaban al mundo como un gran espacio a convertir y en donde ejecutar el llamado «deseo de las indias». El Unum mundum non sufficit y el totus mundus nostra fit habitatio dejan en claro esas pretensiones de universalidad, globalidad y expansión del catolicismo en todos los rincones del orbe y en todo tipo de personas. Sin lugar a dudas, estas nuevas tendencias desarrolladas por la historiografía jesuítica, se deben también a la apertura documental de la orden religiosa. Archivos centrales (Roma, Alcalá de Henares) y locales (provincias europeas y extra-europeas), más las ediciones críticas de la gigantesca Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, permiten a los historiadores globales hacer este ejercicio analítico. Con esto, claramente, no digo nada nuevo. Pero sirve, precisamente, para emplazar el libro Jesuit Accounts of the Colonial Americas. Intercultural Transfers, Intellectual Disputes, and Textualites, en un preciso diálogo historiográfico y contexto de producción intelectual-académico. Finalmente, este libro es parte de lo que intuía sutilmente Clifford Geertz antes de su muerte, en una reseña al libro de Natalie Z. Davis, Trickster travels, que la historia global parte desde el anacronismo de pensar el «pasado global» desde un «mundo presente globalizado».1

1 Clifford Geertz, “Among the Infidels”, New York Review of Books 53: 5 (2006): 23–24. 558 Book Reviews

Pues bien, el texto que reseño posee una introducción redactada por los editores, tres partes con un total de 18 capítulos, más una postfacio, que da un total de 464 páginas con textos en inglés y francés. Libro interesante, bien editado y contundente en sus páginas. Cabe destacar, además, la elección de la imagen de portada: un detalle del fresco, «Alegoría de América», de Andrea Pozzo (1642-1709), emplazada en la Iglesia San Ignacio en Roma. Y es una elección correcta pues la imagen refleja, en cierto sentido, la complejidad del texto y de las temáticas que aborda este volumen colectivo: actores, espacios, ideas y geografías en disputas y en tránsito a través de la producción escritural jesuita. La introducción (Bernier, Donato, Lüsebrink), más que efectuar un emplazamiento historiográfico, presenta un resumen de las tres partes y de los capítulos que componen este volumen con destacados especialistas en el estudio de la Compañía. Quizá hubiese sido interesante realizar ese emplazamiento en modo más profundo para producir un diálogo de las convergencias y divergencias de las diversas historiografías expuestas por los autores (americana, europea, anglosajona). La primera parte, titulada, «Intercultural Transfers», tiene siete capítulos (Imbruglia; Donato; Willingham; Alba-Koch; Lüsebrink; Chinchilla; Melzer) que versan sobre las formas de recepción, entre los siglos XVI y XVIII, de los escritos jesuitas. Interesante en esta parte es el concepto unificador proporcionado por los editores: «transatlantic cultural space» para referirse a esa simultaneidad temática y espacial de la circulación de las ideas jesuíticas. El hilo analítico transversal de esta parte, sin duda, son las políticas de traducción efectuadas por la Compañía en todos los espacios en los que operó, entendiendo, por traducción, las polifónicas resignificaciones de las subjetividades locales. Por su parte, la segunda parte, titulada, «Intellectual dispustes», posee seis capítulos (de Alencar Xavier; Fendler; Stolley; Lachance; Ertler; Broué) que abordan las lógicas políticas y escriturales de los jesuitas en torno a sus ideas que entraban en disputas en contextos intelectuales, muchas veces, con un fuerte filtro anti-jesuita. Si bien esta parte se refiere a la producción antropológica-etnográfica y las controversias, por ejemplo, con Buffon, Raynal, De Pauw y Robertson, se pueden observar al interior de esa producción las lógicas políticas imperantes en la Compañía de Jesús que, operaba, sin duda, no sólo como un referente intelectual-educativo, sino también como un actor político preponderante en las tramas históricas modernas. En esta segunda parte, no solo se defiende y se polemiza en torno a la «naturaleza de las Indias», como diría Book Reviews 559

Antonello Gerbi, sino también a la propia forma de interactuar con el mundo y su propio imaginario religioso-político. Finalmente, la tercera parte, «Textualities», con cinco capítulos (Berthiaume; Pioffet; Ewalt; Ouellet y Bernier; Vallée), interpela sobre la retórica y la estructura específica de las relaciones jesuitas y, en un sentido amplio, con la producción escritural de la Antigua Compañía y la traducción en los documentos de su sentido de mundo; transitando desde José de Acosta hasta Joseph-François Lafitau: dos paradigmas fundantes de apropiación de modelos proto-etnográficos. El libro concluye con un capítulo final, a modo de postfacio (Lüsebrink), que intenta unificar de forma analítica y metodológica los escritos por medio de los matices de la comparación como estrategia retórica y escritural de los jesuitas del Antiguo Régimen. La comparación, como una forma de interpretación del mundo, sobre todo, de ritos y costumbres, tuvo en la Antigua Compañía un paradigma epistemológico de transformación que vas más allá del retrato de «vidas paralelas», insertándose, entonces, en los modos hermenéuticos de desciframiento de la alteridad y la inserción de ritos y costumbres en una cronología universal y de lógica occidental. Jesuit Accounts of the Colonial Americas, es un libro cuidadoso, bien estructurado, en donde las tres partes poseen la misma intensidad interpretativa. Presenta, además, un abanico geográfico multiforme y polifónico, transitando por las Américas, pero sin olvidar la matriz europea o, bien, trasatlántica, de las discusiones. Es un volumen colectivo, con reconocidos autores, que, sin duda, dialoga y renueva las formas de percibir el pasado globalizado de la Antigua Compañía.

Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile Rafael Gaune Corradi

Patrizio Foresta. “Wie ein Apostel Deutschlands”: Apostolat, Obrigkeit und jesuitisches Selbstverständnis am Beispiel des Petrus Canisius (1543– 1570). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2016. 528pp. €90,00. ISBN 9783525101001.

Apostolato, autorità e autocomprensione sono le chiavi interpretative scelte da Patrizio Foresta per analizzare la storia della Compagnia di Gesù delle origini, in particolare quella entrata in rapporto con le terre tedesche, sulle tracce di Pietro Canisio, «apostolo della Germania». Per quanto evocato nel titolo, il santo gesuita non 560 Book Reviews appare dal principio del libro come protagonista principale. Solo con il capitolo 3, infatti, comincia la parte più specificamente a lui dedicata, a partire dal suo ingresso nell’ordine ignaziano e dai suoi primi impegni come confessore. La sezione iniziale del lavoro propone una ricostruzione del dibattito storiografico su alcuni aspetti dell’identità gesuitica, primo fra tutti il concetto di apostolato, strettamente collegato a quello di missione, nel quale sono compresi gli ideali della vocazione ad gentes e del martirio. Si tratta di temi classici per le indagini sull’ordine ignaziano, che l’autore riassume basandosi su una bibliografia molto ricca e completa. La cronologia scelta è quella classica, del tutto convincente, va detto a evitare fraintendimenti, che individua nel primo secolo dell’ordine e in particolare nel lungo generalato Acquaviva la fase decisiva per la costruzione di un suo ruolo proprio e originale nel mondo cattolico, come descritto nel primo paragrafo del capitolo 2. In questo stesso paragrafo viene sviluppato il concetto di Selbstverständnis, che sopra abbiamo reso come ″autocomprensione″, ma che può essere sciolto anche nella locuzione ″coscienza del proprio ruolo”, ricordando come tale coscienza sia stata il dinamico risultato di un percorso e non un dato di fatto sancito una volta per tutte. L’autore, in maniera appropriata, fa della Germania un caso decisivo per la definizione dell’identità apostolica della Compagnia e dei suoi membri, intesi a rappresentarsi e felici di essere rappresentati come apostoli. Appare interessante in merito la lettura dei paragrafi dedicati a Claude Jay e Pierre Favre (capitolo 2) e all’ingresso di Pietro Canisio nella famiglia ignaziana (capitolo 3). Ripercorrendo studi divenuti ormai dei punti di riferimento, Foresta evidenzia come la concretizzazione del ruolo missionario e dello stesso modo di essere della Compagnia si sia realizzata attraverso le negoziazioni con l’autorità ecclesiastica, parte fondamentale delle quali fu la svolta che convinse Ignazio a farne un ordine insegnante (capitolo 1). Non si trattò, come è noto, di un percorso indolore, per completare il quale fu necessario venire a capo di negoziazioni non sempre facili con le autorità cattoliche ma anche di proteste interne all’ordine. La scelta di mettere in relazione la biografia di Canisio con questo tipo di analisi si spiega, presumibilmente, con la centralità del gesuita nativo di Nijmegen per la definizione del processo di costruzione identitaria del suo ordine religioso, a partire dalla già evocata storia di vocazione personale, ma anche dal viaggio in Italia tra Roma e Messina (capitolo 4), luogo questo davvero essenziale per la svolta della Compagnia verso l’insegnamento. Di Canisio si rileva Book Reviews 561 di seguitoil ruolo da protagonista giocato nel processo di espansione verso oriente, attuato con la non sempre facile fondazione di collegi in città strategiche come Vienna e Praga (capitolo 5), esempio di metodo di occupazione del territorio analizzato con buona profondità nel paragrafo finale del libro. Ma la centralità di Canisio si illustra pure con il notevole successo ottenuto dai suoi catechismi, la cui compilazione contribuì a riconoscerne la rilevanza per la storia del cattolicesimo tedesco. Di sicuro interesse è anche la ricostruzione della vicenda che coinvolse Ferdinando d’Asburgo, il quale individuò in Canisio il candidato ideale per guidare la diocesi di Vienna. Il sovrano però fu costretto ad arrendersi di fronte al fermo diniego di Ignazio, convinto che ai gesuiti non dovessero spettare cariche ecclesiastiche. Ferdinando avrebbe trovato la stessa opposizione anche in merito al progetto di nominare Claude Jay vescovo di Trieste: entrambi i casi spiegano bene come i rapporti con le autorità, non solo quelle religiose, non furono sempre di facile gestione nei primi anni di vita della Compagnia e contribuirono a definirne la posizione nel mondo cattolico. Si tratta di episodi che capita di vedere richiamati anche oggi, nel momento in cui un papa gesuita siede sul trono vaticano, dimenticando che all’epoca delle origini la scelta di rinunciare ai benefici ecclesiastici si spiegava con la volontà di rifiutare aquei privilegi economici che furono uno dei motori dell’indignazione luterana. Pur riflettendo su queste connessioni, rimane l’impressione di un libro diviso abbastanza di netto in due parti: la prima dedicata alla riflessione sui concetti, la seconda a momenti molto importanti ma non del tutto esaustivi della biografia di Pietro Canisio. L’impostazione sembra ricalcare troppo da vicino le abitudini accademiche relative alla stesura di una tesi di dottorato, cosa che forse lascia degli interrogativi non sempre soddisfatti a proposito del contributo individuale di Canisio alla definizione dell’identità collettiva gesuitica (in merito rimangono aperte alcune curiosità stimolate dall’introduzione). A rafforzare l’impressione di un lavoro accademicamente connotato contribuiscono anche le tre appendici. La prima riporta la trascrizione di alcuni documenti d’archivio, privi però di note introduttive ed esplicative. La seconda sintetizza la storia della beatificazione (1869) e della canonizzazione (1925) del gesuita olandese, sancita da Pio XI. La terza descrive i termini del Canisius Project, nel quale Paul Begheyn e lo stesso Patrizio Foresta sono impegnati da tempo. L’obiettivo è quello di pubblicare un nono volume a completamento della monumentale 562 Book Reviews opera realizzata da Otto Braunsberger, che tra Otto e Novecento raccolse un’ingentissima quantità di fonti canisiane, nell’occasione del processo di canonizzazione. Un progetto meritorio del quale però lo stesso autore riconosce le difficoltà di concretizzazione. Il libro avrebbe forse potuto guadagnare da una differente organizzazione del lavoro, attraverso una sintesi più agile della prima parte, quella per così dire storiografica, a beneficio di un maggiore sviluppo della biografia di Canisio, sviluppo che avrebbe magari consentito di trattare i temi chiave scelti da Foresta come parti integranti l’esperienza di vita dell’«apostolo della Germania».

Fondazione Bruno Kessler (Trento) Claudio Ferlan

Adolph F. Bandelier. A History of the Southwest. A Study of the Civilization and Conversion of the Indians in the Southwestern United States and Northwestern Mexico from the Earliest Times to 1700. The original Text and Notes in French (1887) edited with English Summaries and Additional Notes from Ms. Vat. lat. 14111. Ed. Ernest J. Burrus SJ, in collaboration with Madeleine Turrell Rodack. Vols III (Parts 3, 4, 5) and IV (Parts 6, 7). Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2017. Vol. III 415pp. Vol IV 403pp. €50,00 (each volume). ISBN 9788821009891.

Shortly before the end of 2017, the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Press published Volumes III and IV of Adolph F. Bandelier’s A History of the Southwest. These are the final two volumes of a five volume critical edition of Bandelier’s manuscript recounting his ethnological and historical research in the regions of present-day northwestern Mexico, west Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona. The manuscript, dated 1887 and dedicated to Pope Leo XIII in honor of his fiftieth anniversary of priestly ordination, gives an exhaustive account of his research in the late nineteenth century. Until this project began, the work had never been published. For ethnographers and those interested in the history and culture of the indigenous tribes in these areas, these first-hand observations provide an important primary source access to both. Bandelier, a Swiss-American archeologist, wrote in French, but the critical edition also includes ample notes and chapter summaries in English, along with citations of additional Spanish and German texts by Fr. Ernest J. Burrus, S.J. With the collaboration of Dr. Madeleine Turrell Rodack, Burrus spent the last years of his academic career Book Reviews 563 transcribing and annotating the manuscript, as well as gathering together the illustrations which were presented in the first volume. At the time of his death in 1991, all of his own work had been finished except for proof-reading the typescript and preparing the Index. But while close to finished, the work was not ready for the press. In what could become the topic of a future thesis in the History of the Book, the project fell into the critical gap between lead type-setting and the computer-generated, camera ready technology of today. The preliminary volumes and the first volume of the manuscript were published completely under the older method, while the present volumes arrived at first printer proofs in the same manner. Thus the Index was initially prepared by hand, along with a manual correction of the proofs. By the end of that project, it was no longer possible to use the older method, and the volumes had to be completely reworked according to the new technology. This explains the gap between the publication of the Introductory materials in 1969, the first volume of the manuscript text in 1987, and the final volumes now. The Vice Prefect of the Vatican Library, Dr. Ambrogio M. Piazzoni, summarizes the details of this history, although certainly much more could be written about the patience of so many who were involved in the technical aspects of the project. The publication (originally a co-publication of IHSI) also completes and closes the work of the American Division of the Jesuit Historical Institute, an enterprise developed and maintained by Fr. Burrus in Rome and in Tucson, Arizona. (The remnant of Burrus’ research files and library are now housed at the Arizona State Museum at the University of Arizona in Tucson.) For many years, a note remained at the end of the American Division section of the publications catalogue anticipating the completion of these volumes until it was finally deleted. For this reason, the Vatican Library and Dr. Piazzoni are owed a particular debt of gratitude for completing what so many had been unable to do before. The Publisher’s note acknowledges Jarek Dziewicki, who completed the changes from the old lead type- set proofs to the newer technology. While he was the last to labor over these pages, many others also put their hands to the plow. Their persistence in seeing this worthwhile project to an end, long after the generation that began it had passed on to their eternal reward, speaks highly of their dedication to thorough and complete scholarship. Certainly Fr. Burrus and his heavenly companions are looking down with satisfaction at the final product.

Pontifical Gregorian University Mark A. Lewis SJ 564 Book Reviews

Kathleen M. Comerford. Jesuit Foundations and Medici Power, 1532 – 1621. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2017. xvi + 316pp. €140,00. ISBN 987900428451.

Kathleen Comerford’s new book builds on a number of her articles on Jesuits and the Medici, to discuss how the dukes, then grand- dukes, Medici and the Jesuits built up their strengths in Tuscany. “The Society of Jesus and the Medici needed each other”, she argues. “Working together, they eventually succeeded in creating more centralized communities, with citizens better schooled in the Catholic faith, than had existed before 1532” (215). It was a frustrating struggle before Jesuit colleges were fully established in Florence, Siena, and Montepulciano, although not in Pisa as was sometimes mooted. Medici support was intermittently very important, but it could wane, especially at ducal level, while female relatives were the most reliable financial backers, notably Cosimo I’s wife, Duchess Eleonora di Toledo. The first two chapters concentrate on the Medici rulers and state building through the period, with Jesuits hardly mentioned, showing how the State was consolidated, with Siena (sub- infeudated by the Spanish King Philip to Duke Cosimo in 1557), eventually well incorporated, and political power centralized in a “Florentization” agenda. (11, 31–32, 79) These chapters, based on considerable secondary reading, provide a wide ranging history of the Duchy — political, social, economic, religious and cultural — such that they could be recommended to students as a reliable and interesting introduction whatever their interest in Tuscany. Duchess Eleonora’s roles and attitudes are very interestingly treated, as crucial to the early involvement of “The First Tuscan Jesuits”, discussed in Chapter 3. She had a special liking for the young Diego Laínez, her preferred Jesuit confessor, although directives from Rome were such that her wishes on this score were not always met. Jesuits were involved in Tuscany (as in Siena 1538– 42), before the Society was officially approved. Ideas came early on to establish a more permanent Jesuit presence in education through the founding of schools or colleges. Juan Alfonso de Polanco nearly spoiled the Society’s chances in Tuscany by trying to offer Duke Cosimo I political advice (98). However, in writing directly to Cosimo, and aided by Duchess Eleanor’s support, Laínez opened Medici minds to favour the establishment of colleges. Jesuit peace- making in troublesome Garfagnana and Lunigiana in 1547–50, as well as their work in counteracting Calvinism, won Medici court support (101–02). Eleanor’s wish to have one college in Pisa rather Book Reviews 565 than Florence hindered developments for a while. Ignatius Loyola from a distance recognized that Eleanora had to be carefully “managed” (110). Her financing helped the Florentine College to get under way. Chapter 4 deals with the vicissitudes of developing this college from the 1550s to 1620s. Recruitment of Jesuit staff and pupils started in 1554, and by 1556 there were 14 Jesuits and about 100 day pupils. Numbers fluctuated considerably over the years (well reported by the author). Problems of obtaining a permanent church and teaching buildings persisted, as did funding difficulties. Intriguingly, the architect and sculptor, Bartolomeo Ammannati, and his impressive poet wife, Laura Battiferra, helped fund the construction of the college and church, and donated estates to the Jesuits (127–28). Women at different levels of society were important for supporting the Jesuits financially and spiritually. At the court level, Maria Maddalena of Austria, wife of Cosimo II, was a notable champion (137–38). Comerford judges that by the 1580s the Florentine College had become a key religious and cultural centre (115). Collegiate educational input sometimes suffered because Jesuits were very popular as preachers, teachers of Christian Doctrine in local churches, and also as confessors, shown in long queues forming for confessions, as reported back to Rome. Securing adequate numbers of Jesuits to fill these roles thus proved difficult, despite frequent pleas to Rome. This was equally an issue in the development of the colleges in Siena and Montepulciano, covered in Chapter 5. Loyola was enthusiastic about developing a college in Siena, where worrying Lutheran and Calvinist ideas were detected, and especially when soldiers sought Jesuit confessors, with some ready to seek entry to the Society. The college began modestly in 1556 at San Vigilio, aided by the noble humanist scholar, Alessandro Piccolomini, and with vicar-general Laínez guiding Louis de Coudret and Fulvio Androzzi as leaders of the undertaking. They had to cope with smear campaigns against the Jesuits, supposedly led by Lutherans, and including placards accusing Jesuits of sodomy, molesting women, and preying on widows (144). Grand Duchess Giovanna d’Austria was important for both the Siena and Montepulciano colleges after the death of Eleanora in 1578, especially as later male Medici were less enthusiastic about Jesuits. By the early 1600s, the Siena College could be judged secure. The Montepulciano College had a rougher time from its starting in schooling in 1557. The 566 Book Reviews comparative paucity of records has hampered knowledge of when it operated and when it was suspended for lack of staff and money, and through anti-Jesuit sentiments in the city — in part occasioned by Jesuit tactlessness. The Montepulciano College fared better in the seventeenth century as far as patchy evidence indicates. How the colleges operated, what they taught, and what libraries were like are well analysed and documented in Chapter 6, with figures and tables. These show the origins, educational and other backgrounds of 552 Jesuits so far identified by Comerford as associated with the three colleges through 1700, and what roles they played. Library lists for 1565 in Siena and Florence, and for Florence in 1578, receive interesting attention. They show that the libraries’ selection of authors and subjects constituted effective tools in the Jesuits’ educational endeavours, providing good intellectual support for students and teachers — at least potentially, since usage is not clear. Studying Jesuit history can benefit from the wide- ranging Litterae Quadrimestres reports sent to Rome, as well as a considerable amount of surviving correspondence from leaders like Laínez, Loyola, Polanco or Pedro de Ribadeneira, published in the Monumenta series of the Jesuit Historical Institute. Good and innovative use is made here of the archival materials in ARSI, especially letters and minutes, as well as letters from the Florence State Archive, and documents accessible through the Medici Archive Project’s online database. All in all, with this well documented and readable study, Kathleen Comerford, in the face of frustrating lacunae in the evidence about the colleges’ activities, has added to our understanding of Jesuit educational roles and their partial but almost essential support from some of the Medici family.

University of Glasgow Christopher F. Black

Wietse de Boer, Karl A.E. Enenkel, Walter S. Melion, eds. Jesuit Image Theory. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2016. 518pp. €142,00. ISBN 9789004319127.

In seguito al convegno “Jesuit image Theory in Europe and the Overseas Missions”, svoltosi nell’ottobre del 2014 nell’Università Westfälische Wilhems di Münster, escono ora gli atti. Si tratta di un’iniziativa inserita nel progetto “Neo-Latin emblem Literature” di uno dei curatori, Karl A.E. Enenkel, che a sua volta ha aderito all’iniziativa accademica di Münster “Religion and Politics”. Da Book Reviews 567 questo si evince che l’impostazione voluta per i vari contributi, risulta essere quella dell’approfondimento dell’emblematica, intesa come chiave di lettura del significato di immagine nella Compagnia di Gesù. Il tema dell’emblema sacro, quindi, è in questo libro prioritario, e viene affrontato soprattutto nella sua valenza retorica e filosofica. Per una serie di motivazioni religiose e culturali, la Compagnia di Gesù si è accostata fin dall’inizio all’emblematica, trovando in questa forma di espressione figurata una risposta particolarmente atta ad esprimersi sia con argomenti eruditi che con altrettanta profondità teologica. Di conseguenza, l’emblema – in tutte le sue varianti allegoriche – costituisce per i Gesuiti l’esemplificazione più rappresentativa, soprattutto nei primi due secoli della vita dell’Ordine, di ciò che per loro significava “immagine”. Ben venga, quindi, questo libro nel quale si cerca di fare il punto della ricerca. L’introduzione di Walter S. Melion, uno dei curatori, esperto di incisione fiamminga e curatore, tra l’altro, dell’importante lavoro di edizione e traduzione del principale libro illustrato della fine del Cinquecento, Adnotationes et meditationes del gesuita Nadal, rivolge un’attenzione particolare ad un altro libro illustrato, quello di Joannes David, Veridicus christianus, ponendolo come esempio chiarificatore del linguaggio figurato in uso tra i Gesuiti fiamminghi. Segue la scansione in due parti dei contributi del libro: nella prima vengono affrontati i dibattiti che hanno coinvolto principalmente i trattati di emblemi riguardo il significato di immagine. Uno dei curatori, Wietse de Boer, indaga con grande attenzione sulle motivazioni che hanno dato origine all’interesse da parte dei Gesuiti verso l’uso dell’immagine in ambito spirituale. Analizza così il dibattito scaturito dai polemisti, come il domenicano Catarino, quando era ancora vivo sant’Ignazio. Giustamente de Boer riflette sulle fasi costruttive del decreto sulle immagini durante il Concilio di Trento. Il terzo curatore, Karl A.E. Enenkel, si è soffermato, invece, su un gesuita più tardo, Franciscus Neumayr, autore due famosi trattati della metà del Settecento: Idea Rhetoricae e Idea Poeseos. Essendo il gesuita un autore di teatro, giustamente si trova affermato che il vero interesse di questo drammaturgo risiede nel fatto che abbia applicato l’uso di immagini per creare forme retoriche sia in prosa che in versi. Stimolante è il contributo di Ralph Dekoninck che cerca di districare le varie definizioni di “figura”, contenute nei principali autori gesuiti sulla teoria dell’immagine sacra, per poi provare a ricondurle ad una forma di semiotica ante litteram. Vengono così confrontate le opere di Louis Richeome, di Sandaeus (Maximilian van der Sandt), di Jacob Masen e di Claude-François Ménestrier. Tra questi autori, 568 Book Reviews

Sandaeus si è distinto nella Compagnia di Gesù del XVII secolo per la sua proficua produzione teorica sull’immagine: a questa complessa personalità è dedicato anche l’intero contributo di Agnès Guiderdoni. La seconda parte del libro si discosta alquanto dal tema degli emblemi in senso stretto, allargando il raggio di osservazione. Lo studio comparato delle preghiere e delle immagini mariane contenute nel manoscritto Libellus priarum precum, realizzato a Treviri negli anni 1571-1575 viene affrontato da Walter S. Melion. L’incisione con l’icona della Salus Populi Romani, immagine simbolo della devozione mariana di ambito gesuitico, viene mostrata in perfetta sintonia con l’impianto devozionale del testo. Pierre Antoine Fabre, conferma la sua abilità nel ragionare sul risvolto filosofico dell’immagine in relazione alla produzione editoriale dei Gesuiti, anticipando varie interessanti riflessioni sul testo di Louis Richeome, La peinture spirituelle, pubblicato nel 1611, del quale sta approntando l’edizione critica insieme a Dekoninck. Tra gli altri contributi, Anna C. Knaap delinea bene il profilo artistico e di “Pictor doctus” del fiammingo Hendrick van Balen, legato alla Compagnia dei Romanisti come Rubens e Jan Brueghel. Van Balen porta la perizia tecnica al massimo grado quando dipinge le scene sacre tra le venature dei marmi nella chiesa dei Gesuiti di Anversa, ora dedicata a S. Carlo Borromeo. L’autrice approfondisce con attenzione la portata evocativa di queste raffigurazioni che sono incastonate nello spazio materico del marmo. Invece, gli argomenti sullo spazio sacro affrontati da Steffen Zierholz meriterebbero ulteriori approfondimenti, grazie all’ausilio della vasta bibliografia – mostre, convegni, atti, saggi – tramite la quale, almeno dal 2009 ad oggi, viene ampiamente sviscerata la visione prospettica del gesuita Andrea Pozzo all’interno della storiografia gesuitica sull’argomento. Tornando al libro in generale, la scelta degli argomenti e la loro qualità scientifica sono evidenti. Si avverte palesemente nella redazione dei contributi un affiatamento di intenti, espresso in continui rimandi autoreferenziali tra gli autori nei ragionamenti e nei riferimenti bibliografici all’interno delle note. Questo porta però, ad un condizionamento delle ipotesi scientifiche e, come a volte accade, ad una inevitabile chiusura nei confronti di altre tesi, altrettanto già solidamente espresse. Il rischio consiste nel dare per certe ed acquisite delle deduzioni che, invece, dovrebbero rimanere in forma di ipotesi, in quanto aperte ad altre valutazioni per un dibattito scientifico più ampio. Mi riferisco, ad esempio, alla tesi ripetuta spesso che, per motivi dettati da difficoltà interpretative da parte dei Gesuiti, gli Esercizi Spirituali sarebbero stati illustrati solo Book Reviews 569 dalla metà del XVII secolo (p. 290 e passim). Al contrario – senza addentrarsi troppo nell’argomento – basta pensare all’analisi critica compiuta da p. Heinrich Pfeiffer quasi trent’anni fa sulle primissime edizioni degli Esercizi con immagini xilografiche, che risolvono in modo sorprendente l’essenza figurata di tali contenuti (Heinrich Pfeiffer, “Die ersten Illustrationen zum Exerzitienbuch”, in Michael Sievernich, Günter Switek, eds. Ignatianisch. Eigenart und Methode der Gesellschaft Jesu. Freiburg-Basel-Wien: Herder, 1990, 120–30). Se è giusto parlare di difficoltà riscontrate dai Gesuiti nell’adattare in forma compiuta la complessità della teologia sull’immagine, da loro tanto avvallata, va ricordato però che essa si è subito trasformata in sfida, accettata e provata a risolvere fin dall’inizio. Al contrario, la tesi più volte ripetuta nel libro vincola, e di conseguenza purtroppo condiziona, quella che è la complessa dinamica dell’elaborazione di immagini eseguite in pittura fin dal Cinquecento, da riferirsi, infatti, alla spiritualità degli stessi Esercizi. Il ruolo svolto da p. Laínez, infatti, sia come gesuita che come teologo ufficiale della Chiesa, acquista un peso fondamentale al riguardo perché si inserisce all’interno del doppio dibattito sull’arte cristiana: quello che sta nascendo dal Concilio di Trento, dove egli stesso è l’estensore del decreto sull’immagine, e quello nella nascente Compagnia con le prime committenze artistiche. De Boer, al riguardo, si propone (p. 71) di approfondire la partecipazione di p. Laínez a Trento anche attraverso la lettura di alcuni documenti scritti dal gesuita. È bene ricordare, invece, che la trascrizione delle parti rilevanti di tali manoscritti con il relativo studio critico si trova già pubblicata nel volume recente su p. Laínez a cura di p. Oberholzer (Diego Lainez (1512–1565) and his Generalate: Jesuit with Jewish Roots, Close Confidant of Ignatius of Loyola, Preeminent Theologian of the Council of Trent, Roma: IHSI, 2015) e più estesamente negli Atti da me curati, relativi al convegno svoltosi nella Pontificia Università Gregoriana, proprio in occasione dei festeggiamenti del decreto sulle immagini sacre (Immagini e Arte Sacra nel Concilio di Trento. “Per istruire, ricordare, meditare e trarne frutti”, Roma: Artemide, 2016, recensito in AHSI, LXXXVI/171, 2017.1). Da queste brevi considerazioni si arguisce quanto sia complesso e esteso il tema sull’immagine in ambito gesuitico. Certamente questo libro rappresenta una tappa utile alla ricerca. Nel dibattito delle idee il confronto delle singole ricerche, infatti, non può che arricchire gli studiosi, portando nuove riflessioni ai propri singoli lavori.

Pontificia Università Gregoriana Lydia Salviucci Insolera

ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXVI, FASC. 171 2017/I

Editorial

Camilla Russell, Eighty-Five Years Since the First Issue of AHSI in 1932 3

Articles

Orsolya Száraz, Tears and Weeping on Jesuit Missions in Seventeenth-Century Italy 7

Steffen Zierholz, Conformitas Crucis Christi. Zum Motiv der Kreuzesnachfolge in der Jesuitischen Druckgrafik des 17. Jahrhunderts im Licht der Vision von La Storta 49

Research Notes

Sergio Palagiano, Il fondo Santa Sede nell’Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) tra Antica e Nuova Compagnia: analisi archivistica e prospettive di ricerca 99

Review Essay

Marceli Kosman and Andrea Mariani, Jesuits in the Early- Modern Polish-Lithuanian State: Recent Trends and Research Directions 145 Book Reviews

A. Prosperi, La vocazione (W. de Boer) 209

L. Salviucci Insolera, ed., Immagini e Arte Sacra (L. Magnani) 213

J. A. Munitiz, ed. and trans., P. de Ribadeneira, Treatise (P. R. Pinto SJ) 217

S. J. Weinreich, ed. and trans., Pedro de Ribadeneyra’s ‘Ecclesiastical History’ (F. C. Dominguez) 219

N. Vacalebre, Come le armadure e l’armi (R. Danieluk SJ) 221

L. de Saint Moulin, Histoire des Jésuites en Afrique (K. Addy SJ) 224

A. Martínez d’Alòs-Moner, Envoys of a Human God (L. Cohen) 228

C. Piccini, ed., M. Ricci, Il castello della memoria (D. Poli) 230

I. Lucero, La cartografia jesuita (P. De Felice) 235

M. Lombardo, Founding Father: John J. Wynne, SJ (J. Grummer SJ) 237

C. Gannett and J. C. Brereton,Traditions of Eloquence; T. Banchoff and J. Casanova, The Jesuits and Globalization (M. M. Maher SJ) 240

Notes and News in Jesuit History 247 Book Reviews

Adriano Prosperi. La vocazione. Storie di gesuiti tra Cinquecento e Seicento. Torino: Giulio Einaudi Editore, 2016. 250pp. €30. ISBN: 9788806228453.

Adriano Prosperi announces the theme of his thought-provoking new book with razor-sharp focus in the title and cover illustration. Caravaggio’s stunning Calling of St. Matthew visualizes Christ’s personal, unmediated appeal to the faithful to abandon their previous pursuits and follow him. This idea of vocation, according to the author, was the operational principle at work not merely in the recruitment strategies but in the broader development and self- understanding of the Society of Jesus, especially in the order’s first century studied in these pages. It offers him the key to unlock the treasure trove of personal narratives contained in the ARSI series of Vocationes Illustres and related documentation. La vocazione develops one of two major strands in the work of Italy’s leading historian of the Counter-Reformation. Presented together in his magisterial Tribunali della coscienza (1996, new edition 2009), the first is focused on its repressive effort, identified particularly with the rise of the Roman Inquisition, while the second seeks to explain the Roman Church’s capacity to initiate, recover and/or increase its hold on many communities of the faithful. This remarkable success, Prosperi suggested, was owed particularly to the effectiveness of “soft” strategies of persuasion – a hypothesis that led to multiple studies on confession, spiritual direction, and other practices based on the subtle guidance of the conscience. In this context, inevitably, the Jesuits made a regular appearance. The book under review takes this line of research to a new level of depth. The narratives studied here were generally, but not always, written by their protagonists. Yet it would be anachronistic to consider them unconstrained attempts at autobiography. Rather, the author explains, they are accounts of individual vocations commissioned by Jesuit superiors or recorded by their authors as they made the case for admission to the order. Hence they are selective in their focus on the protagonist’s path towards his all-important decision – the choice that marked the end of the life of the flesh and the beginning of a new spiritual existence. But the significance of these tales goes well beyond their role in the arduous process of vetting, scrutiny, and (self-)examination of aspiring members. They were collected, 210 Book Reviews and in some cases requested post-factum, to serve as building blocks for future histories of the order. The first part of La vocazione (chapters I–VI) thus considers the rich conversion tales as part of a project of memory construction, aimed at weaving the experiences of exemplary members into the fabric of the order’s collective mission and identity, supplementing other genres of writing that supported the same goal, such as letters from the far-flung missions, Ignatius’s biography, and Polanco’s Chronicon. Here, the vocation account had a distinctive role. Despite the risk of vainglorious self-promotion (a concern for both Ignatius and Roberto Bellarmino), the story of one’s own calling could contribute powerfully to the Jesuit “project of collective sanctity” (p. 67) and works ad maiorem Dei gloriam. If this form of life-writing thus has to be historically contextualized, so does the notion of vocation itself. Of course, the idea was as old as Christianity itself, but (the author argues) the Jesuit understanding of it was profoundly conditioned by the disputes of the Reformation era. It served as an alternative to the Protestant concepts of predestination and election by necessitating human consent and hence the operation of free will. The Jesuits also differed from other Catholic theologians in assuming the need of God’s “special” (rather than “sufficient”) grace as a trigger for an individual’s calling. This theological difference was enhanced by an uncommon personal commitment: beyond the classic monastic vows, acceptance of a Jesuit calling famously required the additional vow of special obedience to the pontiff circa missiones. Both elements raised the significance and stakes of the moment. Practitioners of the Spiritual Exercises, including those who sought to enter the Society, confronted this decisive juncture in the famous meditation on the two standards, which required them to choose between Christ and Lucifer, and thus to shed their former self and surrender to God’s will. This decision was rarely made in isolation. The second part of the book (chapters VII to XI) argues that the Jesuit college – certainly one of the order’s most original features – became the essential recruiting ground for the new order. The Jesuit leadership quickly realized the risks involved in admitting older members, set in their ways, and instead conceived of the college as an instrument to form a learned, skilled, and disciplined cadre of young members. Adopting the curriculum that Ignatius and his earliest companions had followed in Paris, Jesuit colleges also began to satisfy other needs. Noble and urban elite families discovered these schools as religiously and morally safe environments well equipped to provide the humanist education their adolescent sons needed for their anticipated familial, Book Reviews 211 professional, civic, and political futures. But these goals were thwarted when a student espoused the Jesuits’ spiritual identity and institutional purpose to the point of deciding to join the order. The groundwork for a conversion and vocation was typically laid by the intimate, supervised practices of general and frequent confession, the examination of conscience, and the experience of the Spiritual Exercises given by a spiritual director. Jesuit mentors, while generally cautious, tended to steer their maturing students in this direction whenever they saw the prospect of a qualified new recruit. Almost inevitably, these different goals and expectations led to recurring conflicts between families and Jesuit colleges over the fate of students convinced of their calling. The third part of La vocazione (chapters XII–XV) offers a rich array of case studies chronicling these confrontations and the competing claims that undergirded them. The authority of fatherhood was invoked both by heads of family seeking to return their sons home, and by aspiring novices (or their advocates) who stressed obedience to the divine Father or spiritual fathers. In the well-known case of the Jewish-born Giovanni Battista Eliano, the tug-of-war between natal and religious families even involved different faiths. Multiple other cases turned into legal disputes pitting parental rights against those of their offspring. Here, the key question was typically at what age the adolescent had discerned his vocation. Frequently, too, the outcome of conflicting claims on the child depended on the patronage network of the family and sometimes also of the Jesuits involved. A Sardinian peasant named Chiara Serra lost the fight for her son despite her pleas of poverty. In contrast, thanks to an appeal to the papal curia and the support of Cardinal Gian Pietro Carafa, a highly placed Neapolitan mother prevailed even over Ignatius in her effort to regain her own son Ottaviano Cesare. Sometimes, the political underpinnings of such conflicts become clear as the state’s acceptance and the public reputation of the Society of Jesus itself appear to be at stake. The disappearance of the French recruit René Ayrault provoked a public uproar, fuelled by the high- profile efforts of his father, the prominent laywer Pierre Ayrault, to compel his return. But even a sentence of the Parliament of Paris (1586) and the publication of an extraordinary legal tract De patrio iure (1593) were unable to convince the son to come out of hiding. During the next decade, several disputes in the Venetian Republic over young noble entrants into the Jesuit order played out against the backdrop of simmering tensions over the roles of the University of Padua and the Jesuit college within the Serenissima, feeding suspicions of the Society of Jesus in the years preceding the papal 212 Book Reviews interdict. In the face of such political pressures, the vocation of the aristocratic heir Luigi Gonzaga and his rapid beatification following his early death represent a Jesuit triumph, heralding the exaltation of childhood as an age of holy purity. Here, the author’s goal is less to establish the facts of these cases, or even to reconstruct the underlying social dynamics, than to recover the voices, perspectives, and sentimental journeys of the protagonists. This is primarily a study in self-representation. Thus emerge sympathetic portraits of the adolescents who sought admission to the Society and, in varying degrees, of the parents, Jesuits, and other advisers surrounding them. Again, the author warns against ahistorical interpretations of the postulants’ aspirations, such as a quest for personal liberty or a budding, Burckhardtian individualism. What they faced was a decision between competing forms of submission, encapsulated in diverging discourses – the language of familial piety and obligation and that of conversion, divine providence, obedience, and heroism. What is more, the stories included in the Vocationes Illustres were selected purposely for their edifying potential. This exposes the limits of the documentation. What other realities, we may wonder, lie hidden behind the stereotypical plot lines and tropes common to these stories? To be sure, he masterfully explores as much contextual evidence as he can muster for each single case. Yet serious questions of a social-historical nature remain: how often did the admission of new members lead to family conflict? What was the frequency and explanation of failed admissions or departures? The latter, the author notes in his final chapter, were certainly numerous. The Jesuit archives occasionally record such cases in admonitory mode. Significantly, these tales are not autobiographical, but penned by men like Pedro de Ribadeneira, who cast defectors from the Society as destined for a grim and miserable end. Again we find confirmed the basic features of the Jesuits’ understanding of God’s calling: the stark contrast between their two available options, the finality of their choice, and hence the imperative of perseverance. These individuals’ actual experiences generally remain elusive, except where we have external evidence such as Christian Francken’s Colloquium Iesuiticum. In the Jesuit sources, they are tailored to support a powerful corporate ethic. Adriano Prosperi has bracketed his study with two references to the modern world. His research was initially inspired, he notes in the preface, by a comparison between the pedagogies of the Jesuits and mid-twentieth-century Italian communists. As Mauro Boarelli Book Reviews 213 has argued, both groups sought to create compact bodies of “new men” capable of transforming the world based on similar values and methods, including obedience, confession, and autobiography. In the conclusion of La vocazione, Prosperi recounts with unmistakable admiration the experience of Cardinal Carlo Maria Martini, who entered the Society following his Jesuit education, much to his father’s disappointment. The similarity of this case with those studied in this book confirms, according to the author, “how sharp the first Jesuits’ intuition was” when they made major investments in the college system (pp. 237–38). These references are different in nature: the first raises a research question; the second reflects on the long- term significance of a major finding. Thus the book closes on a quite different note than it began. Between these bookends La vocazione offers a model of attentive historical research. The author is acutely aware of the myths that have long shrouded the history of the Society of Jesus (a problem that has become a subject of study in its own right), and instead offers precious clues about their emergence in early Jesuit history. More importantly, his remarkable book accomplishes at least four things at once: it uncovers the broad significance of Jesuit vocation not only as a religious experience but as a historically conditioned phenomenon; it sheds new light on the college as a site of conversion and recruitment; it sensitively connects the inner histories of male adolescents to the growth of a new institution’s distinctive culture; and it examines the instrumental role of writing and narrative in shaping those individuals and that culture. In the process, readers are offered a probing, unflinching introduction into the complexities of early Jesuit history.

Miami University Wietse de Boer

Immagini e Arte Sacra nel Concilio di Trento. “Per istruire, ricordare, meditare e trarne frutti”. Ed. Lydia Salviucci Insolera. Roma: Artemide. 255 pp. €30,00. ISBN 9788875751654.

Tra le iniziative scientifiche realizzate in occasione del 450° anniversario della chiusura del Concilio di Trento appaiono particolarmente significative quelle concentrate sull’analisi del decreto sulle immagini, promulgato proprio nella XXV ed ultima sessione del 3 e 4 dicembre del 1563. Significativo che del grande lavoro dottrinale e culturale compiuto in quell’assise conciliare 214 Book Reviews proprio il breve testo dedicato all’immagine sia risultato così attuale: evidentemente attraverso Trento, le teorie elaborate dalla Chiesa, dalla fiducia di Paolo Damasceno nelle immagini, alle affermazioni dei Padri del Concilio di Nicea II, possono dialogare, oggi, con la cultura visiva trionfante analizzata dagli studiosi contemporanei e confrontarsi con una rinnovata attenzione all’immagine che ne riconosce la natura antropologica nel senso di intimamente connaturata all’uomo e al suo essere nel mondo. Il convegno organizzato a Roma dalla Pontificia Università Gregoriana, con la cura di Lydia Salviucci Insolera, ha proposto un itinerario di studi, ora presentato in un volume di Atti pubblicati dall’editoriale Artemide, efficacemente articolato tra analisi teorica delle posizioni tridentine e riscontri nella pratica della comunicazione artistica. Accompagnare il titolo “Immagini e Arte Sacra nel Concilio di Trento” con una sintesi da un passaggio del testo conciliare “per istruire, ricordare, meditare e trarne frutti” focalizza immediatamente questo percorso che mette in luce come la Chiesa fosse consapevole della forza di quelle immagini difese e riaffermate. La frase scelta sottolinea anche come l’iniziativa scientifica sia del tutto consona con gli scopi attuali – conoscenza, tutela, conservazione e valorizzazione dei Beni culturali – della Facoltà di Storia e Beni Culturali della Chiesa della Pontificia Università Gregoriana, come afferma il rettore, Nuno da Silva Gonçalves SJ. Di fronte al secolare rapporto con le immagini che si fece con il tridentino “applicazione artistica”, come accenna nella presentazione Bernardo Ardura, è proprio sulla continuità di un “progetto culturale” della Chiesa intorno alle immagini che si focalizza immediatamente il dibattito con il primo e stimolante intervento di François Boespflug. L’autore de Le immagini di Dio, nel suo saggio Le manteau des saints, ou comment le concile de Trente a placé les images sous leur protection, spariglia le attese di un suo intervento sulla secolare vicenda dell’effetto Trento sulle arti, proponendo al lettore una serie di questioni provocatoriamente volte a sottolineare la distanza tra ieri e oggi : l’articolo spinge a riconsiderare la centralità del problema del rapporto con l’immagine lucidamente considerato allora dalla Chiesa, con analoga lucidità oggi, verificando la necessità di “misurare fino a che punto abbiamo cambiato pianeta, o concetto di arte, tra l’ultima sessione del Concilio di Trento ed oggi”. Porsi la domanda se “il decreto del Concilio di Trento possa ancora, nel XXI secolo, illuminare la rotta della Chiesa nel territorio dell’immagine” vuol dire metterne in discussione da un lato il ruolo Book Reviews 215

– “il ruolo dell’immagine non è quello di affermare una dottrina” –, rivederne i caratteri di fronte a concetti di discontinuità, come “innovazione”, tipici della produzione artistica contemporanea, riconsiderare infine il ruolo e la preparazione, oggi, della gerarchia religiosa come committente. Anche la lettura teologica di Michelina Tenace, All’origine del Decreto sulle immagini di Trento, il Concilio Nicea II, non si accontenta di trovare gli elementi di continuità tra Nicea e Trento, ma sottolinea come i partecipanti all’ultimo concilio unitario avessero argomentato teologicamente non sulla possibilità, ma sulla necessita dell’immagine, ponendo al centro il mistero dell’Incarnazione: “tra Nicea e Trento il mondo è cambiato”, afferma la studiosa; la discussione di Nicea intorno all’immagine trovava riscontro in un’icona intesa come “realtà spirituale”, la chiesa occidentale invece aveva già teso a collocare la questione dell’immagine “nell’orizzonte della pedagogia della fede”, o in una sfera culturale per cui l’immagine, nello spirito dell’umanesimo tridentino, è piuttosto “sottomessa all’arte”. La consapevolezza di successivi “scarti” cronologici, di distanze nel tempo, sembra essere posta a esponente nei diversi interventi introduttivi: oltre a notare la distanza tra iconografie medievali e figurazioni tridentine, Alessandra Bartolomei Romagnoli, nel suo testo su Rappresentazioni della santità mistica prima e dopo il Concilio di Trento, nota che già Emile Mâle aveva sottolineato come per comprendere il rapporto tra figurazione artistica e immaginario mistico “bisognerebbe aver vissuto in una lunga familiarità con i santi del XVI e del XVII secolo”, quelli stessi che nel post-tridentino conquistano gli altari quando artisti e committenti propongono, in nuove figurazioni verisimili, il rapporto tra visibile e invisibile attraverso la rappresentazione di straordinarie esperienze. Particolarmente significativo, a poca distanza dalla scomparsa del grande studioso, appare la riproposta dell’intervento di Paolo Prodi, Storia, natura e pietà: il problema della disciplina delle immagini nell’età tridentina. Prodi nel suo contributo aveva ripercorso le tematiche di un dibattito che proprio lui impostò agli inizi degli anni sessanta del secolo passato. Restano basilari, in quella lettura concentrata attorno al caso del cardinal Paleotti, le modalità con cui funzione e forza delle immagini vengono affermate, così come la responsabilità affidata ai vescovi nel vigilare un adeguato uso, punti di partenza per le analisi che hanno caratterizzato un cinquantennio di studi. La visione in una accentuata dualità tra riforma e controriforma, vede Prodi propenso a individuare nel progetto di Paleotti la volontà di “sviluppare un pensiero teologico ed una spiritualità capaci 216 Book Reviews di supportare l’azione di riforma della Chiesa e della società […] Questo si traduce nel tentativo di creare una cultura naturalistico- storica che potesse sostenere i pittori nel salto di promozione culturale che porta alla conquista dell’autonomia della loro “arte” e la sua ascesa intellettuale sino alle accademie di fine secolo”. È questa permeabilità dell’istanza paleottiana nel campo artistico, si può aggiungere, a rimanere irrisolta con la domanda quale fosse l’arte che avrebbe voluto il cardinale bolognese, visto che, riconosciuta la non aderenza nella produzione di fine secolo alle sue indicazioni, andò incontro, negli stessi anni, a una sconfitta con la proposta di un Indice per la produzione artistica. Al contrario il diniego posto dalla curia romana alle sue istanze repressive apre il secolo alle novità di una progettualità artistica libera, pur nel tracciato proposto, e aperta alle varie soluzioni e alla straordinaria potenzialità del secolo barocco. Allora giustamente, ed è il percorso seguito nel volume di Atti, è necessario tornare all’analisi del dibattito sul ruolo dell’arte e alla concretezza e alla pluralità delle scelte di artisti e committenti. Si procede così allo studio apiù voci del contributo di Diego Laínez alla genesi del decreto sulle immagini. Su questo tema che lega il dibattito cinquecentesco sulle immagini, l’esito tridentino, il successivo sviluppo del ruolo della Compagnia, lavorano, partendo direttamente dai documenti, Paul Oberholzer, Diego Laínez come teologo del Concilio e la presenza gesuita nel concetto della sua identità, Lydia Salviucci Insolera, La formulazione del Decreto sulle immagini nei manoscritti di p. Diego Laínez e Mirella Saulini, Diego Laínez e l’elaborazione della scrittura del Decreto. Roberto Pancheri, nel saggio La raffigurazione del concilio di Trento come “historia sacra”, ripercorre invece la fortuna iconografica della sua rappresentazione, dalla documentazione del fatto, all’assunzione al ruolo di avvenimento nella storia sacra, alla trasposizione allegorica. Con l’intervento di Cristina Mandosi, Istruzione del cardinale Gabriele Paleotti per la costruzione delle cappelle nei palazzi, si entra nell’analisi diretta di aspetti normativi e di scelte della committenza, negli anni di passaggio tra i due secoli. Se da un lato emerge, accanto alla continuità di moduli decorativi, la scelta consapevole e la meditata e innovativa formula della pala caravaggesca, come propone Anna Eleanor Signorini in Le cappelle gentilizie a Roma dalle norme tridentine ai primi trattati di fine ’500: il caso dell’agostiniana Cappella Cavalletti (1603-1605), dall’altro appare la pressoché coeva intellettualistica discussione e le irrisolte problematicità della cappella Bandini, in S. Silvestro al Quirinale intorno alla pala d’altare con l’Assunzione della Vergine, protagonisti Antoniano, Paleotti, Sigonio, Pulzone. Book Reviews 217

In una serie di interventi Luigi Mezzadri, San Silvestro al Quirinale fra rinascimenti e riforme, Lydia Salviucci Insolera, L’Assunzione della Vergine di Scipione Pulzone tra stile e teologia, Cristiana Bigari, Gli stucchi cinquecenteschi e la pala d’altare della cappella Bandini in S. Silvestro al Quirinale, affrontano il problema secondo quella metodologia che, tipica del percorso storico artistico, spazia dalla ricostruzione del contesto culturale e della committenza, attraverso le fonti, all’analisi stilistica della proposta dell’artista, alla materia e alla tecnica del manufatto. Infine, ancora a sottolineare la metodologia e la qualità di strumento operativo del volume coordinato da Lydia Salviucci, le parole, i testi alla base della ricerca – il Decreto tridentino e una scelta dei documenti del Laínez – vengono riproposti in Appendice, da Mirella Saulini, nelle trascrizioni latine e nelle relative traduzioni.

Università degli Studi di Genova Lauro Magnani

Pedro de Ribadeneira. Treatise on the Governance of St Ignatius of Loyola. Edited and translated Joseph A. Munitiz. Oxford: Way Books, 2016. £8.00. ISBN 9780904717471.

Treatise on the Governance of St Ignatius of Loyola is the least known work of Pedro de Ribadeneira (1527–1611), at least for readers of English. This Treatise was discovered among Ribadeneira’s papers after his death in the early seventeenth century and remained unpublished until the nineteenth century, when it was appended to the Spanish editions of his classic biography of St Ignatius. The present translation of the Treatise is the first publication of the text in the English language (except for an earlier translation of 1880– 81, which appeared in a British Jesuit in-house journal); it is thus a welcome contribution to the various spheres of Jesuit and Ignatian studies, since it provides the English-language reader with access to a valuable text concerning the charism of the founder of the Society of Jesus. Why should this Treatise be of interest, especially to an Ignatian reader? Ribadeneira was a close associate of Ignatius and knew him well. He composed this text as an aid to Jesuit superiors in order to govern well; he wrote it towards the end of his life, around half a century after Ignatius’s death. By this time, a clearer character portrait of Ignatius was beginning to emerge. From this vantage point, and at the behest of others, Ribadeneira undertook to “sketch 218 Book Reviews out as a model the way our blessed Father, Ignatius, used to govern” (p. 1). The personality of Ignatius was polyhedral, and the value of Ribadeneira’s work is that the Treatise offers to the reader one more lens to view the person of Ignatius. The governance referred to in the title of the Treatise does not so much concern the structures of the nascent Society, as much as the way Ignatius ‘governed’ individual Jesuits in concrete situations. Despite its brevity – it constitutes six short chapters – the Treatise reveals both the ‘graced’ and ‘human’ personality of Ignatius in a balanced way. Its accessibility also lies in its written style, which is conversational, and containing narrative accounts of specific episodes in the life of Ignatius and the early Society, most of which are anecdotal. The Treatise complements and sheds more light on the better known Memoriale of Gonçalves da Câmara (to whom Ignatius also dictated his ‘autobiography’ in 1555): this is clearly demonstrated by the more than thirty footnotes provided by the editor and translator, Joseph A. Munitiz, concerning the relevant texts of the Memoriale and this work’s relationship to the Treatise. More generally, the Introduction by Munitiz succeeds in placing the text in context, providing valuable guidance for comprehending a work written over four centuries ago. The Introduction also serves as a hermeneutic key to apprehending the Treatise, by outlining the structure of the text and offering a glimpse into some of the salient personality traits of Ignatius, which in turn stimulates the curiosity of the reader. As we learn in the Introduction and the text itself, the Treatise provided guidelines for how to govern after the model of Ignatius, with the aim to inspire the superiors of the rapidly growing Society at the turn of seventeenth century. We may ask, then, is the Treatise inspiring for us today at the beginning of the twenty- first century? This is a consideration posed in the Afterword by Mark Rotsaert SJ, who himself has extensive experience as a major superior in the Society. His chapter-by-chapter analysis offers an insightful evaluation of the text, and maintains that Ignatius’s way of proceeding continues to be enlightening. The wisdom of the Ignatian way of proceeding, according to Rotsaert, is that it makes room for exceptions to the general norms, and thus remains flexible to changing circumstances across time and space. As the text tells us, after having integrated the Ignatian way of proceeding, a superior is expected to act in concrete situations guided by discerning love– discreta caritas. Thus, while written in the seventeenth century, this approach described in the Treatise still resonates today, providing a Book Reviews 219 present-day superior, just as much his predecessor three centuries before him, with valuable guidance and tools to be truly Ignatian. The English translation and publication of this Treatise, placed between an instructive Introduction and a forward-looking Afterword, is certainly worthwhile for readers seeking a better comprehension of the person of Ignatius and the Ignatian tradition within the Society of Jesus.

Pontificia Università Gregoriana Paul Rolphy Pinto SJ

Pedro de Ribadeneyra’s ‘Ecclesiastical History of the Schism of the Kingdom of England’: A Spanish Jesuit’s History of the English Reformation. Ed. Spencer J. Weinreich. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. 826 pp. € 220.00 $253.00. ISBN 9789004323957.

Pedro de Ribadeneyra’s Historia ecclesiastica del scisma del reyno de Inglaterra is a book of its times. It claims no innovation in form, style, or content. Although it is ideologically complex, it could not be accused by contemporaries of promoting ideological novelty. While our own modern tastes may fetishize “originality”, it does not display much of that quality either. Instead, the book demonstrates the author’s ingenium – a higher contemporary ideal than originality – as a rhetorician, a miner of tropes, and an assembler of texts. The book was also meant to play an important role in a range of contemporary political, religious, and more broadly cultural contexts of the sixteenth century (and beyond). Thus it is hard to overstate the importance of Spencer Weinreich’s edition of the book. Aside from exposing Anglophone audiences to the work of a major early-modern thinker who remains understudied, it also takes a stand against modern, anachronistic habits that have led to the book’s marginalization as “mere” early-modern propaganda. Weinreich accomplishes this with erudition and style. Weinreich’s handling of Ribadeneyra’s text(s) is exemplary. He provides an accurate, elegant, fluid translation of the history’s first two books (printed in 1588) together with book three, its continuation (originally printed separately in 1592 and jointly in 1595). Most impressively, Weinreich effectively captures Ribadeneyra’s many tonal shifts as the latter casts opprobrium upon “evil” English monarchs, describes the “terrors” of their reigns, relishes in the sweetness of holy martyrs, and ardently calls for holy war. But more than a lucid translation, Weinreich gives 220 Book Reviews readers materials necessary to get deep into the text and its textual history. His footnotes clarify the author’s sources, renders familiar potentially unfamiliar names, and provides a running commentary to help assess the text’s accuracy and the author’s methods. Just as important, this edition manages to capture Ribadeneyra’s long- term engagement with English history. This is not the edition of an ur-text, but of a changing, layered one over time. Thus, for example, Weinreich has included and noted parts of the history that were added in later editions. These are helpfully highlighted in red. As if that were not enough, he also provides a useful appendix of sources related to Ribadeneyra’s book. His introduction is equally valuable. Apart from a brief biographical sketch, Weinreich offers a broad-ranging discussion of different contexts that should inform our reading of the History and an assortment of considerations on particular themes. He helps us better understand the book as the product of a geo-political moment (the Armada campaign), of Ribadeneyra’s spiritual inclinations, and of Jesuit politics. More broadly, he suggests that the book is representative (and partially constitutive) of an early- modern historical mindset linked to particular scholarly techniques. Weinreich also offers stimulating discussions on the role of women in Ribadeneyra’s history, with an emphasis on how the author dealt with what for him was the ticklish issue of powerful women in a culture that found them potentially threatening. Aside from authorial intentions, the introduction also has insights about the book’s reception. Weinreich’s comments on Pedro Calderón de la Barca’s theatrical adaptation in the early 1630s are particularly searching. Here, Weinreich gamely plunges into the muddy waters of scholarly debates about Calderón’s editorial hand and offers a plausible argument for taking the political context of the play – the infamous Spanish Match – seriously. As is to be expected in ground-breaking undertakings, much of what Weinreich offers in his introduction serves as an important starting point, not an end. There is still room for further research on Ribadeneyra’s book and its significance. There are also some quibbles to be had with aspects of Weinreich’s analysis. For example, while he makes a compelling argument for why it is important to look at both the 1588 and the 1592 extension of the history, he spends relatively little time exploring the significance of the 1592 extension as a stand-alone text. Although he offers a nuanced discussion of the relationship between Ribadenyra’s book and his most important source-material (Nicholas Sander’s Book Reviews 221

De origine ac progressu schsimatis Anglicani), he gives short shrift to the relationship between the 1592 extension and its English sources. Weinreich’s discussion of women in Ribadeneyra’s book is judicious, but one wonders how an analysis might be enriched if the discussion incorporated gender into a broader discussion of good and bad kingship/queenship to delve deeper into the types of prejudices therein. Finally, one wonders how Weinreich’s lucid arguments on Calderón’s work would be enhanced by a deeper exploration of historical plays and their generic intentions. These are, again, just quibbles. Such subtle matters can now be discussed with a larger audience to bear witness and take part in debate. For this, Weinreich deserves gratitude from all interested in Jesuit studies and early-modern European history more generally. His is a truly remarkable achievement.

University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Freddy C. Dominguez

Natale Vacalebre. Come le armadure e l’armi. Per una storia delle antiche biblioteche della Compagnia di Gesù: con il caso di Perugia. Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 2016. 292 pp. €35,00. ISBN 9788822264800.

“Naturalmente, un manoscritto” – così ha intitolato Umberto Eco l’introduzione del suo famoso romanzo Il nome della rosa; “Naturalmente, un libro sulle biblioteche dei gesuiti” – si potrebbe dire prendendo in mano il presente volume. Infatti su quest’ultimo argomento la letteratura non manca. Il nostro periodico di recente ne ha presentato alcuni esempi come il lavoro di Giuliana De Simone sulla collezione libraria del collegio di Gorizia (AHSI vol. LXXXIV, fasc. 168 (2015), pp. 487–90) e se ne è anche occupata Kathleen Comerford (AHSI vol. LXXXI, fasc. 162 (2012), pp. 515–31). Eppure la pubblicazione di Natale Vacalebre, che è frutto della rielaborazione della sua tesi di dottorato presso l’Università degli Studi di Udine, merita l’attenzione dei Lettori. L’autore si occupa della storia della biblioteca del collegio dei gesuiti a Perugia. A questo tema egli dedica il terzo capitolo del volume, preceduto da altri due, ben più generali, che trattano la storia e il ruolo svolto dalle biblioteche all’interno dei collegi della Compagnia di Gesù per il periodo che si estende dalla metà del Cinquecento alla fine del Settecento, ossia dalla fondazione dell’ordine ignaziano fino alla sua soppressione. Nel primo capitolo, l’Autore ricorda come è iniziato il 222 Book Reviews coinvolgimento dei gesuiti nel campo della pedagogia e come i loro collegi – sempre più importanti da diventare opera per eccellenza della Compagnia – siano nati per rispondere ai bisogni concreti che si fecero già sentire durante la prima stagione della vita dell’Ordine. Fra essi due dei più urgenti furono l’esigenza di educare i candidati che si presentavano e di sopperire all’insufficienza dei sistemi scolastici dell’epoca. Si trattò quindi di formare i futuri membri della Compagnia e di servire meglio la missione educativa che la Compagnia perseguiva. Nel medesimo capitolo Vacalebre ricorda anche le origini e la struttura della Ratio Studiorum, soffermandosi sull’importante ruolo svolto dai libri in questo programma di studi. L’Autore elenca i titoli corrispondenti ad ogni livello della Ratio, nonché i paragrafi che trattano del loro uso. Il secondo capitolo offre una sintesi della storia delle biblioteche gesuitiche dell’epoca sopraindicata. Qui vengono ricordati i documenti fondamentali dell’Istituto della Compagnia, come le Costituzioni e varie “Regole” che si riferiscono alle biblioteche. L’Autore le cita con generosità aggiungendo osservazioni e commenti. In sostanza, tutti gli aspetti più importanti e funzionali delle biblioteche dell’Ordine sono trattati nel medesimo capitolo. Vacalebre parla anche della selezione bibliografica spiegando come i libri venissero scelti ed entrassero nelle collezioni della Compagnia. Ricorda quindi i vari modi d’acquisizione dei volumi (acquisti, donazioni, lasciti testamentari) fornendo anche alcuni esempi. Si sofferma poi sulla questione della classificazione e catalogazione dei libri all’interno delle biblioteche gesuitiche, ricordando i tre tipi di classificazione che servirono da modello a partire della fine del ‘500: Antonio Possevino (Bibliotheca selecta; Roma, 1593), Claude Clément (Musei sive bibliothecae tam privatae quam publicae extructio, instructio, cura, usus; Lione, 1635) e Jean Garnier (Systema bibliothecae Collegii Parisiensis Societatis Jesu; Parigi, 1678). Alcune pagine sono dedicate ai libri proibiti e alla politica di controllo vigente nelle strutture della Chiesa cattolica dalla metà del Cinquecento. L’Autore ricorda che i divieti imposti dall’Indice di allora furono in ovvio contrasto con la missione educativa della Compagnia e con il sempre più urgente compito della difesa dottrinale di fronte alle critiche dei protestanti. La soluzione che permise ai gesuiti di aggirare i divieti fu quella di ottenere le dispense dalle autorità ecclesiastiche competenti. Le biblioteche gesuitiche ebbero quindi i libri proibiti custoditi nelle stanze o armadi speciali chiamati “inferno”. Book Reviews 223

L’ultima parte del secondo capitolo è riservata alle questioni pratiche della vita di ogni biblioteca come la gestione dello spazio e l’organizzazione dei prestiti. Contrariamente a ciò che uno potrebbe immaginare, si scopre che le biblioteche gesuitiche non erano ermeticamente chiuse e custodite con gelosia come accadeva nel già citato Il nome della rosa. I gesuiti consentivano i prestiti non soltanto al di fuori della biblioteca, ma perfino fuori casa e a persone esterne, ovviamente rispettando tutta una serie di regole che miravano alla prudente custodia del posseduto librario. Soltanto alla p. 159 inzia il terzo capitolo del libro dove l’Autore tratta la storia della biblioteca del collegio di Perugia. “L’avventura ignaziana” (termine proposto alla p. 259) in questa città umbra comincia nel 1552 quando i primi gesuiti giunsero accettando l’invito del vescovo Fulvio Della Cornia (1517–83), nipote del papa Giulio III, e più tardi cardinale. Le prime scuole partirono sotto la guida del futuro generale Everard Mercurian con pochi alunni, ma il loro progresso non si fece attendere troppo e in un tempo relativamente breve arrivarono a contare duecento studenti. La stessa comunità dei gesuiti nell’arco di quattro anni si quintuplicò passando dai tre membri del 1552 ai quindici del 1556 (cfr. p. 162). Vacalebre ovviamente si concentra unicamente sulle vicende della raccolta libraria di questo collegio che prosperò fino alla soppressione clementina. Ricorda dunque i suoi primi anni, citando le fonti dell’ARSI, in particolare la corrispondenza dei rettori con Roma, su ciò che riguardava la nuova biblioteca. Si sofferma più a lungo (pp. 178–206) su un inventario del 1565 (conservato nell’ARSI, Rom. 123-I, ff. 239r–40v), analizzandolo dettagliatamente e trascrivendolo completando i dati bibliografici. Tale inventario ben documente la veloce crescita della biblioteca perugina che dopo tredici anni contava già 285 titoli per un totale di 380 volumi divisi in 15 classi tematiche (dati riportati alla p. 180). L’Autore prosegue la sua narrazione riferendo anche gli sviluppi ulteriori della biblioteca perugina. Ricorda le più importanti donazioni e lasciti testamentari che l’hanno ingrandita nel Seicento (soprattutto quello del giurista Dionisio Crispolti e del gesuita Agostino Oldoini), nonché riferisce la gestione delle stabili rendite finanziarie di cui essa fu dotata e che erano la fonte principale per gli acquisti librari a partire dalla metà del XVII secolo. Per illustrare meglio l’amministrazione della biblioteca, a partire dalla p. 226 Vacalebre analizza vari libri di conti riportando le cifre esatte corredate dalle illustrazioni di alcuni documenti originali custoditi nell’ARSI e presso la Biblioteca Augusta di Perugia dove si trova 224 Book Reviews la maggior parte della raccolta libraria che è oggetto del presente studio. In fine l’Autore si sofferma sulla struttura della biblioteca, sui suoi locali e sulla disposizione fisica dei libri che si fece secondo uno schema vigente in altri istituti della Compagnia (citato alla p. 242) che prevedeva la divisione secondo classi e formato. Le ultime pagine del terzo capitolo sono dedicate a un catalogo settecentesco della biblioteca del collegio che permette uno sguardo dettagliato sui contenuti della raccolta libraria che alla finedel periodo gesuitico contava circa 9000 volumi. A partire da questo catalogo – oggi conservato alla Biblioteca Augusta – l’Autore formula varie osservazioni su ciò che alla p. 249 chiama la “cultura ignaziana”. Di questa i titoli citati nel catalogo sono una buona testimonianza che mostra a sufficienza quali potessero essere le preferenze e le occupazioni principali nell’ambito pedagogico- pastorale dei suoi proprietari. Al volume però manca una conclusione qualsiasi. Invece la ricca bibliografia può rendere un buon servizio a chi desidera approfondire la ricerca sulle raccolte librarie dei gesuiti. Senza dubbio il lavoro di Natale Vacalebre sarà letto con grande interesse sia da chi si occupa di storia delle biblioteche in generale sia da chi si interessa esclusivamente a quelle della Compagnia di Gesù. Il presente volume, quindi, entra a pieno titolo nella bibliografia essenziale degli storici delle biblioteche.

ARSI Robert Danieluk SJ

Léon de Saint Moulin. Histoire des Jésuites en Afrique. Du XVIe siècle à nos jours. Namur: Lessius, 2016. 137 p. € 12. ISBN 978-2-87299-287-4.

Good things, it is often said, come in small packages. Léon de Saint Moulin’s Histoire des jésuites en Afrique. Du XVIe siècle à nos jours provides such an example of a good historical account dealing with the involvement of the Jesuits in Africa summed up in a mere 137 pages. The author, Léon de Saint Moulin, is a Belgian Jesuit historian and demographer: his deep familiarity with Africa and specifically with the Democratic Republic of Congo means that no doubt he was mindful that the brevity of the book apropos the significant ambition stated in the back-page synopsis – to “present a reinterpretation of the history of the Society [of Jesus] and of its activities in Africa with the exception of countries along the Book Reviews 225

Mediterranean”1 – necessarily limits the full realisation of such aims. Indeed, in an important footnote, the publishers concede that the work’s wide panorama “raises a genuine challenge [and] could be overtaken by inevitable imbalances, notably due to the very history of these missions and the documentation of the author.” With this proviso, the book is presented as “a necessary entry point to enable access to some works focused solely on the particular history of Jesuits in different regions of the continent”.2 This appraisal of Histoire des jésuites en Afrique also constitutes the main contribution of the volume, which lies in helpful précis and point de départ for both a scholarly and popular appreciation of the history of the Jesuits in Africa. For the author, Jesuit involvement in Africa may be organized into three distinct time frames and it is according to these periods that he arranges the three chapters of his book. The categorizations are: a) the period of padroado, identified as beginning in 1548 to the suppression of the Society in 1773; b) the period of national missions, from the Society’s restoration in 1814 to the years of African independence loosely fixed at 1960; and finally c) the period of the emergence of African churches, chronologically identified as the period following the attainment of independence by most African states up to present times. Accordingly, the author’s chronological categorization of Jesuit involvement in Africa may be contrasted with the position of the Tanzanian Jesuit historian, Festo Mkenda. Writing on “Jesuit Historiography in Africa”,3 Mkenda, although proposing a similar three-fold categorization, sets different time frames than those outlined by de Saint Moulin. Mkenda adumbrates the following

1 To quote this in the original French: « Ce livre présente une relecture de l’histoire de la Compagnie et de ses activités en Afrique à l’exception des pays de sa façade méditerranéenne».

2 To quote this footnote in the original French, p. 10: « Cet ouvrage est le premier à ce jour ait l’ambition de présenter l’histoire des jésuites dans toute l’Afrique, à l’exception des pays de sa façade méditerranéenne. Ce panorama, qui relève un véritable défi, pourra surprendre par ses inévitables déséquilibres, dus notamment à l’histoire même de ces missions et à la documentation de l’auteur. Cette vision d’ensemble est un portail d’entrée nécessaire pour permettre l’accès à des ouvrages consacrés à l’histoire des jésuites dans différentes régions particulières du continent».

3 Festo Mkenda, S.J., “Jesuit Historiography in Africa”, in: Jesuit Historiography Online. Consulted online on 23 April 2017 226 Book Reviews termini ad quem and ad quo respective to his three-period schema: a) 1548–1749, from the earliest Jesuit missions until the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Portuguese dominions; b) 1860–1945, from the Jesuits’ first return to Africa after the Society’s restoration until the end of the Second World War; and finally, c) 1945 until now, the period extending from World War II to the present, characterized by expansion of Jesuit activity in Africa beyond the three major missions of the second period, namely Madagascar, the Zambezi region, and the Congo region. These contrasting viewpoints by two historians on how Jesuit engagement in Africa may be appropriately structured merit noting, even if it lies beyond the remit of this review to assess the arguments in which each historian’s respective position is anchored. Following his three-part arrangement, the author presents the beginnings of Jesuit engagement with Africa in chapter 1, tracing this decisive start to the order’s founder, St Ignatius Loyola (p. 11). These beginnings, identified as the Kongo and Angola mission, the Ethiopia mission, and the missions to Cape Verde, Zambezi and Madagascar, are recounted with varying degrees of detail. The lengthiest account (pp. 19–28), and for the present reviewer, the most revealing, relates the history of the Ethiopia mission and how it oscillated from success to failure on the basis of the methods employed by respective patriarchs. Thus, whereas the era of Pedro Páez recorded notable success, his successor, Alfonso Mendes, by his intransigence, led the mission to its eventual failure. Chapter 2 recounts the history of Jesuit involvement in Africa after the order’s restoration in 1814 until the independence years of Africa in the 1960s. Consequently, the narrative sweeps wide, touching on missions initiated from the Indian Ocean and from South Africa, missions in present-day Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Burundi, and Rwanda, and missions in present-day Chad, Cameroon, and other parts of Africa. The clear accent that the author places on accounts about the mission in present-day DRC already begins to emerge at this point, culminating in particular in chapter 3. The disproportionate attention that the author gives to various parts of Africa in the overall narrative of Jesuit involvement on the continent is one of the serious flaws of this book. Notwithstanding this, chapter 2 presents some of the most fascinating figures of the Jesuit missionary impulse in Africa, providing accounts about men such as Jacques Berthieu (p. 34), Frans De Sadeleer (pp. 38–40), and Emile Van Hencxthoven (pp. 46–50). Chapter 3, which is titled “The emergence of African churches”, Book Reviews 227 traces the growth and expansion of the Society of Jesus in Africa from the 1960s up to now. The shortcomings of de Saint Moulin’s account emerge most forcefully in this chapter. Whereas he devotes the first twenty-six pages to recounting the evolution of the Congo mission into the present-day Central Africa Province, other provinces of relatively comparable Jesuit historical traditions, like Zambia/Malawi and Zimbabwe/Mozambique, have their stories told in barely two pages. Moreover, the author’s method in presenting the respective histories of some provinces is questionable. For example, concerning the Eastern Africa Province, rather than focusing on Kenya and Ethiopia and then hurriedly touching on Jesuit activity in other countries of this province (pp. 103–11), each country might have been treated in at least a paragraph or two. Similarly, in recounting Jesuit involvement in respective countries, rather than using a selection of single stories that are unrepresentative, the author more profitably could have aimed at providing a more general perspective. Surely, the history of Jesuit involvement in Ethiopia goes beyond focusing on Claude Sumner and Groum Tesfaye (pp. 105–09), just as contemporary Jesuit history in Zimbabwe cannot be limited to a spotlight on Silveira House and Gibson Munyoro (pp. 116–17). The impression this gives the reader is that the author relied on single accounts, essentially articles, to deal with a whole country or province; instead, there is a great deal of extant material that could have helped him expand on his subject. Revision along these lines as well as the correction of some factual inaccuracies in the account would have been desirable.4 The author’s introduction and conclusion which frame the three chapters of the book are apt and insightful. The work ends on a note of optimism about the ability of African Jesuits to rise to the challenge of furthering the legacy of their forebears in the context of the new evangelization. Histoire des jésuites en Afrique is no hagiography, yet it edifies, and has great potential to inspire the next generation of agents of evangelization by the stories it recounts. Its capacity as a resource tool would have been greatly enhanced by expanding its bibliography, which as it stands is rather lean. Nevertheless, for Jesuit and African studies and general missiological research, Histoire des jésuites en Afrique is a commendable resource.

Accra Kpanie Addy SJ

4 Two such factual inaccuracies are: i) incorrectly citing Rodrigo Mejía as former rector of the Jesuit theologate in Nairobi (p. 109) and; ii) incorrectly citing the location of Loyola Jesuit College in Lagos rather than Abuja, Nigeria (p. 120). 228 Book Reviews

Andreu Martínez d’Alòs-Moner. Envoys of a Human God. The Jesuit Mission to Christian Ethiopia, 1557–1632. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2015. 419 pp. €152.00 $207.00. ISBN 9789004289147.

The last fifteen years have borne witness to significant advances in research on Ethiopia in the sixteenth- and seventeenth centuries. Between 1557 and 1650, the Society of Jesus left no stone unturned in its efforts to penetrate the African kingdom and bring Catholicism to its people. This turbulent age engendered profound religious debates and heated political brinkmanship. Emperor Suəenyos’ conversion to the Roman faith in 1622 triggered a barrage of internal opposition and upheaval, which culminated in rebellion against the throne and the expulsion of the Jesuits within ten years. Like the Society’s other missions, the Ethiopian branch accumulated a wide range of views and information on the Ethiopian populace. The ecclesiastics then digested, analyzed, and wrote about their findings in the hopes of improving their knowledge and outreach. In so doing, they left behind an abundance of documentation that far transcends the religious arena. More specifically, these texts offer insight on the kingdom’s history, culture, and traditions as well as Ethiopian written and oral sources. For decades, Girma Beshah’s and Merid Wolde Aregay’s studious monograph, which came out in 1964,1 was the definitive work on the Jesuit mission in Ethiopia and the kingdom’s complex relations with Portugal. By the turn of the century, Herve Pennec had published a string of groundbreaking works on this topic,2 including his study, Des jésuites au royaume du Prêtre Jean. The start of the new millennium yielded Leonardo Cohen’s The Missionary Strategies of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, and other works on this particular subject.3 In parallel, numerous articles grappled with other topics that pertain to this chapter in Ethiopian history such as gender issues and theological debates.

1 Girma Beshah and Merid Wolde Aregay, The Question of the Union of the Churches in Luso-Ethiopian Relations (1500-1632). Lisbon: Junta de Investigações do Ultramar and Centro de Estudios Históricos Ultramarinos, 1964.

2 Most notably, “La mission Jésuite en Éthiopie au temps de Pedro Paez (1583–1622) et ses rapports avec le pouvoir éthiopien,” Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 36, 37, 38 (1992– 1994): 77–115; 135–165; and 139–181, respectively.

3 For an extensive bibliography of research on the Jesuit mission in Ethiopia as of 2006, see Cohen and Martínez d’Alòs-Moner, “The Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (16th–17th Centuries): An Analytical Bibliography,” Aethiopica 9 (2006): 190–212. Book Reviews 229

Andreu Martínez d’Alòs-Moner’s Envoys of a Human God is the latest installment in this worthy enterprise. The book reflects its author’s command of the wide range of sources – both Jesuit and Ethiopian – on the period in question. This expertise is bolstered by original and coherent research. By virtue of his ongoing dialogue with contemporary scholars, Martínez d’Alòs-Moner has deftly summarized the recent contributions to this field. Correspondingly, the book sheds light on topics that have hitherto escaped notice. In this respect, Martínez d’Alòs-Moner has hoisted the literature on early-modern Ethiopia up a few notches, especially in all that concerns the Jesuits. For instance, a considerable portion of Envoys of a Human God is dedicated to the Ethiopian mission’s relations with Portuguese India. Owing to the close ties between the Society’s representatives in Africa and India, the outposts in Goa and Diu became wellsprings of revenue and inspiration for the Ethiopian contingent. This broader regional survey paves the way for the subsequent chapters on political and cultural developments in the kingdom. Whereas previous works on this topic end with the Society of Jesus’ banishment from Ethiopia in 1633, Martínez d’Alòs-Moner offers a pioneering and lucidly written chapter on the exile of the missionaries. Notwithstanding the rupture caused by this turn of events in the Jesuit and Ethiopian consciousness, the Society vigorously sought to resume its conversionary activities in the kingdom. Moreover, it is evident that Catholics braved appreciable hardships and continued to reside in the kingdom for several more decades. Martinez d’Alòs-Moner’s concise introduction to this community – a topic that scholars had heretofore only touched upon – promises to generate further research on this episode. At any rate, the polemics that were waged between Catholic and Orthodox Christians in Ethiopia throughout this period left their mark on the country’s theological discourse and launched new trends in religious thought. Another commendable feature of this book is its five in-depth appendices, which enhance the reader’s general knowledge of developments in the Ethiopian, Portuguese, and Jesuit spheres during the sixteenth- and seventeenth centuries: Appendix 1. Leading Political Figures in the Red Sea, India and Europe, ca. 1600–1635; Appendix 2. National and Provincial Rulers in Christian Ethiopia, 1603–1636; Appendix 3. Jesuit Missionaries in Ethiopia, 1555–1632; 4. Intellectual Production during the Mission, 1611–1632; Appendix 5. Genealogical Chart of the Extended Ethiopian Royal Family (c.1550–1640). 230 Book Reviews

These tools open a window onto the Ethiopian–Jesuit saga’s main protagonists, their political connections, and intellectual interests as well as other notable figures in the region and beyond. Envoys of a Human God is a welcome addition to the literature on Ethiopia and the Society of Jesus. Martínez d’Alòs-Moner takes stock of the most important works on this topic and skillfully assays the events leading up to the expulsion and its immediate aftermath. Fittingly, the last chapter, “Exile and Memory,” raises new questions and lines of research that have been prompted by this compelling monograph.

University of Haifa Leonardo Cohen

Matteo Ricci S.J. Il castello della memoria. La mnemotecnica occidentale e la sua applicazione allo studio dei caratteri cinesi. A cura di Chiara Piccinini. Prefazione di Alessandra C. Lavagnino. Milano: Guerini e Associati, 2016. 168 pp. € 16,50. ISBN 978-88-6250-629-8.

L’idea di “Castello della memoria” suggerita dal titolo di questo volume di Chiara Piccinini rimanda immediatamente alla topica immaginifica di Matteo Ricci contenuta nel thesaurus eloquentiae ridotto a quella disposizione planimetrica che da Jonathan Spence è stata assimilata a un “Palazzo della memoria”. Tale interpretazione localistica era stata diffusa dal manuale di retorica composto da Cipriano Soares, e studiato nei Collegi della Compagnia di Gesù, dal quale i discenti erano invitati a collocare le rappresentazioni mentali negli spazi di ampi edifici o di cattedrali (“De arte rhetorica”, 1562, pp. 58–59). Questa iniziativa editoriale curata dalla Piccinini viene ad affiancarsi alla pregevole edizione di Michael Lackner il quale curò, nel 1986, la traduzione e il commento dell’opera ricciana basandosi sulla copia in possesso della “Bibliothèque nationale” di Parigi. Il “Trattato della memoria locale”, come Ricci riferisce nella sua “Entrata” (iii, xiii), o Jifa “La mnemotecnica”, come figura nel titolo corrente ai margini dei manoscritti, o “La mnemotecnica occidentale” (Xiguo jifa), come è invalsa la denominazione nella prassi, è la composizione ultimata da Ricci a Nanchang nella prima metà del 1596, per essere d’ausilio all’educazione del «figliuolo» del viceré Lu Wan’gai (lettera al p. Claudio Acquaviva, Nanchang 13 ottobre 1596; risultano «tre figliuoli» nella lettera al p.Lelio Passionei, Nanchang, 9 settembre 1597 e «figliuoli» nella “Entrata”). Seconda opera redatta in cinese da Ricci, poco dopo aver Book Reviews 231 completato il “Trattato sull’amicizia” (Jiaoyou lun), del 1595, essa risulta essere il risultato dell’accomodamento all’«altro mondo» della Cina del costante impegno del Padre nell’ambito della tecnica della memoria. Già applicatosi negli anni romani a stilare «un libretto» per il confratello Lelio Passionei (lettera al p. Lelio Passionei, Nanchang, 9 settembre 1597), Ricci si rende conto di quanto importante possa essere la propedeutica strumentale dell’arte memorativa nel quadro della strategia inculturativa attuata in Cina, tant’è che nel 1595, dopo aver stupefatto «un convito de huomini letterati» mostrando loro la sua prodigiosa capacità mnemonica, e dopo aver dichiarato ai «molti studiosi» che «di questa memoria avevo un’arte che la insegneria», si trovò a cominciare a «insegnare la memoria locale» (lettera al p. Claudio Acquaviva, Nanchang, 4 novembre 1595). La dottrina ricevuta dagli Antichi è rivisitata da Ricci sottoponendola alla simbologia derivata dalle esigenze di spettacolarità avanzata nell’“Idea del theatro” di Giulio Camillo, allo stimolo retorico- pedagogico degli “Exercitia spiritualia” di s. Ignazio di Loyola, alla prassi pastorale descritta nel “Trattato della memoria locale” di Francesco Panigarola (anastatica del ms originale, in possesso della Biblioteca comunale “Mozzi–Borgetti” di Macerata, stampata in Lackner 1986, pp. 97–107). Il “Trattato sull’amicizia” aveva già fatto attribuire a Ricci eai Confratelli «credito di lettere, di ingegno e di virtude» (lettera al p. Girolamo Costa, Nanchino, 14 agosto 1599). La concordia che i saggi dell’Occidente mostrano di condividere con i sapienti dell’Oriente sul cammino della perfezione apre alla scelta delle varie strategie sperimentate da Matteo Ricci. Il fine è di tessere la rete di legami interpersonali e sociali (guanxi) che risultino essere in grado di accreditare i Padri presso i letterati cinesi, per convincerli circa l’utilità del messaggio scientifico trasmesso e, per “logica consequenzialità”, sulla bontà della Rivelazione cristiana. Prima, dunque, di pervenire ai domini dell’illustrazione della geometria euclidea e della rappresentazione cartografica del mondo, Ricci dona e diffonde il libretto sulla mnemotecnica, a sostegno dei meccanismi d’acquisizione dei testi e della concentrazione psico-fisica dell’autorealizzazione: le espressioni ricorrenti nel trattato ricciano mò, sī sono riprese dalla terminologia della meditazione. Il testo avrebbe dovuto contribuire a migliorare le capacità della riflessione e della recezione, rivolte a finalità civili e gnoseologiche, graduate sui parametri di consapevolezza visiva sulla presenza o sulla mancanza del pensiero pensato. I vantaggi che ne sarebbero derivati ai fruitori 232 Book Reviews cinesi, nella gestione della memorizzazione dei classici confuciani così come nella prassi della meditazione, li avrebbero sospinti – così ipotizzava Ricci – a indagare sui principi aristotelico-tomistici sottesi all’impianto disposto per l’adattamento della mnemotecnica. Secondo la prassi usuale della cultura rinascimentale, i Gesuiti attingono alla ars memorativa come a uno strumentario d’immagini d’intelligenza atto a favorire per analogia la relazione con la coscienza. È noto che la strutturazione di questo trattato sulla tesaurizzazione e sulla reminiscenza fu considerata dai destinatari cinesi ingombra da una macchinosa articolazione di concatenazioni collegate da nessi topici non di rado ambigui e arbitrari. Dopo il positivo esito iniziale dovuto alla novità dell’opera proposta dal Maestro del grande Occidente (Xitai), distintosi per la prodigiosa memoria, non tardò, infatti, a manifestarsi l’insoddisfazione riguardo al progetto, in quanto si sarebbe esso stesso risolto in un sovraccarico di memoria (cf l’Autrice, pp. 17–18 e Lackner 1986, pp. 8, 11–18 e non p. 13 come erroneamente indicato dall’Autrice a p. 17 no 6). Di tale obiezione ha consapevolezza lo stesso Ricci, il quale non manca di riportare la frase del viceré di Nanchang: «bisogna aver molto buona memoria per servirsi di essi [precetti]» (lettera al p. Claudio Acquaviva, Nanchang, 13 ottobre 1596). Nel frattempo in Europa – ma di questo Ricci non poteva oramai esserne più a conoscenza – la mnemotecnica rinascimentale, nell’impossibilità di gestire nella fluidità della inventio-memoria la massa enciclopedica di dati prodottasi con il progresso delle scienze, stava abbandonando lo studio delle reti di luoghi (che erano argumentorum sedes per Cicerone), per avviarsi alla ricerca di complesse indicizzazioni tassonomiche e computazionali. La conclusione di questa operazione tentata da Ricci fu che il libro sulla memoria, pur «dipoi divulgato per molte parti della Cina» (“Entrata” iii, xiii), sarebbe presto caduto nell’oblio: das vergessene Gedächtnis recita per l’appunto il titolo del lavoro di Lackner, ovvero, “La memoria dimenticata”. L’originale manoscritto di Ricci de “La mnemotecnica occidentale” passerà al p. Alfonso Vagnone / Gao Yizhi, il quale vi avrebbe apportato modifiche con lo scopo di renderlo più comprensibile, e sarà rivisto stilisticamente per la pubblicazione xilografica, avvenuta non prima del 1625, dal prefatore Zhu Dinghan (Chan 2002, pp. 287–88; Standaert 2001, pp. 605–06; Lackner 1968, pp. 2–4). Per quanto sia seducente, non mi sembra accettabile supporre che il testo sia stato impiegato dai membri della Compagnia per aiutarsi nell’apprendimento dei caratteri del cinese. Una funzione, Book Reviews 233 per così dire, bivalente del trattato ricciano si scontra con difficoltà intrinseche al testo – concepito a Roma prima dell’attività missionaria e adattato alla cultura fono-grafologica cinese – e a esso esterne – dato che l’universalismo dei principi del linguaggio e la catalogazione enciclopedica del mondo sono indirizzi appartenente al Rinascimento seicentesco, tanto prossimi ad Athanasius Kircher quanto alieni a Matteo Ricci (come è per altro ben consapevole l’Autrice, cfpp. 17–8). Nell’alveo di tale ipotesi (la cui formulazione attribuita anche a Lackner, 1986 pp. 4–5, non vi risulta invero presente), l’Autrice scorge nel cambio d’obiettivo un compenso al «parziale insuccesso del trattato come strumento didattico presso i cinesi» (citato dap. 22 – mi permetto anche di segnalare il refuso nella no. 17, dove il rimando alle “Fonti ricciane” del D’Elia va riferito al vol. I e non al II). Va ancora considerato che Ricci rivelerà una maturazione degli aspetti riflessivi sulla lingua cinese verso modalità pedagogiche a partire dalla collaborazione con il p. Lazzaro Cattaneo (cf infatti in proposito l’Autrice a p. 48). Al di là della minima incidenza di questa eventuale possibilità sul discorso globale, l’Autrice riesce a individuare originali prospettive interpretative in chiave glottodidattica, ricavandole dalla dinamica sottostante al metodo descritto da Ricci. L’excursus dedicato, che offre un test effettuato su apprendenti italiani, redatto sulla base di recenti teorie sull’insegnamento della scrittura del cinese, era mirato alla verifica della memorizzazione di dodici caratteri avvenuta sia seguendo la procedura della scomposizione ideofonetica sia elaborando narrazioni suggerite dal richiamo alle componenti di ciascun carattere e, quando possibile, aiutate da un’associazione etimologica. La somministrazione delle due serie a due distinti gruppi di tredici soggetti porta a sottolineare che essi hanno evidenziato la preferenza ad attivare spontaneamente storie personalizzate, mostrando che Ricci aveva centrato l’obiettivo nell’adottare l’artificio della successione delle immagini, giacché questa organizzazione risulta rispondente ai meccanismi dell’elaborazione neuronale (cf alle pp. 57–69). La trasposizione in una sequela di rappresentazioni della sequenza lineare dei tratti compositivi dei caratteri d’un testo è il metodo indicato da Ricci per la memorizzazione di ciò che di reale, d’immaginario, di simbolico vi è espresso. Accanto ai riferimenti alla cultura classica, Ricci prende a modello gli schemi offerti dalla lessicografia cinese e suddivide i caratteri in sei tipi e, manipolando il loro aspetto grafico e fonico, e impiegando, se necessario, la segmentazione del carattere fănqiè ( – nella riuscita traduzione di Lackner 1986 reso «Buchstabier-Methode», cf p. 9), costruisce lo svolgimento lineare 234 Book Reviews delle rappresentazioni. Il rapporto fra figura, concetto, referente rende i caratteri cinesi quanto mai appropriati all’impiego della combinazione con il luogo assegnato nella processualità mentale. I contenuti dei sei capitoletti de “La mnemotecnica occidentale” sono riassunti con chiarezza dall’Autrice (cf pp. 71–80), prima di offrirne la traduzione posta a fronte dell’originale (pp. 83–141). Pur nella considerazione che la situazione in Cina non si è sviluppata sulla falsariga della missione giapponese, nella quale ebbe persino modo d’affermarsi la variante di kirishitango ‘lingua cristiana’, dotata d’una scrittura traslitterataromaji ( ) e d’un lessico specialistico (il cui riformatore fu il p. Baltazar Gago – cf. Poli 2006, pp. 266–70), nell’insieme degli interventi sulla lingua adottate in Cina risulta documentata l’attenzione per il lessico. Compresa la delicatezza del ruolo svolto nell’inculturazione dalla opportuna e calibrata formazione neologica come trasmissione dei saperi tecnico-settoriali (negli ambiti della scienza, della filosofia e della religione), Ricci si serve d’una tecnica di trasposizione che: – riproduce la fonetica della parola occidentale utilizzando caratteri cinesi che la richiamano nella lettura (‘sacerdote’ èreso fonologicamente sāzéérduódé per mezzo dei cinque caratteri corrispondenti a ); – riproduce il termine occidentale con materiale lessicale cinese sottoponendolo a calco semantico o strutturale (Tiānzhŭ ‘Signore del cielo’ viene a indicare ‘Dio’; jìfă ‘mnemotecnica’ con la saldatura in una nuova unità significativa dei due elementi jì ‘memoria’ e fă ‘tecnica’); – crea un neologismo (shénfù per significare ‘prete’). Di un’attività da «glottopoieta» svolta da Ricci parla, molto opportunamente, l’Autrice (cf pp. 51–55). L’apparato delle note al testo apposto dall’Autrice (cf pp. 142–50) racchiude in un utile compendio chiarimenti su termini tecnici cinesi, citazioni, exempla, rimanda alle fonti classiche e a quelle rinascimentali nonché ai classici del pensiero cinese, valuta il linguaggio tecnico della retorica e della filosofia, confronta le tassonomie attivate nei due mondi. L’Autrice assicura in tal modo l’orientamento nella lettura del testo cinese e una più profonda comprensione della versione in italiano. Invitano a ulteriore riflessione le considerazioni rivolte ai neologismi, ai calchi e agli accorgimenti lessicali con cui Ricci ha reso le particolarità concettuali. L’intera analisi permette d’intravedere l’apertura a singole prospettive di studio come, ad esempio, sulle argomentazioni riguardo alla divisione dell’anima suggerite da Ricci anche in relazione al tema della cogitatio, oppure sul tema Book Reviews 235 della imago agens rispetto all’epistemologia visualista collegata al neoplatonismo e alla teoria dell’imitazione. Va, in conclusione, anche sottolineata l’ottima scelta bibliografica degli studi critici che accompagna l’elenco delle fonti e delle edizioni critiche (cf pp. 151–64).

Università degli Studi di Macerata Diego Poli

Iván Lucero. La cartografia jesuita de la Provincia de Quito (S. XVII- XVIII). Quito: Imprenta Mariscal, 2015. 176 pp. ISBN 9789942208439.

La Compagnia di Gesù per evangelizzare gli uomini, propagare la fede e nel contempo difendere la dottrina cristiana si avvalse degli strumenti del mondo ovvero della scienza e del suo linguaggio. I segni cartografici diventano il codice privilegiato insieme alle relazioni per comunicare tra il centro ovvero la casa generalizia di Roma e le periferie del mondo al fine di gestire al meglio da un punto di vista amministrativo l’organizzazione della Compagnia che sin dalla sua fondazione sentì il bisogno di travalicare i limites conosciuti e ormai forse troppo angusti per nuove terre e nuovi popoli. Le relazioni e i rapporti annuali insieme alla carte geografiche inviati al padre generale a Roma dai gesuiti dispersi nei territori europei protestanti e nei paesi da poco scoperti sono delle testimonianze molto interessanti dove, da una parte, si può ricostruire l’organizzazione dello spazio conquistato e ricomporre le trame della gestione della Compagnia tra centro di potere e periferie, dall’altra parte, si possono leggere una serie di fatti culturali che riportano, tra le altre cose, nozioni geografiche, geopolitiche e astronomiche. La cartografia prodotta dai gesuiti nella provincia di Quito tra il XVII e XVIII secolo, e attentamente ricostruita con l’ausilio di fonti antiquarie dal gesuita Lucero, documenta e conferma il ruolo e la funzione che i segni cartografici hanno avuto per la Compagnia di Gesù ovvero di comunicare la scoperta di un territorio peregrino come quello del rio delle Amazzoni e della missione di Maynas, informare sulle sue potenzialità e ricchezze nonché circoscriverne gli spazi per legittimare l’appropriazione di un territorio conteso tra spagnoli e portoghesi. Di questa querelle l’autore, nel primo capitolo, ricostruisce le dinamiche geopolitiche a partire dal Trattato di Tordesillas che 236 Book Reviews fissava il confine delle zone da colonizzare: i territori adovest del meridiano di Tordesillas sarebbero appartenuti alla Spagna mentre quelli ad est al Portogallo. Il planisfero di Cantino del 1502, riprodotto a colori nel volume (pp. 22–23), dà testimonianza della maglia cartografica con il meridiano di riferimento del duopolio. Gli spagnoli controllano attentamente il territorio amazzonico dalle varie incursioni soprattutto dei portoghesi. Un esempio è dato dal viaggio nel XVII secolo dell’esploratore portoghese Pedro de Texeira nella provincia di Quito, ricostruito attentamente dall’autore anche grazie ad una documentazione archivistica sapientemente consultata. Ad accompagnare Pedro de Texeira nel suo viaggio nel bacino amazzonico c’erano i gesuiti Andrés de Artieda e Cristóbal de Acuña. La loro presenza strategica non solo garantì alla corona spagnola le informazioni relative agli «intereses portugueses en el Amazonas» (p. 43), dimostrandosi acuti ambasciatori, ma divenne anche l’occasione, come testimoniato nell’opera Relación y Memorial del padre Acuña, per riflettere sui vantaggi geostrategici che la corona spagnola avrebbe avuto dal controllo della navigazione del rio delle Amazzoni. Nella seconda metà del XVII secolo le mire espansionistiche dei portoghesi verso l’Amazzonia persistettero ben consapevoli delle potenzialità che il bacino avrebbe potuto offrire. Le diverse relazioni prodotte in quegli anni (Ignacio Rego Barreto scrive di nativi rivestiti d’oro, mentre Felipe de Mattos racconta della mitica Aldea de Ouro e Mauricio de Heriarte descrive dettagliatamente gli Stati di Marañón, Pará, Curupá e del Rio delle Amazzoni) incrementarono il desiderio di conquistare e colonizzare il bacino amazzonico. A proteggerne i confini furono i gesuiti di Maynas e quelli della provincia di Bohemia che cercarono di sopperire alla manifesta debolezza del potere civile spagnolo. Nel secondo capitolo (pp. 46–99), invece, l’autore ricostruisce il ruolo dei gesuiti di Quito versus le mire espansionistiche portoghesi. In particolare vengono analizzate le opere cartografiche dei padri Enrique Richter e Samuel Fritz – di alcune carte vengono riportate le utili indicazioni delle misure e sono trascritti i cartigli – che permisero di visualizzare in modo lenticolare ai padri superiori e alla corona spagnola la realtà geografica, corografica, idrografica, antropica del Rio delle Amazzoni. La cartografia di Quito ad opera dei gesuiti fu sicuramente, come scrive l’autore, un utile strumento per la «defensa de los territorios de la cuenca amazónica» ma anche di «denuncia e información» sebbene questi preziosi documenti non furono considerati attentamente dalla distratta e poco lungimirante Book Reviews 237 corona spagnola. Con la morte di Fritz la cartografia della provincia di Quito trovò nel padre Pablo Maroni un erede, la cui produzione cartografica però è andata perduta, ma non le sue conoscenze e competenze che vennero accolte e utilizzate dai cartografi gesuiti epigoni. Il capitolo terzo dà conto della storia cartografica post-Fritz narrando delle relazioni e della produzione cartografica di Juan Magnin e di Carlos Brentano. Nel 1767 Carlo III firma il decreto di espulsione dei gesuiti dai domini della corona spagnola. La produzione cartografica della provincia di Quito continua in questo periodo con l’opera di Francisco Javier Veigl, che alla volta dell’Europa prosegue il suo lavoro di cartografo della missione di Maynas. La cartografia compilativa di Juan Domingo Coleti – realizzata in biblioteca e in archivio – e quella storica e politica di Juan de Velasco, segnano la fine della produzione cartografica dell’antica Provincia di Quito attentamente e rigorosamente raccontata nel quarto capitolo dall’autore di questo volume che ha saputo restituire in modo organico e completo il valore non solo iconografico ma anche iconologico, per dirla con Panofsky, dei “di-segni cartografici”.

Università degli Studi di Cassino Pierluigi De Felice

Michael Lombardo. Founding Father: John J. Wynne, S.J. and the Inculturation of American Catholicism in the Progressive Era. Leiden- Boston: Brill, 2017. 345 pp. €136.00 $157.00. ISBN 9789004301146.

Michael Lombardo offers Founding Father: John J. Wynne, S.J. and the Inculturation of American Catholicism in the Progressive Era (Brill: 2017) as an exploration of the significance of a forgotten figure in the history of US Catholicism. The introduction, six chapters, and conclusion of this book rely on the concept of inculturation, as developed by Jesuit theologian Peter Schineller for the ecclesiological discipline of missiology in A Handbook on Enculturation (1990), to explain the life and work of Jesuit Father John J. Wynne (1859–1948). Lombardo contends that Wynne demonstrates the interplay of political, social, intellectual, and religious conditions that made the Catholic Church an increasingly important force in the USA as the nation became a highly industrialized and urbanized world power. An eighteen page introduction argues that Wynne’s reputation during his lifetime, his work as editor of the Catholic Encyclopedia and America magazine, and his service as vice-postulator for the 238 Book Reviews canonizations of the North American Martyrs and Kateri Tekakwitha, make him a figure deserving scholarly attention. In these pages Lombardo introduces the concept of theological inculturation as a way to understand Wynne in the context of his own period and as a tool for overcoming the concerns of the author’s own times that constantly undermine historians’ objectivity. The first chapter introduces what Lombardo calls the Progressive Era’s underlying preoccupations: (1) history as an objective science, rooted in facts, which uses the methods and conclusions of other scientific disciplines; (2) the state as an evolving organism that must reform itself and adapt to changing conditions through a process akin to Darwinian natural selection; (3) education as the means for assimilating millions of immigrants so they could be useful citizens of an industrialized and democratic nation; and (4) a pragmatic philosophy that favored empirically grounded facts about human experience and that scorned the search for metaphysical truth as a fruitless enterprise. Lombardo suggests that the intellectual origins of the USA we know today are located in the Progressive Era. The chapter entitled, “Negotiating US Identity: Progressive Era Catholicism and National Unity”, surveys the response of US Catholicism to the aforementioned preoccupations as it became the nation’s single largest religious denomination, “accommodating and adapting progressive ideas to a Catholic theological worldview while simultaneously critiquing progressivism for its weaknesses and presenting a rival version of social transformation rooted in neo-Scholastic theology.” (p. 48). In chapter three Lombardo provides information about Wynne’s life and varied interests. In addition to his previously mentioned work with Catholic Encylopedia, America, and the canonization causes, Wynne served at various times as a high school teacher and football coach, a university professor and librarian, and editor of numerous Catholic magazines. Wynne eventually received the name Ever Bright Eyes when he was made an honorary Iroquois chief in 1934. In forty-six pages Lombardo summarizes how Wynne engaged Progressives as an apologist, concentrating on the four previously identified preoccupations. Lombardo concludes that Wynne treated others irenically and respectfully. He used modernist methods while maintaining an anti-modernist intellectual perspective. Wynne relied heavily on papal teaching and neo-Scholastic theology and philosophy to critique the relativism of his times, giving special emphasis to the universal and transnational nature of Catholicism. Book Reviews 239

The fifth chapter, “TheCatholic Encyclopedia,” surveys the editorial perspectives and preoccupations of the editors of the massive project. Wynne, who was largely responsible for the details and organization of the production, identified several purposes. Most importantly, he saw the encyclopedia as a theological resource for educating English-speaking Catholics about their faith while also providing a means for correcting misrepresentations prevalent in Progressive Era media. Furthermore, the volumes provided a means for highlighting Catholic achievements in many disciplines as a way to emphasize the contributions that Catholicism had already made and in the future could make, including to the United States. In this chapter Lombardo addresses some concerns raised by a few critics at the time, who questioned the orthodoxy of some articles. Chapter six highlights Wynne’s contributions as the founding editor of America magazine, both during the years of initial planning as well as during the one year as editor before he was removed from office. Lombardo notes that the purposes for initiating the Jesuit periodical are nearly identical to the reasons for creating the Catholic Encyclopedia. He also notes the numerous ways in which Wynne’s positions and perspectives emerge from the spirituality of Ignatius of Loyola. In his conclusion Lombardo argues that historians of US Catholicism between 1890 and 1920 have concentrated almost exclusively on the internal concerns of “ghetto Catholicism,” have overlooked the emergence of a vibrant Catholic intellectual life in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and have allowed concerns and issues of their own times to determine their study of the past. He presents the theological concept of inculturation as an appropriate and desirable interpretive device for understanding John Wynne and many other dimensions of US Catholic history. The editor of the book might have suggested using New York Province catalogues and archives to resolve the date of Wynne’s ordination and to verify Wynne’s recollections about his curriculum vitae. Many footnotes could have been eliminated. Contrary to the statement on page 98, it would seem more likely that Archbishop McHale was guardian of Wynne’s mother. Michael Lombardo has done a great service by drawing attention to one of the many overlooked characters in the history of US Catholicism, one of the far too many unknown Catholics who made important contributions to the USA. As researchers locate Wynne’s correspondence in other archival collections, they will 240 Book Reviews undoubtedly situate him and his international connections in the framework suggested in John McGreevy’s American Jesuits and the World, showing how much the study of Catholicism can contribute to our understanding of the world’s globalized past and present.

Rome James Grummer SJ

Traditions of Eloquence. The Jesuits and the Modern Rhetorical Studies. Ed. Cynthia Gannett and John C. Brereton. New York: Fordham University Press, 2016. 464 pp. $125.00. ISBN 9780823264520.

The Jesuits and Globalization. Historical Legacies and Contemporary Challenges. Ed. Thomas Banchoff and José Casanova. Washinghton, DC: Georgetown Univerity Press, 312 pp. $98.95. ISBN 9781626162877.

Those familiar with American Jesuit schools may have witnessed a unique and somewhat curious phenomenon while visiting these institutions: A student walking backwards serving as a guide to prospective students and their parents. These guides describe the virtues of their respective institutions with all the fervor typical of a 20-year-old intent on convincing their audience of the greatness of their school. Within this discourse these guides will usually mention two characteristics of Jesuit education: the importance of a Liberal education and how this education promotes the means to act within a global society. Identities are crucial since they provide a grounding for the selection of an academic institution, and in a competitive market identities have received ever greater emphasis since they will be the basis on which a specific choice is made. There is no doubt that Jesuit education in the United States and Jesuit identity throughout the world is in the midst of a struggle, the struggle for uniqueness. As both an observer and a bystander to this struggle I have witnessed several phenomena that have created no little challenge to this identity and among these are a decreasing number of Jesuits, those particularly involved in institutions of higher learning in the United States, and the growing number of academic institutions that have presented themselves with similar values to Jesuit Institutions and similar means to attain these values. A comparable narrative exists in many Jesuit affiliated or directed institutions outside the United States as well. It is no surprise then, that two edited volumes have recently Book Reviews 241 appeared that address the issues of Globalism and Rhetoric, two fields of study which the Jesuits and those who participate in Jesuit ministries have identified as having a defining role in the very creation of these concepts, and in turn they understand their institutions to be shaped by these ideas. The request to review a collection of essays always serves up a challenge, and the breadth and subject matter included in both these works would require a lengthy discussion since every article (32 authors total) included in both volumes merits further conversation and critique. Let me begin with the assurance that both texts are worthy of careful reading for those persons who are concerned in tracking the elusive animal known as Jesuit identity, particularly how this identity has the possibility of playing out in Jesuit sponsored institutions. As a member of both a faculty of a Jesuit University (Gonzaga University, Spokane, Washington, USA) and a participant in various committees dealing with strategic planning and the core curriculum, the necessity for a solid grounding in both the history and definition of terms such as “globalism” and “rhetoric” has become clear to this reviewer. Because of the wide scope of these articles contained in both volumes on these subjects, my comments are of a more general nature and will be limited to a broad description of the project of these two books, why they can be understood as serving a common goal of attempting to articulate the nature and scope of Jesuit identity, and the identification of some areas of research and trajectories for future research and discussion. Both Traditions of Eloquence and The Jesuits and Globalization ground their topic in the earliest years if not the very beginnings of the Jesuit order. In this, our editors have taken the stance of our intrepid student guides mentioned above who look backwards while moving the tour group forward. And these edited volumes are very much like a tour book, beginning with the explanations of these sites, in this case the dual edifices constructed by the Jesuits known as Rhetoric and Globalism. Historical essays ground both works, providing reference points and historical identities for these terms that will receive modifications or enhancements as the centuries progress. Traditions divides the work into the standard division of pre-suppression (part 1) and post-suppression (part 2) history, noting how the practice of rhetoric has progressed from the Roman College to South American revolutionaries. Part 3 of this volume addresses current practices of Rhetoric in various classroom settings and the use of multiple and varied pedagogical 242 Book Reviews techniques to promote better speech and writing. The essays in this volume vary, not so much in quality but in direction, identifying or emphasizing one or the other of the fundamental idea of Rhetoric commonly understood as Eloquentia Perfecta. Various authors within this volume have taken as their starting point the idea of Eloquentia Perfecta, understood as combining the skills of oral and written communication for the greater good of self and then subsequently the betterment of others. In this matter, Cicero reigned as the patron “saint” of good style and exposition of the cardinal virtues, those attributes that made one a good man (bonus vir) in society who moved others and himself towards the common good by means of convincing speech and habitual actions (virtue). Here we see the dual nature of rhetoric, its emphasis on method and necessity that this method leads to practice. For Cicero, the common good saw its exercise in the city while the Jesuits saw this good as beginning in the human community, but, by embracing the theological virtues, moving humanity ever- towards the City of God. The Jesuits, however, were not intolerant of enhancing life in Rome, Milwaukee, or any other city and viewed as crucial the theological trajectory that maintained and advanced a virtuous involvement in the city of Man. These essays explore this balance and frequently identify how various times and places gave a preference either to the learning of Latin and Greek or to the emphasis on action. Many of the essays saw the past as the repository of “good Latin style” while more recent conditions place an emphasis on action within the human community. All essays either implicitly or directly identify the idea of synthesis, both in the union of thought and action, as well as the nature of a rhetorical education in which the disciplines themselves moved seamlessly from the study of the elements of logic to the logical exposition of theological truths. The final section of Traditions illustrates how successful institutions promote this effort. Perhaps the editors took a page from Ignatius’ recommendations on writing annual letters, in which the “less edifying” material was not to be included or under a different correspondence. The lack of success within some of our institutions towards promoting a well-ordered arrangement of the disciplines culminating in a theological perspective that leads to action was not given the same astute observation. A future area of research, taking its inspiration from the First Week of the Spiritual Exercises, may provide a study of some efforts in promoting the fullest understanding of Eloquentia Perfecta, that do not merit a repetitio. Book Reviews 243

The Jesuits and Globalization set for its contributors the task of examining the following questions: What does the experience of globalization tell us about the Jesuits and what does the experience of the Jesuits tell us about globalization? For those who, like myself, required some time to sort out this palindrome, I chose the easier path and simply took each subject and modified it with the other term. Here again this volume starts with a historical survey, with some excellent articles which identify the early efforts of the Society in its attempt to embrace that aspiration of its earliest and founding members to view the entire world as its home. The volume takes us on a tour of specific locations of Jesuit efforts beyond their European roots, specially noting success and failures in Asia and the New World. After Part I’s foray into the past and the establishment of the concept of globalism, Part II identifies how globalism continues to form the Jesuit mentalitie and serves as a desideratum for curriculum development and classroom focus. The book provides the grand tour of Jesuit works, beginning with the first efforts of the Jesuits in Asia and finishes with the order’s continued work in Asia by means of the Jesuit refugee service. The volume provides an interesting sampling of Jesuit efforts dealing with the nature of globalism, recalling a constant theme in Jesuit history: varied locations, varied methods, varied responses, varied success. The two edited volumes serve as an interesting pairing, since both deal with the subjects of rhetoric and globalism, subjects both volumes firmly root in Jesuit identity and which the Jesuits themselves developed and helped define, at least in the early- modern period. Here, both volumes provide important grist for conversation concerning identity and the expression of that identity within institutions which embrace a Jesuit world view. Both works illustrate the challenge presented to the fathers of Vatican II by Pope St John XXIII: the request to go back to original sources Ad Fontes or le mot préféré, ressourcement, and to bring these ideas up to current practice, embraced by the term aggiornamento. These volumes illustrate a constant challenge, making a value forged in the past useful in a modern context. Here again I am reminded of guides who look backwards while moving us forward, a task achieved by the editors of these volumes. Good books start conversations, they do not finalize them, since such a totalitarian vision is the antithesis of both good academics and negates the efforts of God’s Spirit constantly hovering over our bent world. Some future conversations could include a few 244 Book Reviews others areas. First, we should make sure that respect is paid to past authors who have blazed the trail in the areas of globalism and rhetoric. In the field of Jesuits and globalism we stand on the shoulders of giants and, at risk, only mention here Serafim Liete for his work on Portugal, Antoino Astrain’s monumental work on Spain, and Henri Fouqueray’s work on the French Assistancy. Likewise the work of Stanislaw Zaleski for Poland, Bernard Duhr for the Germany Assitancy, and of course, the redoubtable Pietro Tacchi Venturi and his research for the Italian Assistancy, who both described the global nature of the first Jesuits in his research and lived and promoted globalism by his involvement in advancing the international character of the Society. These now perhaps dated volumes do not demonstrate the sensitivity to contemporary questions, but they provided deep furrows in the field of research pertaining to globalism, opening up fertile areas of inquiry; they initiated the quality of scholarship that inspired countless scholars in the fields of what has become known as globalism and continue to serve as a models for research. All these works were part of the Monumenta series which were part of a project begun with the instigation of the Jesuit Historical Institute in Madrid in 1893, a city in the Iberian Peninsula which saw the beginnings of both the Jesuits and globalism. Perhaps a monograph or bibliographic essay demonstrating how scholarship in the field of globalism has roots well into the nineteenth century would be in order. Often even scholars fall victim to the presumptions that recent studies are manifestations of a new and unique growth, when in fact cutting edge monographs are more often flowers that bloom on a mature trunk. In mentioning past scholars, I was curious, especially in matters dealing with the study of Rhetoric advanced by the Jesuits, of a noticeable lack of mention of the work of George Ganss, particularly his seminal work, St. Ignatius’ Idea of a Jesuit University. This work prefigured the Second Vatican Council’s admonition of looking back to sources and finding ways to bring these sources forward in meaningful ways. In many ways Ganss was prophetic in his insistence that an accurate knowledge of the sources, particularly the formative Jesuit ones, were the surest way to implement those same sources in a meaningful way in the present. His scholarship certainly paved the way for what more recent scholars may now tread on as an easier path. Another possible future avenue of research could investigate the need for a contemporary integration and synthesis of Christian anthropology, ecclesiology, and the Jesuit efforts at spreading the Book Reviews 245

Word of God, both by word and deed – the goal of good rhetoric expressed within a world community by the means of Christian witness. There is no lack within Jesuit institutions, at least in the United States, of an emphasis on the importance of “diversity.” Has the strong Christo-centric language, once used by the Jesuits in their desire to go “even to the Indies,” softened a bit so that it does not fall harshly on secular ears or ears which hear a different religious message? Does the contemporary expression of Jesuit rhetoric within some interpretations of the Jesuit Educational paradigm place a lesser emphasis on what was once a primary goal and the human person’s ultimate good: Union with God through Christ? The Rhetoric used in seventeenth-century missionary reports echoed that of the pulpit, which in turn reflected the strong parameters of Catholic Reform theology. Is such a strong and decisive Christological vision and direction even possible in today’s society and, if so, how can it be expressed? The search for theological truth and ways in which this truth can be explained in such a way that it stirs hearts towards action continues to challenge all aspects of Jesuit apostolates, particularly those which place an emphasis on education. The continued search for identity, and perhaps the greater task, how that identity is expressed, stands as a constant point of conversation. As these volumes have skillfully demonstrated, there is room for all professions in this conversation; the historian, the expert in pedagogy, to say nothing of all the disciplines embraced by the trivium, quadrivium, philosophy and revealed theology. The discussion concerning Jesuit identity continues, and it does so with the assistance of two helpful books on the subjects of Rhetoric and Globalism.

Gonzaga University, Spokane (WA) Michael M. Maher SJ

ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXV, FASC. 170 2016/II

Articles

Christoph Sander, Early-Modern Magnetism: Uncovering New Textual Links between Leonardo Garzoni SJ (1543–1592), Paolo Sarpi OSM (1552–1623), Giambattista Della Porta (1535– 1615), and the Accademia dei Lincei 303

Elisa Frei, The Many Faces of Ignazio Maria Romeo SJ (1676– 1724?), Petitioner for the Indies: A Jesuit Seen through his Litterae Indipetae and the Epistulae Generalium 365

Wenceslao Soto Artuñedo SJ, El deseo de las Indias: las cartas indípetas de Alonso de Barzana SJ (1530–1598) 405

Bibliography (Paul Begheyn SJ) 445

Book Reviews

R.A. Maryks, Exploring Jesuit Distinctiveness (M.G. Genghini) 553

A. Forrestal - S.A. Smith, The Frontiers of Mission (R. Clines) 556

S-s. Li - T. Meynard, Jesuit Chreia in Late Ming China (G. Falato) 558

F. Fechner, Entscheidungsprozesse vor Ort (E. Schmid Heer) 561 R. Gaune Corradi, Escritura y salvación (E. Valenzuela Avaca) 566

C. Fluke, Die litterae annuae (M. Pillat SJ) 570

M. Miazek-Męczyńska, Indipetae Polonae (R. Danieluk SJ) 573

O.S. Damian, Antonio Possevino e la Transilvania (P. Oberholzer SJ) 578

P.M. Daly - G.R. Dimler, The Jesuit Emblem (R. De Marco) 580

E. Fontana Castelli, Marianna d’Asburgo Lorena (E. Rai) 584

L. Salviucci Insolera, San Camillo de Lellis (A. Petraccia) 588

D. Cosacchi - E. Martins, The Berrigan Letters(C. Staysniak) 592

J.T. McGreevy, American Jesuits and the World (C. Barr) 596

T. Bartók, Le père Louis Lallemant (S. Mostaccio) 599

Notes and News in Jesuit History 601 Book Reviews

Robert Aleksander Maryks (ed.), Exploring Jesuit Distinctiveness: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Ways of Proceeding within the Society of Jesus, Leiden/Boston, Brill, 2016, pp. 326, ISBN 9789004313347

This brief review considers the theme of Jesuit distinctiveness explored recently in a number of related forums: the “First International Symposium on Jesuit Studies”, held at Boston College in June 2015 – from which some papers were published as articles in the Journal of Jesuit Studies and others as the present collection of essays. In this collection of essays, edited by Robert Maryks, we find that the most distinctive feature of the Society of Jesus seems to be its extraordinary capacity to mediate between tradition and innovation. The Symposium on which these essays were based provided the opportunity, furthermore, to identify some of the essential elements that made the Jesuits the most prominent order of the Catholic Church during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The participants were asked to reflect on how the Society “changed and adapted itself to different times and situations, and what remained constant, transcending time and place, infusing the apostolic works and lives of Jesuits with the charism at the source of the Society of Jesus’s foundation and development.” (Maryks, 1) This in turn became the point of reference for the collection of essays under discussion here. The ratio underpinning the choice of papers compiled in this collection is found in the notions of Jesuit quidditas set forth by the three keynote lectures delivered at the symposium and subsequently published in volume 3.1 of the Journal of Jesuit Studies. John W. O’Malley’s contribution (“The Distinctiveness of the Society of Jesus,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 3, no.1, (2016): 1–16) stressed the influence of the historical context of the sixteenth century – the Age of Exploration and the Renaissance, among others – in shaping the distinct identity of the Society, whose members were not monks and had the world as their house, as Jerónimo Nadal famously claimed. Accordingly, the first most evident feature of Jesuit distinctiveness is represented by the universal character of the Society’s ministry, which resulted in the formation of a centralized network of missions where the specifically Jesuit adaptation and accommodation policies prompted its members in some contexts to enter into dialogue with indigenous people and local cultures, with 554 Book Reviews varying degrees of success. In Exploring Jesuit Distinctiveness, this theme surfaced fruitfully in Andrew Redden’s chapter on the martyrdom of Diego de Alfaro in Paraguay, who fought Portuguese slave raiders alongside his Guaraní faithful; it was also addressed in the analysis of José de Acosta’s treatise on Amerindians by Bryan Green; by Linda Zampol D’Ortia’s piece on the dress policies of the Jesuits in Japan; and by Daniele Filippi’s chapter on the Society’s dissemination of devotional music throughout Europe. In the second keynote lecture, Paul F. Grendler (“The Culture of the Jesuit Teacher, 1548-1773,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 3, no. 1 (2016): 17-41) reflected on the cultural ferments of the sixteenth century, elaborating on how the Renaissance ideal of civic humanism led Jesuit teachers to offer curricula that were characterised by their use of texts from a combination of the sacred and profane traditions. Thus, the second prominent feature of the early Society is identified with the conscious exposure of Jesuit teachers to secular culture. In corroboration with Grendler’s point, a number of essays explore the formation of Jesuit educational culture and the ways in which it was fostered. Cristiano Casalini analyses the psychological insights that governed the discernment of Jesuit superiors with regards to the examination of talents for each ministry. The chapter by Jeffrey Burson expands on the Jesuit encounters with scientific methods during the French Enlightenment, while the study of Malta Romeiras and Henrique Leitão shows the contribution of Portuguese Jesuits to the history of science through the publication of the journal, Brotéria, the first Jesuit periodical devoted exclusively to science. The final keynote presentation delivered by Yasmin Haskell at the Boston College Symposium (“Suppressed Emotions: The Heroic Tristia of Portuguese (ex-) Jesuit, Emmanuel de Azevedo,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 3, no.1 (2016), 42-60) addressed the proliferation of Jesuit literature that was inspired by the best examples of the classical world and by them intrinsically shaped. The first three essays in Exploring Jesuit Distinctiveness further elaborated this feature introduced by Haskell, through their exploration of the Jesuit literary contribution during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Paul Gwynne’s chapter on Francesco Benci’s Neo-Latin epic, Claudia Schindler’s piece on Nicolò Giannettasio’s Neo-Latin didactic poetry, and Jolanta Rzegocka’s essay on Polish school plays, effectively demonstrate one of the most intriguing and distinct Jesuit characteristics: their literary creativity and intellectual strength. The Jesuits did not simply teach studia humanitatis to their Book Reviews 555 pupils: as archival evidence and myriad publications show, the Jesuits engaged themselves in the production of copious literature inspired by the best examples of classical and contemporary models. This productive force made the Jesuits one of the most powerful vessels for intercultural dialogue in the Early Modern period. The collection of essays that draws on several of the papers delivered at the 2015 Symposium (some of which also were published in the Journal of Jesuit Studies, as outlined here), accomplishes its stated purpose by offering a wide variety of perspectives on how distinctive, and hence worthy of study, the Jesuits have proved themselves to be. It does so by identifying three areas that most vividly portray the uniqueness of the Society’s “ways of proceeding”: the universal scope of its “acculturation” policies, its rigorous teaching methods inspired by classical and Christian models, and its productive literary power. The growing interest in Jesuit studies shows the potential that this particular subject of history may have in expanding our knowledge of the Early Modern period. Subjects such as establishing a broader understanding of the cultural and religious interactions between European Jesuits and indigenous peoples, point to the wealth that the Society’s historical patrimony may lend to this kind of analysis. Most Jesuit studies so far have focused on the historical, social, and economic impacts of Jesuit missions in overseas territories. Yet, few studies have delved into the intellectual and literary traditions that informed Jesuit life around the globe. What role did Jesuit European educational training play in overseas contexts? Was the Jesuit process of acculturation a concealed way to impose European categories upon indigenous communities, or can we attest to attempts that aimed at preserving pre-existing features as well as fostering social change? The papers of the collection under consideration here begin to answer these questions. The availability of copious archival material on the history of the Society suggests that many further studies yet may be undertaken to explore aspects of the Jesuit contribution to the intellectual and cultural life of the Early Modern Period that thus far have not been recovered from scholarly obscurity . Through new studies we may discover still further how this Jesuit distinctiveness – explored so effectively in this volume, at the symposium on which it was based, and through the keynotes published in the Journal of Jesuit Studies – interacted with, and adapted to, the world around it.

University of Notre Dame Maria Giulia Genghini 556 Book Reviews

Alison Forrestal and Seán Alexander Smith (eds), The Frontiers of Mission: Perspectives on Early Modern Missionary Catholicism, Leiden, Brill, 2016, xi+202 p., € 110,00/$ 132.00, ISBN 978-9004-32516-6

In the larger historiography of early modern Catholic missionary activity, much has been written on particular orders (the Jesuits perhaps above all), specific regions, and evangelisation as an extension of statecraft. Some pioneering work has also illuminated the centrality of cross-cultural encounters and the various means by which those encounters shaped the future of Catholicism. Likewise, recent studies on women as both missionaries and converts have illuminated a long-neglected aspect of missionary activity. However, as my division of topics suggests, it remains that this historiography is less a coherent field of inquiry than it is a conglomeration of subfields that often are not in dialogue. In the name of remedying this historiographical fragmentation, The Frontiers of Mission is a collaborative effort to unite these conversations concerning various orders and missionary theatres – and early modern Catholicism more generally – that have rarely been in conversation with, yet have much to offer to, one another. Forrestal and Smith’s claim that we need «a further nuanced consideration of the meaning of “missionary Catholicism” and its evolving relationship with newly discovered cultures and political and ecclesiastical authorities in the “founding era” of missionary Catholicism» (12) is therefore a welcome one. The introductory essay lays the groundwork for this intervention, as it correctly claims that there has been so much innovative work as of late, but studies of Catholic missionary activity and its place in an increasingly interconnected world have hitherto not developed into a coherently conceptualised field of inquiry. There are three principal ways in which this book presents both a heterogeneous but still very much unified Catholicism grounded in its ultimate goal of spreading the faith, what the editors call early modern missionary Catholicism. First, we would be remiss to ignore the unprecedented scale of European expansion and its implications for Catholicism. Second, the complexities of empire and politics, rivalries within and between orders, changes stemming from contacts with non- Europeans, and the tensions between ideals and reality point to the editors’ larger claim that «the main shared characteristic of the early modern missionary cohort was in fact their heterogeneity and their variable responses to the unsettled certainties of the frontier zone» (21). Third, and most significantly, the book presents these «shifting power relationships between the inhabitants of frontier zones and Book Reviews 557 centres of control» (11) in an effort to disabuse us of the notion of the frontier as a liminal space, and to redefine it as a ubiquitous contact zone where orthodoxy was redefined. Therefore, the introductory essay sets up a series of essays that interrogate early modern missionary Catholicism not as a series of epiphenomena, but as a collective whole. Covering large swaths of geography (Italy, Paraguay, Canada, Madagascar, Chile, Greece, the Balkans, and the Holy Land), the seven essays and concluding reflection from Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, whose pioneering work on early modern Catholicism laid the groundwork for much of what the scholars in this collection investigate, illuminate the heterogeneity of early modern Catholic missions while not ignoring the common theme of the frontier as the place where global Catholicism was negotiated and rearticulated. While earlier missions were not without obstacles, each essay here explores a unique challenge that early modern missions faced in their effort to foster a global faith that confirmed the editors’ claim that the «scale and range of Catholicism’s evolution in this period were of a new order» (4). In turn, the essays, like the missions themselves, are as heterogeneous as they are in dialogue with one another. This is both one of the great strengths of the collection as well as one of the obstacles that the reader must tackle while unpacking the essays’ collective and individual complexities. Megan C. Armstrong’s essay on the Capuchin-Observant rivalry in the Holy Land and Tadhg Ó hAnnracháin’s essay on the Franciscan-Jesuit rivalry in Bosnia illuminate how intra-Catholic rivalries forced Rome to reconsider how localized mediations of evangelisation needed to be considered when organizing missions. Elsewhere, the intervention of secular powers in missions problematised the ultimate objective of evangelisation, such as the Papal-French rivalry that hung over the Lazarist mission to the Levant (Andrew P. McCormick). Likewise, Jesuits in Chile (Andrew Redden) and Lazarists in Madagascar (Seán Alexander Smith) faced tensions between the realities of evangelisation and European Catholic leaders’ expectations. Crucial as well were the ways in which indigenous populations fostered a global church that was «heavens apart from the ecclesiastical system that [the missionaries] had left behind» (21) because it was grounded in the collaborative effort of missionaries and their targets. Karin Vélez explores how one’s desire to cry (or not) became a marker of piety that was dictated not by the Jesuits, but by the Italians and Paraguayans to whom they ministered; likewise, the «sexual politics of empire» (43) allows Dominique Deslandres to explore how Ursulines in Canada 558 Book Reviews used traditional gender roles in order to evangelise and educate indigenous women, who in turn promoted loyalty (to France!) among the Iroquois. Lastly, Hsia’s closing reflection elucidates the myriad ways in which the frontier as a contact zone was a common feature of Catholic evangelising efforts. The book also provides a helpful backlist for readers not familiar with the wider scholarship on early modern Catholicism. On the whole, The Frontiers of Mission reconsiders early modern Catholic missionary activity beyond orders, places, and loci of power, by elucidating a fuller understanding of commonalities that thus far have not been sufficiently highlighted in the scholarship. The claim that «European conquest reorganized local populations, forcing capitalist modes of production onto indigenous societies and converting independent producers and traders into subjugated labourers» (3) puts the cart before the chronological horse (cf. Charles Parker’s work in this regard), and somewhat belies the editors’ claim that «the organizational minutiae and tactics of missionary activities is a stark reminder that the Catholic church’s “vineyard” was not an evenly managed pasture» (16). Likewise, some areas and orders that would have further proven the collection’s larger goals are conspicuously absent (e.g. East Asia, Protestant Europe; Dominicans, Barnabites). These minor caveats aside, The Frontiers of Mission, so this reviewer hopes, will compel scholars to continue to break down barriers between subfields and further nuance the conversation concerning early modern missionary Catholicism that this collection has stimulated.

The American Academy in Rome Robert John Clines

Sher-shiueh Li and Thierry Meynard, Jesuit Chreia in Late Ming China. Two Studies with an Annotated Translation of Alfonso Vagnone’s Illustrations of the Grand Dao, Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, Frankfurt am Main, New York, Oxford, Wien, Peter Lang, 2014. 373 p., 978-3034314398

Illustrations of the Grand Dao (Dadao Jiyan 達道記言) is a book on ethics composed by the Italian Jesuit Alfonso Vagnone (Chinese name Gao Yizhi 高一志) and the Chinese scholar-official Han Yun 韓雲, published in Jiangzhou (Shanxi) in 1636. It consists of a collection of 355 virtuous sayings and chreiai (moral anecdotes related to famous historical figures) that are classified on the basis of the “five cardinal human relationships (Wulun 五倫)”, thus creating an intercultural Book Reviews 559 dialogue between Western moral teachings and Confucianism (p. 131). Almost 400 years after this publication, in the spirit of East-West collaboration, the two scholars Li Sher-shiueh and Thierry Meynard joined forces to undertake a thorough study of the Illustrations of the Grand Dao, which resulted in the annotated translation and textual analysis included in the present volume (pp. 183-341), alongside two introductory essays: “Ming Jesuit chreia in Chinese: an analysis of its types and functions” (pp. 11–96), by Li Sher-shiueh and “Illustrations of the Grand Dao: a book on rhetoric and morality in late Ming China” (pp. 97-182), by Thierry Meynard. Li’s essay focuses on the origin of “chreia χρεια” as an edifying genre in European classical literature and how it was used by Jesuits in late Ming China through a philological analysis of Vagnone’s, and other missionaries’, works (the most recurrent being Diego de Pantoja’s Qike 七克, Seven capital sins and seven opposing virtues, 1614). Chreiai are classified according to their syntactic structure (p. 20, p. 23, p. 28) and presented in various cases of textual manipulation. The “expansion” of a specific chreia to compose a persuasive speech was a typical exercise that Jesuit students used to practice during their training in rhetoric. This explains why variations of the same chreia could appear in different works, as confirmed by the example of the anecdote about Xerses (p. 29). In Jesuit texts, the historical accuracy of chreiai was secondary to their rhetorical purpose, although in the authors’ intention they acted as “shiji 史記” or “historical records” (p. 44). The first section of Li’s essay (pp. 11-50) is based on his previous study, “History as Rhetoric: an analysis of Jesuit chreia in late Ming China”, published in 2005 (p. 354). As for the second section (pp. 50- 96), it firstly discusses thechriic adaptation of classical characters like Socrates, Diogenes and Alexander to meet Chinese moral standards (p. 52), and finally deals with the concept of the “usefulness” of chreiai, traditionally employed by both mnemonic and pedagogical means (p. 92). The essay concludes with an interesting analysis of the concept of history introduced by late Ming Jesuits, which appeared as a sequence of virtuous exampla: a “moral mirror” aimed at “warning the world, (jingshi 警世) on a large scale (p.92)”. A closer dissertation on the nature and composition of the book is provided in Meynard’s essay. Firstly, Illustrations of the Grand Dao is rightly indicated as a product of so-called “wisdom literature” (p. 109), which was used by Ricci and his confrères to introduce evangelical preparation under the guise of Western philosophical foundations in Chinese society. Vagnone’s text is then analysed from two perspectives: as a book on Western rhetoric (p. 98) and one on morality in late Ming China (p. 117). Finally, Meynard explains how it 560 Book Reviews fits into Vagnone’s educational programme of creating a curriculum that integrates elements from European classical and Renaissance moral philosophy with Confucian and Neo-Confucian precepts of self-cultivation (p. 131), aimed at revitalising the Shanxi community compact (p. 134). Meynard’s essay begins by illustrating a derivation of the concept “dadao 達道” from Chinese classics (p. 99), before tackling the crucial role rhetoric (and memory) played in Jesuit education and in the transmission of European values to late Ming China (p. 120). Because of their historical authority, chreiai were considered the most effective means to convey a moral teaching while creating an ideal connection with the Confucian tradition (p. 116). In this respect, the Illustrations of the Grand Dao appears as a hybrid work between a common book (a new literary product of the Renaissance) and a shanshu 善書, a Chinese moral book. (p. 104, p. 145). The composite nature of the text is due to the lack of a direct source that entirely reproduced the chreiai collected in the Illustrations of the Grand Dao (p. 151). From a philosophical viewpoint, the main source of inspiration for this work is Stoicism: such doctrine was particularly appreciated in Renaissance Europe as an antidote against political chaos (p. 117). When giving an account of the European “five cardinal human relationships”, Vagnone willingly emphasises the bond between ruler and official (158 entries, pp. 186-252), and the bond between friends (121 entries, pp. 289-341). The reasons for such classification are connected with the book’s two-fold nature: as a text to foster self- cultivation it was addressed to educated officials (of the Shanxi area) and introduced topics they were familiar with (p. 175), but it also served a political purpose – the indirect evangelisation and moral reform of the marginalised scholar gentry class in the xiangyue 鄉 約 (community compact), which was gaining local influence as a consequence of the decadence of the Ming central authority (pp. 134–36). The remaining three Confucian relationships are divided as follows: father-son relationship (21 entries, pp. 253–64), brothers relationship (31 entries, pp. 264–77) and husband-wife relationship (23 entries, pp. 278–89). Two charts complete the volume, which respectively classifies the chreiai according to their identified figures (pp. 342–43) and their literary sources (p. 344). A bibliography (pp. 345–68), along with an index of names (pp. 369–73), concludes the work. Notes to the translated text attempt, where possible, a reconstruction of the original source each chreia was adapted from, with Plutarch’s collection Moralia being the most quoted work (101 Book Reviews 561 items). Pliny’s Historia Naturalis also provided a substantial amount of anecdotes of animals, which were extensively used by medieval and Renaissance educational texts and also appear in different works by Vagnone (see, for instance, items 5 and 6 p. 256). Unfortunately, due to the very nature of chreiai, which were aptly modified for rhetorical purposes, the literary origin of a number of quotations cannot be identified (p.33). Li and Meynard’s textual analysis brilliantly unravels different linguistic, stylistic and cross-cultural elements that interact in Vagnone’s Illustrations of the Grand Dao: from direct or indirect biblical references, to the influence of Confucian and Neo-Confucian precepts and the identification of possible neologisms created by the author (such is the case of ‘Zhiyou 智友’ a possible loan translation of the term ‘philosopher’, p. 305). An interesting account is also given of a few omissions and manipulations of historical facts, which aimed to provide an entirely positive model of the European ethics system, while avoiding points of conflict with the Confucian tradition. For instance, military violence is completely censored from the personality of Alexander the Great and other Western rulers (p. 159), and so are all references to homosexuality and alcohol in Greco-Roman chreiai (p. 272). Despite receiving relatively little academic attention until recently, Alfonso Vagnone’s literary productions embody the complexity of the Sino-Western cultural exchange and definitely deserve further investigation. In this respect, the excellent contribution made by Li and Meynard’s study can be heralded as an encouragement for young academics to undertake such a research path.

Università degli Studi di Roma La Sapienza Giulia Falato

Fabian Fechner, Entscheidungsprozesse vor Ort. Die Provinzkongregatio- nen der Jesuiten in Paraguay (1608-1762), Regensburg, Schnell&Steiner, 2015, 356 pp., € 49.95, ISBN 978-3-7954-3020-7

Sowohl der Jesuitenorden als auch die Jesuitenprovinz Paraguay bieten Projektionsfläche für verschiedenste Vorstellungen, die sich hartnäckig halten. Der Jesuitenorden als straff hierarchisch strukturierter und geführter Orden mit exzessivem Verwaltungsschriftgut hier, die Jesuitenreduktionen (Missionsdörfer) der Jesuitenprovinz Paraguay als Jesuitenstaat, Heiliges Experiment, kommunistisches oder antikolonialistisches Gesellschaftsmodell oder frühneuzeitliche Utopie da. 562 Book Reviews

Bereits seit den 1920er Jahren wurde der historiographische Blick auf die Jesuitenprovinz Paraguay jedoch differenziert und erweitert durch Pionierarbeiten im Rahmen der Erschliessung einer breiten Quellengrundlage in amerikanischen und spanischen Archiven. Der Fokus wurde dabei verschoben von ordensgeschichtlichen, theologischen oder kulturellen Fragestellungen zur Erforschung der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen, in welchen sich die Jesuiten zu bewegen hatten. Im Folgenden kamen in interdisziplinärer Vielfalt zahlreiche weitere Forschungsarbeiten hinzu. Die vorliegende Dissertation von Fabian Fechner, Historiker an der FernUniversität Hagen, führt nun entschieden aus einem noch immer zirkulierenden Projektionsraum Paraguay heraus in einen mikroanalytisch untersuchten und differenziert beschriebenen „Aktionsraum Paraguay“ (24). Im weltumspannenden Kontext der wechselseitigen institutionellen Verbindungen, aber auch Abhängigkeiten zwischen der frühen Gesellschaft Jesu, der spanischen (und portugiesischen) Krone sowie deren Verwaltung in Hispanoamerika und Papst und katholischer Kirche wird die Gesellschaft Jesu oft als global player bezeichnet. Dies impliziert, dass der Jesuitenorden sowohl in Europa wie in Übersee streng hierarchisch und konsistent agiert hätte. Ausgehend von neueren verwaltungs- und globalgeschichtlichen Fragestellungen, die nicht mehr vorwiegend nach der Durchsetzung von Normen fragen, sondern ebenso nach „Herrschaft vor Ort“ als „zu legitimierende und zu konstituierende soziale Praxis“ (14) und nach Handlungs- und Entscheidungsspielräumen von beteiligten Akteuren (und Akteurinnen), verschiebt nun Fechner in der Analyse den Blick von den Jesuiten als global player zu einem Orden als „soziale Gruppe“ (17), deren Mitglieder unterschiedlichste Interessen verfolgten, agierend zwischen Ordensoberen und weltlichen Instanzen, vor Ort getroffenen Entscheidungsmotiven und vorgegebenem allgemeinen „Ordensethos“ (17). Der Schwerpunkt von Fechners Arbeit liegt dabei auf den Akten der Provinzkongregationen. Diese im Turnus von drei, in Übersee sechs Jahren stattfindenden Versammlungen der 40 der Profess nach ältesten Patres einer Provinz, waren von den Konstitutionen her nur mit formalen Kompetenzen ausgestattet (Entsendung von Vertretern in die Generalversammlung, Provinzberichterstattung der Ordenskurie gegenüber, Nennung von Gründen für eine allfällige ausserordentliche Generalversammlung). Die Akten dieser Versammlungen offenbaren jedoch diese Institution „als Mittler und Entscheidungsgremium“, als „Leerstelle zwischen der Gesellschaft Book Reviews 563 vor Ort und der Ordenskurie“ (20) – Spielraum einer spannungsvollen Dynamik zwischen Ordensgehorsam und agency von einzelnen Jesuiten einer Provinz. In den auf das Einleitungskapitel eins folgenden beiden Kapiteln zwei und drei werden zunächst die institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen für die Entwicklung und das Handeln des Jesuitenordens im Allgemeinen und die ordensinterne Herausbildung der Provinzkongregationen als Orte der Entscheidungsfindung im Besonderen herausgearbeitet. Grundlegend für die Entwicklung von strukturellen Charakte- ristika der Gesellschaft Jesu war ein gewisser „Verwaltungsop- timismus“ (31) im 16. Jahrhundert sowohl der portugiesischen und spanischen Könige als auch Ignacios de Loyola. Das Patronat übertrug zwar den portugiesischen und spanischen Königen die Aufsicht über das Kirchenwesen in der Neuen Welt; den Mission- sorden gelang es jedoch – mit Ausnahme der Franziskaner – im Hinblick auf die konkrete Ausgestaltung der Missionstätigkeit einen gewissen eigenständigen Handlungsspielraum auszuhan- deln, etwa indem sie sich der Einsetzung eines die Missionarsent- sendungen in Europa kontrollierenden Generalkommissars durch Philipp II. widersetzten und stattdessen mit Unterstützung von Papst Clemens VIII. eigene Prokuratoren einsetzten. Im Jesuitenorden entstand nach dem Modell des Generalprokurators in Rom ein differenziertes Netz von Prokuratoren mit spezifischen Zuständigkeiten: in den Provinzkongregationen gewählte Provinzprokuratoren, welche in den Prokuratorenkongregationen für die Berichterstattung oder in den Generalkongregationen für die Wahl eines neuen Generaloberen zuständig waren; Prokuratoren, die als Verhandlungsführer die Interessen des Ordens vertraten, wie zum Beispiel der Generalprokurator in Rom oder der Prokurator am spanischen Königshof in Madrid; Prokuratoren, die in den Kollegien, Häusern, Landgütern, Missionen und Provinzen des Ordens für wirtschaftliche Belange zuständig waren; sowie Missionsprokuratoren, die als europäische Versorgungsstationen für die Überseeprovinzen fungierten, insbesondere in den Ausschiffungshäfen wie Sevilla oder Cádiz. Alle diese Ämter entwickelten sich im Laufe des 16. Jahrhunderts im Zuge von spannungsvollen und konfliktreichen Interessenaushandlungen zwischen Königen, Päpsten und Generaloberen des Jesuitenordens. Schon früh waren die Missionsprovinzen in Übersee bestrebt, ihre Interessen mit eigenen Prokuratoren in Europa zu vertreten. In den ersten Bestimmungen für die noch junge und zahlenmässig kleine Gesellschaft Jesu spielten administrative Fragen eine 564 Book Reviews marginale Rolle. Der rasch anwachsende und global expandierende Orden erforderte jedoch bald die Ausarbeitung von grundlegenden Konstitutionen. Unter Verwendung von Vorlagen der Benediktiner, Franziskaner und Augustiner entstanden mehrere, allerdings nur leicht modifizierte Fassungen. Als massgebliche Grundlage für das Institut der Gesellschaft Jesu wurde schliesslich die von der 4. Generalkongregation 1581 approbierte Fassung betrachtet. Ergänzungen konnten von späteren Generalkongregationen als Dekrete beigefügt werden. In den verschiedenen Fassungen der Konstitutionen lässt sich auch die Entwicklung der Provinzkongregationen beobachten, die erst mit der Formula Congregationis Provincialis 1567 eine eigene Bedeutung in den Konstitutionen bekamen. Im Weiteren musste bestimmt werden, welche Stellung den Provinzkongregationen, Generalkongregationen und Prokuratorenkongregationen im Verhältnis zueinander im Institut zukommen sollte. Im Zeitraum von 1573-1758 wurden zahlreiche Präzisierungen und Erweiterungen der ersten Formula in den Generalkongregationen diskutiert und per Dekret verabschiedet, etwa der Teilnehmerkreis, der Sitzungsablauf oder das Prozedere von Wahlen und Abstimmungen. Die Erfahrungen der ersten Provinzkongregationen in Übersee (Brasilien, Peru) und eine gewisse Unzufriedenheit mit dem Institut der Gesellschaft Jesu in Europa führten zu Diskussionen um eine Verwaltungsreform des Ordens. Verschiedene Fraktionen verfolgten unterschiedliche Interessen. Ein strittiger Punkt war die von den memoralistas in Denkschriften (memoriales) behauptete und kritisierte Machtfülle des Ordensgenerals in Rom (sowie der Provinziale). Ihr Bestreben war es, die Provinzkongregationen zu stärken sowie die Ordenshierarchie stärker zu regionalisieren und damit zu dezentralisieren. Damit hing auch eine Stärkung der Position des Provinzials in den Provinzen Spanischamerikas im Vergleich zu den europäischen Provinzen zusammen. Das Bestreben von Mitbrüdern in den Überseeprovinzen war es in erster Linie, eine zu grosse Machtfülle des Provinzials zu verhindern. Die Akten der Provinzkongregationen zeigen – entgegen der in den Konstitutionen vorgesehenen eingeschränkten Kompetenzen – eine Fülle von Reformvorschlägen. Die Provinzversammlungen entwickelten sich insbesondere in Übersee immer mehr zu Orten, an denen Aushandlungsprozesse – gerade in Bezug auf Fragen der konkreten lokalen Missionspraxis – stattfanden und Interessenkonflikte innerhalb der Provinz ausgetragen wurden. Wie diese Prozesse konkret vor Ort funktionierten, wird in den Kapiteln vier und fünf am Beispiel der gut dokumentierten Book Reviews 565

Provinzkongregationen der Jesuitenprovinz Paraguay weiter differenziert und illustriert. In Kapitel vier bietet Fechner einen Überblick über die verschie- denen Akten von Provinzkongregationen; zu nennen sind insbe- sondere die Acta Congregationis Provincialis Paraquariae, die Postu- lata, welche Provinzanfragen an die Kurie formulierten, sowie die Memoriales particulares, welche Einzel- oder Minderheitenforderun- gen formulierten. Untersucht wurden für die vorliegende Arbeit auch die jeweiligen Antworten des Generaloberen und weitere Dokumente. Die Bedeutung der Akten von Provinzkongregationen liegt darin, dass sie im Vergleich zu anderen Quellen wie den eher erbaulichen Litterae annuae oder den stärker formalisierten Perso- nalkatalogen Entscheidungsprozesse und Entscheidungsfindun- gen in strittigen Punkten im Verlauf von komplexen, dynamischen und mehrstufigen Verfahren deutlich machen. Fechner streicht da- bei die besondere Bedeutung von Performativität und Mündlich- keit heraus: einerseits in der Generierung der Akten als Dokumente von mündlichen Verhandlungen selbst, andererseits in der Person der Prokuratoren, welche als zentrale, aufgrund der Gefahr von zu großer Eigenständigkeit gelegentlich auch beargwöhnte Mitt- lerfiguren und „lebendige Briefe“ (97) die Schreiben nach Rom zu transportieren und ebenso mündlich Bericht zu erstatten hatten. Das lässt den oft als Schriftorden schlechthin bezeichneten Jesuiten- orden nochmals in einem neuen Licht erscheinen. Das fünfte Kapitel schließlich umfasst mit seinen rund 100 Seiten etwa ein Drittel des Bandes und führt mit Detailanalysen in einer Tour d’horizon durch zahlreiche unterschiedliche Themenkreise, welche in den Provinzversammlungen der Jesuitenprovinz Paraguay verhandelt wurden. Deutlich wird hier insbesondere, dass Kulturkontakt und Akkommodationsmethode in den Missionen der Jesuitenprovinz Paraguay nicht nur gegen außen, sondern auch innerhalb des Ordens in den Provinzkongregationen zu heftigen Diskussionen führten. Wie soll man sich mit lokalen Verwaltungen, Bischöfen, Gouverneuren in ein gutes Einvernehmen setzen? Wie soll man mit dabei entstehenden Widersprüchen umgehen, etwa damit, dass die Missionsdörfer (Reduktionen) von der spanischen Kolonialgesellschaft abgesondert werden sollten, Bischöfe und Gouverneure diese aber jederzeit visitieren durften? Sollen Jesuiten – entgegen der ursprünglichen Absicht – die Missionsarbeit in den Reduktionen verstetigen? Grundsätzliche Fragen nach dem Indiobild, den Missionsmethoden oder dem Stellenwert der Indiosprachen kommen in den Versammlungen ebenso zur Sprache wie Fragen der Bestrafung oder Eheschliessung in den Reduktionen und Personal- 566 Book Reviews oder Finanzierungsprobleme. Diese oft komplexen Fragestellungen, welche sich so nur in der Missionspraxis vor Ort ergaben, sind im Zusammenspiel von Diskussionen in den Provinzversammlungen und deren Postulata und Memoriales particulares sowie der Antworten des Generaloberen aus Rom hier erstmals mikroanalytisch genau zu verfolgen. Fabian Fechners Untersuchung der „Entscheidungsprozesse vor Ort“ anhand der Provinzkongregationen der Jesuiten in Paraguay im Zeitraum 1608-1762 wirft ein völlig neues Licht auf die innere Dynamik der Gesellschaft Jesu in Bezug auf die mehrstufigen Aushandlungsprozesse innerhalb der Ordenshierarchie und zwischen den Missionsprovinzen in Übersee, den Provinzen in Europa und der Generalkurie in Rom. Wer sich in den zuweilen von Informationen fast überquellenden Kapiteln zu verlieren droht, kann sich an den von Fechner mehrheitlich selbst erstellten und ausgesprochen hilfreichen Diagrammen, Karten und Tabellen orientieren, welche die ganze Arbeit übersichtlich zusammenhalten.

Zürich Esther Schmid Heer

Rafael Gaune Corradi, Escritura y salvación. Cultura misionera jesuita en tiempos de Anganamón, siglo XVII, Santiago de Chile, Universidad Alberto Hurtado, 2016 486 p., $ 22.00/€ 16,00, ISBN 978-956-357-056-4

El libro que reseñamos constituye, sin lugar a dudas, un aporte a los estudios sobre cultura jesuita en Hispanoamérica. El objetivo del estudio, tal y como es expuesto por el autor, es la reconstrucción de las formas, perspectivas, diálogos y tiempos de la temprana Compañía de Jesús en Chile, a través del estudio de la circulación global de sus propuestas y la mediación política-jurídica en las dimensiones políticas y religiosas de Europa y América, con una atención especial a los vínculos entre Chile y Roma. En el Capítulo I, el autor analiza el período de organización, circulación y discusión del proyecto evangelizador en Chile. A sabiendas que el impulso de la misión jesuita en América – el “deseo de las Indias” – se verá atravesado por nuevas convicciones de expansión, conversión y disciplinamiento de poblaciones indígenas que surgirán a partir de la instalación de la Compañía en América, Gaune dedica especial atención a la plataforma misional de Lima. Es destacable el análisis de la influencia de los generalatos de Francisco de Borja SJ (1565-1572), Everardo Mercuriano SJ (1573-1580) y Book Reviews 567

Claudio Acquaviva SJ (1581-1615) en las políticas de expansión de la orden, un aspecto que entregará al autor sólidas bases para abordar la instalación de la orden en Santiago de Chile (1593). En el Capítulo II Gaune avanza en torno a las discusiones sobre la guerra, la paz y la salvación, analizando la incidencia de los circuitos jesuitas romanos en el desarrollo misionero en Chile. A partir de un fructífero análisis epistolar, el autor aborda las estrategias usadas por dos misioneros jóvenes como Horacio Vecchi SJ y Martín de Aranda SJ para insertar la misión periférica de Arauco en la historia universal de las misiones de la Compañía (pp.162). En la segunda parte de este capítulo, el autor analizará la construcción narrativa de las Cartas Anuas producidas entre 1608 y 1625 – es decir, entre la fundación de la primera misión en Tierra de Guerra y el fin del proyecto de la guerra defensiva – para ofrecer una visión de los distintos niveles de circulación local y global que sustentaron la experiencia jesuita en Chile. El Capítulo III está consagrado a analizar los modos en que la Compañía interpretó la paz y la guerra en este espacio fronterizo. A partir de la teorización de Luis de Valdivia SJ, el autor aborda los procesos de actuación de la paz, los ritos de la justicia hegemónica, los ritos del perdón, como caminos a la conversión, señalando la necesidad de posicionar el proyecto político de la Guerra Defensiva como un medio para la evangelización de las comunidades indígenas. La segunda parte estará dedicada a la figura del ulmen Anganamón, considerado por el autor como una figura que permite evidenciar las contradicciones de la cristianización – y de la imagen del indígena – en este territorio no sometido. Consistente con su línea de trabajo, Gaune consagra el cuarto y último capítulo de su libro a descifrar las “otras caras” de la Guerra Defensiva, aquellas modeladas por la dimensión religioso-jurídica del proyecto (pp.293). El autor aborda la religiosidad misionera de Luis de Valdivia SJ a partir de tres variables: la idea de viaje en el misionero, su noción de martirio y su trasfondo como lector y bibliotecario. Con el correr de las páginas, y siempre teniendo a Valdivia como centro de su atención, el autor comenzará a establecer correlaciones entre la producción pastoral del jesuita y la terminología utilizada por el misionero, proponiendo la existencia de distintas “fases evangélicas” (pp.331) al interior de la Guerra Defensiva. Los cuatro capítulos que componen el trabajo de Rafael Gaune – brevemente reseñados más arriba – se encuentran construidos a partir de un sólido anclaje teórico, alimentado no solo de una historiografía ginzburgiana que incide en las elecciones metodológicas del estudio, sino también inserto en corrientes contemporáneas como la llamada 568 Book Reviews

Historia Global. Tanto las preguntas sobre la capacidad de adaptación de los jesuitas y su protagonismo en los recorridos históricos coloniales, como el problema de la historia global y las distintas escalas en que operan los procesos históricos analizados (pp.35) son movidas hacia el objeto de estudio del autor – la temprana Compañía de Jesús en Chile – y a su objetivo: «reconstruir las formas, las perspectivas, los diálogos y los tiempos de la temprana Compañía de Jesús en Chile, examinando la circulación global de sus propuestas y la mediación política-jurídica – realizada a través de su escritura – en las dimensiones políticas y religiosas europeas-americanas, concentrando la atención en las relaciones entre Chile y Roma» (pp.44) Es precisamente en virtud de esta coherencia entre posturas teóricas, preguntas de investigación y objetos de estudio y documentación, que la presencia de un concepto como “cultura misionera” en el título resulta algo contraproducente. Implica, inevitablemente, poner atención a aspectos teóricos que no forman parte de la preocupación de autor. Conceptos como “conversión”, “cristianización”, “catequesis” o “fases evangélicas” emergen desprovistos de un marco conceptual – ya sea interno a la obra o perteneciente al campo de estudio misionológico – que nos permita comprender sus alcances. Aunque conceptos como “conversión política y religiosa” (pp.222) pueden tener sustento en una mirada político-institucional de la evangelización, resultan problemáticos en un estudio sobre cultura misional, diluyendo las especificidades de la conversión religiosa y su potencial de transformación existencial. Convendría decir, en segundo término, que bajo el presupuesto de un estudio centrado en la misión, los pocos instrumentos textuales de la temprana misión jesuita en Chile – a saber, el Arte y Gramática General (1606) y el Sermón en lengua de Chile (1621) de Luis de Valdivia SJ – demandan un análisis más pormenorizado. Como es sabido, el Arte y Gramática General (1606) no constituye un cuerpo textual unitario. Junto a los instrumentos de lingüística misionera – una Gramática y un Vocabulario mapudungun – la obra contiene un Confesionario que se encuentra dirigido, evidentemente, a sujetos en vías de cristianización, indios e indias que se espera hayan interiorizado categorías como pecado y que conozcan las consecuencias de una trasgresión. Dificultosamente unConfesionario podría ser considerado parte de un “corpus introductorio” (pp.325). A la inversa, el Sermón en lengua de Chile (1621) – considerado por el autor como un texto posterior, destinado a “una instrucción católica más profunda” (pp.326) – posee numerosos equivalentes a nivel continental: para las Antillas, el Manuscrito Antillano (1510-1521) redactado por Pedro de Córdoba OP y la comunidad dominica de Book Reviews 569 las Islas; para Nueva España, los Coloquios de los Doce Apóstoles franciscanos, registrados en 1524 y organizados por Bernardino de Sahagún OFM años más tarde (1558-1561); para el territorio Maya Quiché, la Theología Indorum (c.1553) de Domingo de Vico OP, entre otros. Todos estos instrumentos constituyen la textualización de las primeras formas misionales de cada territorio,1 y todos ellos incluyen recursos antiidolátricos específicos como la demonología identificada por Gaune en el Sermón de Valdivia (pp.327). Un tercer y último punto a mencionar es la propuesta de “fases evangélicas” levantada a partir del vocabulario misional de Valdivia. Considerando binomios como “agasajar/amparar”, “ablandar/ aficionar” y “frutos/conservar”, el autor identificará tres fases que marcarán, respectivamente, las formas de la evangelización en el contexto de la Guerra Defensiva: (1) el acercamiento de los indígenas al trabajo misionero sostenido por el proyecto defensivo, (2) la aceptación del mensaje de Dios mediante la acción misionera y, finalmente, (3) el cruce de objetivos políticos y religiosos en aras de la instauración de la paz (pp.346). Este esquema, perfectamente plausible en sus propios términos, tiene el inconveniente de estar desconectado de los instrumentos misionales creados por Valdivia. Dicho de otro modo, si el Arte y Gramática de Valdivia constituye, para Gaune, un texto destinado a la primera evangelización, la relación de un escrito como el Confesionario con los binomios centrales de esta primera fase – agasajar/amparar – no resulta clara. El libro de Rafael Gaune es una importante contribución no solo a la historia de la Compañía de Jesús en Chile, sino también al esclarecimiento de aquella densa red de intercambios y circulaciones, de respuestas locales y movimientos globales, que mediaron la expansión de la temprana Compañía de Jesús hacia la frontera sur del Imperio. La misión, componente central del llamado “deseo de las Indias”, no domina las preocupaciones del autor; opera más bien como el principio motor que pone en movimiento aquel “caleidoscopio” a través del cual el autor observará una historia global compuesta de fragmentos en movimiento cuyas trayectorias darán a su estudio las coordenadas necesarias para emprender la construcción de una topografía sobre la historia jesuita en el Chile colonial.

Universidad de Chile Eduardo Valenzuela Avaca

1 Eduardo Valenzuela: “Kerigma: preguntas teóricas en torno a la primera evangelización de América (Antillas, 1510 – Nueva España, 1524)”, Historia Crítica 58 (octubre 2015), pp. 13-32. 570 Book Reviews

Christoph Flucke, Die litterae annuae der Gesellschaft Jesu von Altona und Hamburg (1598 bis 1781), Erster Halbband: 17. Jahrhundert; Zweiter Halbband: 18. Jahrhundert, Münster, Aschendorff, 2015, € 49.00, ISBN 978-3-402-13102-2

Bei dem Stichwort katholisches Leben in Deutschland denkt man gewöhnlich an Städte wie München, Köln, Mainz oder Münster. Mit Hamburg bringt man dieses Stichwort nicht so leicht in Verbindung, liegt diese Stadt doch in einer Gegend, die weit von den katholischen Stammlanden in Deutschland entfernt und auch mental ganz anders als die traditionell katholischen Hochburgen ist. Dennoch gab es aber auch in dieser Stadt und ihrer Nachbarstadt Altona selbst nach der Reformation die Jahrhunderte hindurch katholisches Leben, mit dem Christoph Flucke unter Mitarbeit von Hans-Werner Schicke für das 17. und 18 Jahrhundert bekannt macht. Im Verlag Aschendorff legte er 2015 in zwei Teilbänden eine Transkription des lateinischen Originals der Litterae Annuae von 1598 bis 1781 der Missionsstation der Gesellschaft Jesu in Hamburg bzw. Altona mit einer kommentierten deutschen Übersetzung vor. Jörg Zech hat in diesem Periodikum (Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 77 (2008), S. 41 – 61) die Litterae Annuae kurz definiert als Berichte über das Wirken der Ordensmitglieder im vergangenen Jahr, die konzipiert sind als „eine ganz eigene Komposition aus Wundergeschichten, theologischen, philosophischen, wissenschaftlichen Notizen und politisch- kulturellem Nachrichtenmagazin; stets erzählt im Bewusstsein der eigenen Demut und im Bewusstsein des Bedürfnisses der potentiellen Leser nach geistlicher Erbauung“ (S. 49). Der vorliegende Band enthält außerdem ein kleines lateinisch-deutsches Glossar mit für die Litterae Annuae typischen Vokabeln, ein Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis sowie einen nach Personen, Orten und Sachen getrennten Index. Entstanden ist die vorliegende Textfassung aus drei Quellen, die gleichzeitig auch die Überlieferungsgeschichte der Annalen beleuchten. Schwerpunktmäßig liegt dem Text die Serie der Litterae Annuae im Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) in Rom zugrunde. Sie ist die Sammlung der Jahresberichte am Sitz der Ordenszentrale und zugleich die vollständigste Reihe. Außerdem konnte der Herausgeber noch auf die physischen Bestände des Historischen Archivs der Stadt Köln zurückgreifen, bevor dieses Archiv 2009 in die Baugrube stürzte. Es muss vermutet werden, dass seine Abschriften Texte überliefern, die im Original verloren gegangen sind. Die Serie der Litterae Annuae in Köln ist die Sammlung am Sitz des Provinzials der Niederrheinischen Provinz, zu der die Missionsstationen in Norddeutschland gehörten. Schließlich gehen Book Reviews 571 in die hier behandelte Textfassung Jahresberichte ein, die Lebrecht Dreves 1867 publiziert hat, freilich ohne seine Quellen zu nennen. Es besteht die Vermutung, dass Dreves noch lokale Fassungen der Litterae Annuae der Missionsstationen selbst benutzt hat, die sich von denen in Köln unterschieden, die aber durch die Schäden des Zweiten Weltkriegs als vernichtet gelten müssen. Über 1200 edierte Textseiten lassen erahnen, dass hinter diesem Werk jahrelange konzentrierte Arbeit, viel zielgerichtete Energie, großes historisches Interesse und Wissen und eine lebendige und lebenslange Beziehung des Herausgebers zu den Eckpfeilern des Werkes bestehen, die da sind: Hamburg, die katholische Kirche, die Jesuiten und die lateinische Sprache. Die genannten Pfeiler werden in künftigen Generationen nicht mehr in so fruchtbarer Symbiose in einer Person vereint sein, und deshalb ist Dankbarkeit als erste Reaktion dafür natürlich, dass dieses Werk noch rechtzeitig in dieser Generation herausgegeben worden ist. Es überrascht nicht, dass der rote Faden in den Litterae Annuae aus Hamburg und Altona die Aufzählung und Erzählung des Wirkens der Jesuiten und damit eine Schilderung des katholischen Lebens in einem protestantischen Umfeld ist. Nach damaliger Rechtslage bedeutete dieses Umfeld, dass die Ausübung des katholischen Bekenntnisses kein Grundrecht des Einzelnen war, sondern im Falle Altonas Privileg des Landesherrn, sprich des Königs von Dänemark in seiner Eigenschaft als Herzog von Holstein, und im Falle Hamburgs nur im Schatten und im Schutz der Residenten der katholischen Mächte Frankreich, Spanien und natürlich der Kaiserlichen Majestät möglich war. Auf wie wackligen Füßen die katholische Gemeinde stand, zeigte sich immer dann, wenn der Landesherr wankelmütig in seiner Gunst war, der Resident außerhalb der Stadt weilte oder das Heilige Römische Reich ohne Kaiser war. Der Senat der Freien Stadt Hamburg beeilte sich bis 1765 immer, in Zeiten des Interregnums katholischen Gottesdienst im Haus des Residenten zu untersagen, der nach Auffassung des Senats sowieso nur für Angehörige der Gesandtschaft und nicht für andere Katholiken in Hamburg zulässig war. Der Zeitraum, über den sich die vorliegenden Litterae Annuae erstrecken, war frei von ökumenischen Nettigkeiten und statt dessen geprägt von klaren Fronten und Eindeutigkeit in der Frage, ob Himmel oder Hölle. In der Praxis hatten die klaren Fronten manche verbalen Angriffe auf lutherischen Kanzeln und gedruckte Streitschriften zur Folge, die mitunter zur Bedrohung von Katholiken führten und auch in Vandalismus der Straße gegen Eigentum der katholischen Gemeinde ausarteten. Auf der anderen 572 Book Reviews

Seite war die Eindeutigkeit in der Heilslehre für die Väter der Mission das zentrale Motiv, sich um jedes Schaaf der Herde zu kümmern, die Herde zusammenzuhalten und zu vermehren und auch wirklich jedem verlorenen Schaf nachzugehen, egal ob dieses Schaf einem anderen Hirten entlaufen war, sich in ungünstiger Jahreszeit weit entfernt vom Standort der Mission aufhielt oder gerade unter den Galgen geführt wurde. Die Schilderungen, wie erfindungsreich sich katholische Seelsorge gerade unter dem Galgen gestaltete, ist in ihrer Erbaulichkeit auch heute noch ansprechend. Die Erbaulichkeit ist freilich ein Problem für die bürgerliche Geschichtswissenschaft, und die Gattung der Litterae Annuae ist deshalb zu Recht nicht das, was man eine objektive historische Quelle nennt. Aber ihr Reiz und ihr Wert liegen in der Beschreibung der Lebenswelt randständiger kleiner Leute, zu denen sich mitunter hochgestellte Personen als Aussteiger gesellten. Die hier im Mittelpunkt stehende Personengruppe stand damals nicht im Mittelpunkt der Tagespolitik und später auch nicht im Mittelpunkt der Geschichtsforschung. Deshalb bietet die Edition der Litterae Annuae eine andere Perspektive und ist deshalb eine wertvolle Bereicherung des Quellenmaterials sowohl zur Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Deutschland, als auch zur Geschichte der Stadt Hamburg. Eine Rezeption dieses neuen Quellenmaterials ist deshalb sehr zu wünschen. Als historische Quelle sind die Litterae Annuae für traditionelle Geschichtsschreibung so ungewohnt wie die Chronik des Leiters einer Moschee in Deutschland in den Jahren 1965 bis 1990 als Quelle für die Geschichtsschreibung über die Bonner Republik. An der vorliegenden Textausgabe ist wenig zu beanstanden. Manche Unrichtigkeit, wie etwa die Jahreszahl 1775 für die Schlacht bei Fehrbellin (Halbbd. 1, S. 394) oder Kaiser Karl VI. als Bruder des Kurfürsten Clemens August von Köln (Halbbd. 2, S. 952) sind einfach als Druckfehler zu bewerten, da sie an anderer Stelle im Werk mit 1675 bzw. Karl VII. richtig angegeben werden. Wenn unterschlagen wird, dass der erwähnte Kurfürst-Erzbischof Clemens August von Köln auch Bischof von Osnabrück war, erreicht das Werk für einen Moment nicht seine übliche Höhe. Dafür entschädigen aber die vielen biografischen Hinweise zu im Allgemeinen südlich von Münster völlig unbekannten Personen aus Norddeutschland und Skandinavien. Verstörend ist auf den ersten Blick, dass es im Sachindex ein Stichwort Päpste gibt. Auf den zweiten Blick erweist sich diese Anordnung aber als besonderer Service für den Benutzer. Denn im Sachindex sind die Päpste in chronologischer Reihenfolge aufgeführt, während sie zusätzlich im Personenindex alphabetisch aufgereiht sind. Ein bisschen sorgfältiger hätten die Indices freilich schon erstellt werden können, wenn sie auch andererseits viele Informationen Book Reviews 573 enthalten, die man in einem Register nicht unbedingt vermutet. Aber die Päpste Alexander VII. und Clemens IX. haben es nicht in den Personenindex geschafft, während Papst Clemens XI. in der Reihe der Päpste im Sachindex fehlt. Gerade in der chronologischen Aufstellung hätte man merken müssen, dass zwischen 1700 und 1724 eine Lücke klafft. Weh tut hingegen, dass der Herausgeber die Angehörigen der Gesellschaft Jesu als Mönche bezeichnet (Halbbd. 1, S. 15. 17). Auf dem Niveau, das die vorliegende Edition kennzeichnet, hätte bekannt sein müssen, dass es sich bei Jesuiten um Regularkleriker handelt, denen wesentliche Punkte des Mönchtums fehlen. Deshalb sollte der Herausgeber diesen Fehler in den Editionen von Litterae Annuae weiterer jesuitischer Missionsstationen, die er plant, unbedingt vermeiden. Aber er sollte diese Editionen auch unbedingt zum Abschluss bringen in dem Bewusstsein, dass nach ihm wohl niemand mehr diese Arbeit so gut wie er wird machen können.

Rom, Collegium Germanicum et Hungaricum Markus Pillat SJ

Monika Miazek-Męczyńska, Indipetae Polonae - kołatanie do drzwi misji chińskiej, Poznań, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 2015, 196 p., zł 25,00, ISBN 978-83-232-2945-2

The book under discussion here, by Monika Miazek-Męczyńska, and dedicated to the Polish Indipetae letters (petitions written by Jesuits to their Superior General in search of an appointment to the overseas missions, or “Indies”), is a welcome addition to recent scholarship concerning Polish Jesuits and the Asian missions. This scholarship includes, for example, Duc Ha Nguyen, Polscy misjonarze na Dalekim Wschodzie w XVII–XVIII wieku, Warszawa, Wydawn, Neriton, 2006 and Jan Konior, Historia polsko-chińskich kontaktów kulturowych w XVII w. (na przykładzie misji jezuickich), Kraków, Akademia Ignatianum/ Wydawnictwo WAM, 2013. The particular literary genre of Jesuit correspondence, the Indipetae, constitutes the focus of this contribution to the field. Petitioners wrote to the Jesuit Superior General from provinces all over Europe, asking to be sent either to Asia or the Americas (before the nineteenth century, Africa was less prominent as a possible missionary destination). In the early-modern period these regions were known collectively by the term “Indies”, sometimes further identified as “Western” (Indiae Occidentales) or “Eastern” (Indiae Orientales) – the nomenclature obviously carrying a larger meaning than just the Indian subcontinent. 574 Book Reviews

In her study, Miazek-Męczyńska provides some useful statistics about the Indipetae letters. At p. 9, for example, we find that among some sixteen thousand extant Indipetae preserved at ARSI, fourteen thousand belong to the part of the archives called Fondo Gesuitico (ARSI, FG 732–759), while the remaining two thousand are dispersed elsewhere throughout the Archivum Romanum. There may have been as many as twenty-four thousand petitions, but not all have survived the vicissitudes of time and circumstance. The largest group of letters in the Fondo Gesuitico is listed in an old inventory: Index eorum quorum epistolae Indipetae in Fondo Gesuitico adservantur (typescript; 554 pp). For those not located here, another special inventory was prepared in 1993: Index eorum quorum epistolae Indipetae in ARSI extra FG adservantur (typescript; 83 pp). Both inventories provide an alphabetical list of the authors with the date and archival reference to the letters’ location. As for this particular volume, Indipetae Polonae consists of six chapters preceded by an introductory Exordium and ending with a short Conclusio, followed by an appendix containing a Polish translation of a number of the Indipetae letters (written in Latin). In the first pages of the study, the author introduces the main theme of research and explains the method enlisted in its presentation. The material foundations of her research are 229 Latin petitions sent to the Superior General, written in Latin between 1627 and 1724 by 114 Polish Jesuits, and preserved at ARSI, Pol. 79. Of course, as we have noted, the Indipetae sent from Poland are to be found also elsewhere at ARSI. Indeed, the inventories mentioned above refer to petitions located at ARSI, FG 624B, Gall. Belg. 45, Germ. 124–126, Germ. Sup. 18, Hisp. 88–88A, Ital. 173, Rhen. Inf. 15, Rhen. Sup. 42 and Ven. 99. For Indipetae letters from Poland specifically, at pp. 10–11, Miazek-Męczyńska lists their locations at, Pol. 77 I–II, Pol. 78, FG 732 and FG 741: of these, Pol. 79 contains a sizable series of the petitions, and that is why the author’s decision to focus on this box for her study is understandable and justified. At p. 16 Miazek-Męczyńska explains the perhaps surprising subtitle of the book, “knocking at the door of the Chinese mission”: surprising because, of the letters studied in the volume, only 24% contain the express request for China, while the others – as noted at p. 8 – refer to other regions of the Far- and Middle East, South America (although there only two requests; cfr. p. 16, footnote 32), and even other European countries. We see, then, that in fact the authors of the Pol. 79 Indipetae were knocking on many other doors. The sub-title is less surprising, however, and apt, if we consider that the missionary region of particular focus in this study is that Book Reviews 575 of China: implicit in this choice is that the specificity of this mission requires distinct treatment, and the consideration of other regions would change the author’s philological analysis of the letters under consideration. Reflecting the philological approach adopted in the study, the author’s objective is to analyse not only the content but also the form of the letters under consideration. Thus, she is interested in how they are written, the rhetorical models in use etc. The author also focuses on the individual histories of these men, with their motivations, emotions and religious zeal. The first chapter provides a short history of the letter as a literary genre, from antiquity to the seventeenth century. The discussion of key aspects of epistolary history and theory provide the necessary background for this study’s analysis of the Indipetae, as well as for understanding the petitions’ authors, who themselves were steeped in the Classical tradition through their intellectual formation. The Jesuits who wrote these letters were influenced deeply by the education they received, which was based on such classical epistolary theories as those developed by the likes of Cicero and Saint Gregory of Nazianzus. In the same chapter, Miazek-Męczyńska further quotes some of the principal manuals of epistolography that were in use in Poland at the time directly preceding that of the Indipetae studied here, such as De conscribendis epistolis, by Erasmus of Rotterdam (Basilea 1522), and M. T. Ciceronis Epistolarum libri III (Cracow 1561), by the future Jesuit, Benedykt Herbest: the first of these books was used by the university of Cracow, while the second entered the programme of Jesuit colleges. The second chapter constitutes an equally introductory character, with a summary of the Jesuit system of written correspondence. It helps to place the Indipetae in the larger context of the Jesuit system of communication of which they were a part. The author discusses here what she calls the “Society of Jesus’ epistolary policy” (polityka korespondencyjna Towarzystwa Jezusowego; p. 48), outlining the origins of Jesuit correspondence in general and focusing particularly on the litterae annuae and their importance in building an image of the foreign missions. In fact, the author shows how these letters not only were a rich source of valuable information (including in the natural sciences, geography and ethnography of many extra-European regions), but also were an effective tool of formation of both future missionaries and possible benefactors. In Chapter 3 the author briefly outlines the missionary character of the Society of Jesus and summarizes its evangelizing endeavours in China. Here, the question as to why Jesuits from the Polish- 576 Book Reviews

Lithuanian Commonwealth were less involved in the China mission than those from other European nations, is dealt with through the key term of “Polish India”. The letters exchanged between these petitioners and their superiors contained many references to the pastoral challenges of the eastern part of their country. This is the case, for example, in the Indipeta letter by Andrzej Rudomina, discussed by Miazek-Męczyńska (pp. 75–80), and of which she provides a Polish translation at the end of the volume (pp. 165–69). Chapter 4 contains an analysis of the profiles of Jesuit candidates for the China mission, as they appear in the petitions. The authors tended to list and discusses a number of criteria, such as age, health and both intellectual and practical skills; indeed, many or all of these characteristics were claimed by the Jesuit petitioners studied here, in their efforts to persuade the General to select them for the missions. The Indipetae demonstrate clearly, furthermore, that the most important characteristics of any future missionary were considered to be zeal and religious fervour. Subsequent to these four chapters, which to some extent are introductory (and evidence of the author’s emphasis on the importance of providing context for this study), Miazek-Męczyńska presents in Chapter 5 an analysis of the Indipetae themselves. She discusses specifically the characteristic rhetorical elements of these letters, focusing on the principal aim of their authors to convince the General. In order to achieve this goal, they enlisted a full arsenal of rhetorical tools that included superlatives, exclamations, rhetorical questions, references to the examples of the saints and other Jesuit missionaries. As the author notes, on the one hand, the Indipetae are quite alike (containing identical elements of construction, terminology, titles etc.); yet on the other hand they retain some marks of individuality. Another notable aspect of the book is that the author did not limit her study to the petitions written to the Father General. Instead, in the sixth and final chapter she also analyses the General’s replies to the Indipetae. Today, these letters addressed to the petitioners from Poland are preserved in ARSI, Germ. 124–125, and are very little known or anlaysed in studies of the Indipetae. These volumes contain the copies of eighty-eight replies to Jesuits in Poland, sent between 1678 and 1719, of which 77% were negative (p. 159). Miazek- Męczyńska notes in her analysis that, in spite of using mainly pre- established patterns of reply, a common feature of the letters is the cordial, even affectionate, tone of the General, who tended to express his gratitude to the candidates, and commend their offers to depart for the Indies as a generous act of charity. Book Reviews 577

As usually occurs in this kind of research, there are several petitions with no extant answers, or vice versa, so that only in a few cases is it possible to reconstruct the complete exchange between a Jesuit and the General, and compare, for example, how the General’s replies corresponded to specific applicants’ requests. Despite such limitations to the documentary corpus under consideration here, these sources remain remarkable treasures of epistolary culture, and rare for their type. Also, the author manages to reconstruct some complete exchanges, such as that of Kasper Tausch, who sent ten letters to the General between 1679 and 1688, and received seven replies (pp. 139–45). Other examples of similar perseverance in seeking a missionary appointment were those of Michał Boym, who authored thirteen Indipetae (pp. 147–53; with the exception of one, all were sent during the single year of 1641!), and Paweł Kostanecki (who wrote seventeen letters over twenty years, between 1668 and 1688; cfr. pp. 157-158). At the conclusion of the book the author lists the characteristics of a Polish Jesuit missionary, as they appear in the letters of petition, written by so many Jesuits from Poland. In listing these characteristics, and observing the main features of the Indipetae, she contends that they did not differ from the petitions written by other Jesuits elsewhere. On this basis, it is argued that the Society succeeded in building a model of unified education, something like the recent attempts to introduce the “Bologna model” as a pan-European system of education. From this, together with further considerations about the nature of Jesuit activity in the China mission, Miazek-Męczyńska posits that the Jesuits could be called the “first early-modern Europeans” (jezuici byli pierwszymi nowoczesnymi Europejczykami; p. 163). This volume certainly contributes to the missionary historiography of the Society of Jesus, particularly to the “Polish side” of it, but also to the Society’s history as a whole, since the findings here clearly relate also to themes and circumstances shared by Jesuits beyond Poland. Indeed, the Conclusio alludes to other scholars working with the same documents and themes: specifically, the many studies exploring the Indipetae from Italy, France, Spain, Portugal and Germany, and including several current collaborative projects with ARSI that seek to apprehend further the nature, value, and significance of the Indipetae. This valuable study thus belongs to a larger historiographical interest that is well underway concerning this fascinating literary genre.

Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI) Robert Danieluk SJ 578 Book Reviews

Otilia Ştefania Damian, Antonio Possevino e la Transilvania tra censura e autocensura, prefazione Lorenzo Renzi, Cluj-Napoca, Accademia Romena Centro Studi Transilvani, 2015, p. 256, ISBN 978-606-8694-04-7

Le relazioni redatte dai gesuiti su culture estranee o extraeuropee hanno suscitato negli ultimi decenni un grande interesse tra gli storici e i letterati. In quanto testimoni del processo di globalizzazione promosso dalle corone iberiche nel Cinquecento e Seicento, esse documentano il contatto e il trasferimento culturale che avvenne tra l’Europa meridionale e regioni fino allora sconosciute. Numerosi sono i lavori pubblicati sulla Descrizione della Cina di Matteo Ricci e su altre relazioni descrittive di culture indigene in America Latina e Asia Orientale. Gli studi su tali documentazioni ci fanno dedurre che la Compagnia di Gesù si è trovata coinvolta in un grande movimento oltremarino. Otilia Ştefania Damian, di origine transilvanica, invece, con il suo libro incentrato sull’opera di Antonio Possevino Descrizione della Transilvania rivela che la giovane Compagnia si lasciava ispirare da diversi progetti di espansione geografica, politica e culturale. Gli attori coinvolti, gesuiti e rappresentanti di autorità politica ed ecclesiastica, benché fossero tutti cattolici, si lasciavano guidare da intenzioni differenti se non addirittura opposte. L’autrice presenta uno studio approfondito e dettagliato sulla regione della Transilvania, attraverso una delle prime minuziose descrizioni in nostro possesso: la relazione redatta da Possevino in occasione di un suo viaggio nel 1583. Il libro non offre un’edizione critica, ma una presentazione introduttiva della vita e delle opere di Possevino (cap. I, II); una descrizione del suo viaggio in Transilvania (cap. III) che lo portò a visitare Mosca, la Polonia, la Francia e la Svezia; la genesi dell’opera (cap. IV); la tradizione manoscritta antica e quella moderna a stampa (cap. V); un commento storico- geografico (cap. VI) e un commento sui vari capitoli (cap. VII). L’ultimo capitolo (VIII), Un incidente diplomatico, chiarisce in poche pagine che con questo viaggio terminò la carriera diplomatica di Possevino che risultava incompatibile con la sua identità missionaria. L’opera di Possevino si può considerare poliedrica perché contiene le caratteristiche di una relazione di viaggio, di una storia antica e non solo della Transilvania con una descrizione geografica basata su osservazioni dirette e anche su studi di opere precedenti. Non si tratta quindi solo di letteratura di viaggio o di un trattato storico-geografico, ma anche di una relazione diplomatica. Book Reviews 579

L’obiettivo principale della missione era la ricerca di condizioni per una ricatolizzazione del paese, i cui signori ungheresi erano in gran parte passati al Calvinismo. Possevino presentò la sua opera per primo a Gregorio XIII, che gli aveva assegnato l’incarico della missione e che propose di darla alle stampe immediatamente. La missione aveva anche una finalità politica. La Transilvania risultava indispensabile alla difesa dell’Occidente dall’avanzamento ottomano e per ciò era intenzione del papa riunire tutti i cristiani in una lega contro i turchi, includendo anche lo “scismatico” zar di Mosca. Per trasformare la Transilvania in un bastione contro i turchi, si valutò anche l’insediamento di una colonia di contadini cattolici. Partendo da questa regione, il Possevino coltivava l’ambizioso progetto di espandersi poi verso la Moldavia ela Valacchia, il Danubio e il Mar Nero e di cristianizzare l’Oriente. Simili pensieri non risultano insoliti, ma si ritrovano anche nei progetti gesuitici rivolti all’India e alla Cina. Così Possevino ed altri gesuiti raccomandavano la Transilvania come apostolato alternativo al Brasile e al Giappone. Mentre la Santa Sede tentava di convincere Stefan Bátlory, a prendere parte ad una lega con il re della Spagna, quello cercava sostegno nella sua espansione verso Mosca. Possevino, invece, era guidato da una missione propriamente gesuita cioè di attirare la popolazione autoctona, ortodossa di denominazione, che viveva in uno stato di grande miseria. È interessante notare che quei contadini furono descritti da Possevino come gli indigeni dell’India e dell’America Latina: selvaggi dotati di una pura coscienza innata ma dominati da autorità corrotte. Allo stesso modo San Francesco Saverio caratterizzava i brahmani in India e i bonzi in Giappone e un simile concetto corrisponde al topos dell’esotico interno che si trova in descrizioni che riguardano le campagne dell’Italia e della Svizzera centrale. Dalle diverse intenzioni mostrate dai gesuiti e autorità secolari ed ecclesiastiche di fronte alla missione transilvanica, l’autrice passa ad esaminare le testimonianze manoscritte relative alla missione pervenute ai nostri giorni: due sono conservate all’ARSI e una terza alla Biblioteca Ambrosiana a Milano. Tutte e tre risultano essere il frutto di un lavoro redazionale in funzione della stampa che alla fine fu bloccata per pressioni censorie. Soltanto nel 1913 e 1932 furono pubblicate due edizioni critiche basate su due diversi manoscritti. La varietà delle fonti e le correzioni effettuate in ciascuna di esse, mettono in luce non solo aggiustamenti di carattere formale, ma anche modifiche apportate per ragioni di opportunità politica e diplomatica. È interessante notare che tutte e tre le fonti 580 Book Reviews furono composte in ambienti molto vicini a Possevino e risulta quindi impossibile risalire all’originale con l’intenzione dell’autore. Le tre versioni rappresentano piuttosto l’evoluzione storica della sua volontà. Per l’autrice risulta più importante indagare nei tre manoscritti non tanto le ragioni che hanno spinto la censura a bloccare il processo editoriale, ma piuttosto cogliere l’autocensura, la censura e corresponsabilità editoriale. Proprio qui, Damian individua un elemento centrale della riforma cattolica che anche Adriano Prosperi reputa essenziale: la “coltura degli ingegni”. Questo concetto educativo implica un continuo ripasso di un testo per tagliare via certi elementi e far crescere l’intelletto e la coscienza nella giusta direzione secondo la dottrina della chiesa. L’autrice ha messo bene in luce che Possevino si dedicava con insistenza alla correzione, emendazione e censura del proprio scritto rivelandosi così un esperto nella semina della buona dottrina – e altrove nell’estirpazione dell’eresia. Anche la sua attività di autocensura fa parte della “coltura degli ingegni” attraverso cui gradualmente si arriva al testo ideale. L’idea di Possevino, ma vale anche per tutti gli altri scrittori della giovane Compagnia di Gesù, non era quella di dedicarsi ad una descrizione reale e autentica della Transilvania che rispondesse a specifiche esigenze scientifiche; l’opera invece si caratterizza essenzialmente come educativa. L’autrice non si limita soltanto a offrire un’analisi e un commento preciso sulla genesi e sviluppo di un testo alla fine censurato, ma getta anche luce sull’attività letteraria dei primi gesuiti nelloro apostolato. Risulta quindi riduttivo pensare che il lavoro della Damian si circoscriva esclusivamente alla personalità di Possevino e alla Transilvania, esso va inserito in una prospettiva missionaria più universale che vede i gesuiti promotori di una riforma cattolica pronta a partire per i confini del mondo e a incontrare le culture fino ad allora sconosciute.

Roma, Università Pontificia Gregoriana Paul Oberholzer SJ

Peter M. Daly, G. Richard Dimler SJ, The Jesuit Emblem in the European Context, Philadelphia, Saint Joseph’s University Press, 2016, 468 p., $70.00, ISBN 9780916101886

Quest’ultimo prezioso contributo di Peter D. Daly e di G. Richard Dimler SJ presenta agli studiosi un’accurata visione d’insieme della cultura e della produzione emblematiche dei gesuiti in Europa tra la Book Reviews 581 fine del XVI secolo e la fine del XVIII secolo. Il libro si articola in sei capitoli seguiti da sette appendici, due sezioni complementari che offrono un duplice ed efficace strumento di lavoro. Nella prima parte del volume gli autori ricordano le ragioni fondamentali che fecero del genere emblematico uno strumento perfettamente funzionale all’attività pedagogica e un’espressione ideale del pensiero e della spiritualità della Compagnia di Gesù. Non è infatti un caso che circa un terzo dei libri di natura emblematica repertoriati fino a oggi, quindi circa 1600 volumi, vide la lucein ambito gesuita. In questa cifra rientrano i libri di autori noti, ma anche opere anonime, vale a dire concepite in seno alle istituzioni gesuite, come l’Imago Primi Saeculi, “il più rappresentativo della natura e degli obiettivi della Compagnia” (p. 272), o ilTypus Mundi, e altre raccolte di emblemi realizzate dagli studenti con l’aiuto dei loro maestri, che esibite sui muri dei collegi (donde il nome di affixiones) all’occasione delle solennità che vi si celebravano, darono luogo a volte a prestigiosi volumi. La profonda assimilazione dell’espressione emblematica da parte dei gesuiti è provata dall’importanza che le è consacrata nella Ratio Studiorum, pubblicata nel 1599 (cap. 2). Possiamo d’altronde confermare grazie al recente lavoro di Gregory Ems dato alle stampe contemporaneamente al volume di Daly e Dimler (2016) che questa particolare sensibilità per la composizione emblematica è già presente nella Ratio del 1586. È significativo che la parola “emblema” ricorra specialmente nelle sezioni della Ratio consacrate all’insegnamento della retorica con cui si forgia la forma mentis dello studente, ma anche strumento necessario alla seduzione delle anime. Quest’ultimo aspetto relativo alla missione pastorale dei gesuiti che fa ricorso all’emblematica è tuttavia succintamente o indirettamente affrontato nel libro. L’emblema è un linguaggio che permette di esprimere una particolare visione dell’immagine del creato rivelata attraverso una costante tensione ermeneutica e la volontà di discernimento. Se già nella Bibliotheca Selecta (1593) di Antonio Possevino SJ si discuteva di emblemi e d’imprese, una teoria gesuita del simbolo e una filosofia della rappresentazione emergono e si sviluppano negli scritti gesuiti del Seicento: dal De symbolica Aegyptiorum sapientia di Nicolas Caussin SJ (1618) che inaugura le edizioni gesuite di emblemi in Francia, al De Symbolis heroicis libri IX (1634) di Silvestro Pietrasanta SJ pubblicato ad Anversa; dal concetto d’imago figurata di Jacob Masen SJ (1606-1681), alla Symbolographia de Jackob Bosch SJ (1634-1704) e ai compendi moderni sull’arte dell’emblema scritti da Franz Neaumayr SJ (1697-1765) e da Ignaz Weitenauer SJ (1709- 582 Book Reviews

1783). In questo excursus sul pensiero dei maggiori teorici gesuiti che si configura come una riflessione critica incentrata in particolare sulla definizione di “emblema” (cap. 3: “The Jesuit Theory of Simbology”), spicca tra gli altri le père Ménestrier SJ (1631-1705), autore di diversi trattati consacrati a emblemi, imprese, blasoni; alla loro funzione nell’uso quotidiano (per esempio nelle dimore o nelle chiese) o in avvenimenti straordinari (nelle celebrazioni come le pompe funebri); nonché autore di trattati sulla filosofia delle immagini. L’opera di Ménestrier è immensa e le sue teorie ebbero un’influenza considerevole sulla concezione e sull’uso dell’espressione emblematica. Lo spazio che vi si consacra nel volume non passa inosservato: insieme a un’introduzione generale sull’autore (p. 72-79), il volume contiene una dettagliata descrizione (p. 201-215) e una panoramica critica della sua opera (p. 106-114) che chiude il capitolo dedicato ai più importanti libri di emblemi pubblicati dai membri della Compagnia. Questi due capitoli che passano in rassegna i maggiori autori e i più importanti trattati teorici sul simbolo selezionati dagli autori per l’impatto e l’influenza che ebbero nella cultura a loro contemporanea e non solo (cap. 4: “The Major Jesuit Emblem Books”) offrono una compiuta visione sinottica della cultura emblematica gesuita. Inoltre, la struttura e le caratteristiche testuali permettono una consultazione agevole, non solo grazie al fatto che i nomi e i titoli dei libri trattati in dettaglio sono sottolineati in grassetto permettendo di reperirli con facilità, ma essi si succedono razionalmente, secondo un ordine cronologico, suggerendo i modi di lettura di un dizionario critico. “L’emblema è una forma o un processo?” Con questa domanda David Graham apriva l’ultimo congresso della “Society for Emblem Studies”, a Kiel (2014). La definizione dell’emblema e le questioni legate alla sua natura sono affrontate nel primo capitolo del volume: “L’emblema – si legge – può essere visto come un modo di pensiero che combina una cosa rappresentata visivamente o una parola che si riferisce a qualcosa con un significato dato, e come una forma d’arte che combina un’immagine e un testo” (p. 24). Tale concisione mette in rilievo l’inventio emblematica e la natura bimediale dell’emblema scardinandolo difatto dal suo campo di studi tradizionale, quello della letteratura e dell’analisi del testo, e affrancandolo dal linguaggio scientifico corrispondente. “La nozione secondo cui l’emblema fu usato primariamente nella sua forma libresca deve essere rivisitata” (p. 74): al centro delle maggiori preoccupazioni degli autori e oggetto di un capitolo specifico (cap. 5: “The Material Culture”) è quello di porre lo studio dell’emblema all’interno della cultura materiale ribadendo l’impatto maggiore e Book Reviews 583 massivo che hanno avuto sulla formazione di un pensiero simbolico, le decorazioni emblematiche nell’architettura privata e pubblica, fino ai più umili oggetti della vita quotidiana (p. 30). Sulla scia dei lavori di Peter Dimler e di Daniel Russell in particolare, gli ultimi decenni hanno visto infatti un fiorire esponenziale degli studi e dei progetti scientifici sugli applied emblems, con un’attenzione particolare ai programmi decorativi architettonici, o all’uso di emblemi nelle arti decorative. Le Umanità numeriche hanno ulteriormente incoraggiato queste più recenti direzioni teoriche e metodologiche degli Emblem Studies verso un approccio interdisciplinare, rendendo disponibile un immenso patrimonio iconografico, delle fonti testuali rarissime e altrimenti inaccessibili, con una drastica diminuzione del costo della riproduzione degli esemplari. Potremmo aggiungere tuttavia che se il beneficio economico è indiscutibile, e la disponibilità delle fonti ingente, in questi ultimissimi anni si sono aggiunti dispositivi di analisi e softwares personalizzabili e adattabili al proprio oggetto di studio che hanno conseguenze profonde sulla percezione delle fonti e sui metodi euristici, questioni che Daly aveva in parte già sottolineato in uno studio (2002) sulle problematiche legate alla digitalizzazione delle fonti emblematiche. La seconda parte del libro comporta un’appendice introduttiva e sei altre appendici corrispondenti alle sei assistenze europee, ognuna delle quali si divide a sua volta in diverse province. Gli autori vi menzionano i libri di emblemi pubblicati in ogni città, sede di una casa gesuita. Questo catalogo è stato compilato a partire dei grandi repertori storici a cui fanno ricorso oggi gli specialisti: la Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus di A. Augustin de Backer et C. Sommervogel, e il repertorio in 5 volumi, The Jesuit Series, frutto del lavoro straordinario di Dimler SJ e Daly (un ultimo volume con addenda e index è annunciato). Come avvertono gli stessi autori, nel volume non sono stati aggiunti libri o raccolte di emblemi recentemente scoperti, né si è proceduto a una verifica delle opere citate da Sommervogel. In effetti, non solo i più recenti studi permettono di aggiungere a questo repertorio numerosi altre fonti, ma alcuni libri segnalati da Sommervogel e dichiarati dispersi o sconosciuti sono oggi reperibili grazie ai cataloghi online delle biblioteche, in tutto il mondo. A titolo d’esempio, possiamo confermare che almeno tre dei libri “dispersi” pubblicati dal collegio di Liegi (p. 279) sono conservati nei fondi patrimoniali universitari di questa città. Il repertorio offre dunque agli studiosi un giro d’orizzonte della ricerca attirando l’attenzione sulla produzione emblematica in alcuni collegi o contesti meno frequentati dagli specialisti. Potremmo invece lamentare il fatto 584 Book Reviews che non sempre siano menzionati i titoli dei libri di emblemi o emblematici, essendo indicato più spesso il solo numero di pubblicazioni per collegio. La consultazione dei grandi repertori rimane ancora imprescindibile e insostituibile. Diversi strumenti inseriti nel volume testimoniano l’impegno di rendere allo studioso più o meno esperto una visione il più possibile completa dell’emblematica gesuita in Europa. Il lettore ha a disposizione una bibliographia selettiva che arricchisce l’ultima pubblicata dagli autori (2005), un glossario e una spiegazione sintetica dell’organizzazione amministrativa della Compagnia di Gesù, un apparato iconografico che mostra 23 libri di emblemi, ma soprattutto, confrontando i dati di Sommervogel con quelli di Alfred Hamy SJ (1892) sulle date di fondazione e soppressione delle Assistenza, delle province e delle case della Compagnia (collegi, università, noviziati, seminari, domi professae), gli autori forniscono dei dati precisi estremamente utili nel quadro di una visione globale dell’azione della Compagnia. Questo libro, frutto degli studi pionieristici condotti da entrambe gli autori durante gli ultimi quarant’anni, offre al contempo uno studio approfondito, e permette una consultazione puntuale e inesauribile.

Université de Liège Rosa De Marco

Eva Fontana Castelli, Marianna d’Asburgo Lorena. Protagonista di una storia rimossa (1770-1809), San Pietro in Cariano, Il Segno dei Gabrielli, 2015, 343 p., € 23,00, ISBN 9788860992819

Il brillante libro di Eva Fontana Castelli, Marianna d’Asburgo Lorena. Protagonista di una storia rimossa (1770-1809), non si configura semplicemente come la biografia di Marianna, figlia del Granduca di Toscana Pietro Leopoldo e sorella dell’imperatore Francesco II d’Asburgo; ricostruisce invece l’esperienza di Niccolò Paccanari e della sua Compagnia della Fede di Gesù attraverso gli occhi di Marianna, che era diventata non solo grande estimatrice di Paccanari – nonostante la condanna del Santo Officio – ma anche e soprattutto protettrice eMadre Generale dei Padri della Fede, nella missione dei quali riconosceva l’opera divina. Da questo studio traspare chiaramente come Marianna, protagonista di una storia rimossa, anche in virtù della damnatio memoriae che colpì Paccanari, abbia costituito in realtà il centro gravitazionale attorno al quale si mossero per anni i membri di questa nuova e controversa famiglia religiosa, legata indissolubilmente agli eventi della Soppressione Book Reviews 585 della Compagnia di Gesù (1773) e al clima contro-rivoluzionario, mistico e profetico diffuso nella Penisola Italiana nel passaggio tra il XVIII e il XIX secolo. Il libro mette in luce come l’incontro con Paccanari e il nascente (mai approvato) ordine religioso – che si proponeva ambiguamente da un lato come continuazione della soppressa Compagnia di Gesù e dall’altro come sua inconciliabile alternativa – abbia segnato una svolta decisiva tanto nella vita di Marianna quanto nella storia dei Padri della Fede: un ordine maschile di cui la stessa Marianna – una donna – divenne co-fondatrice e che dovette alla protezione di un membro della famiglia imperiale la propria temporanea sopravvivenza nell’ostile ambiente romano. Eva Fontana Castelli dà abilmente conto di come, d’altro canto, l’appartenenza familiare di Marianna, inizialmente letta come un elemento di forza, divenne infine una debolezza, a causa dell’opposizione di Francesco IIai progetti religiosi e spirituali della sorella e alle sue pressioni sul pontefice Pio VII. D’altra parte, il papa rispettò sempre le prerogative riservate ad una Altezza Reale, quale era Marianna: come emerge da questa monografia, va notato che Marianna agì da intermediaria nel processo inquisitoriale per affettata santità e sollicitatio ad turpia a Paccanari, ma che non fu mai indagata nonostante i suoi rapporti con l’imputato; che i Padri della Fede, inoltre, poterono vivere riuniti in comunità per anni sotto la protezione (anche economica) di Marianna, pur non essendo stata la loro congregazione religiosa formalmente approvata dal papa il quale, probabilmente, tollerò i paccanaristi temporaneamente proprio a causa del ruolo dell’arciduchessa nell’intera vicenda. Quando, infine, le pressioni dell’imperatore riuscirono ad allontanare la sorella da Roma, la fine dei Padri della Fede divenne inevitabile. La condanna di Paccanari gettò discredito sulla comunità intera, nella quale i Padri vivevano a stretto contatto con il ramo femminile dell’ordine, le Dilette di Gesù. Eva Fontana Castelli riserva pagine estremamente interessanti al rapporto tra l’elemento femminile e quello maschile nella storia di queste nuove formazioni religiose. La ricostruzione dell’autrice mette in luce come la vicinanza tra Padri e Dilette facilitò le accuse dell’Inquisizione in materia di sollicitatio – l’abuso del Sacramento della Penitenza al fine di stringere relazioni sessuali con le penitenti – nei confronti di Paccanari. Emergono da questo studio vari elementi importantissimi per comprendere non solo le vicende dei Padri della Fede – senza che la loro esperienza venga appiattita dalla questione gesuitica –, ma anche il tenore dei tempi in cui questa storia si svolge. 586 Book Reviews

Dall’analisi di Eva Fontana Castelli apprendiamo infatti come diversi orientamenti religiosi, spirituali e politici influenzarono l’esperienza di Marianna e dei Padri della Fede e segnarono l’epilogo della loro storia. I Padri erano innanzitutto caratterizzati da una forte connotazione contro-rivoluzionaria e si configuravano come una delle molte risposte – formalmente approvate o meno – del Cattolicesimo di fine Settecento-inizio Ottocento ai fatti e ai valori della Rivoluzione. In quest’ottica, le nuove fondazioni religiose dovevano porre rimedio alla crisi rivoluzionaria. Marianna vedeva infatti nelle vicende che la legavano ai Padri della Fede la volontà di Dio. La nascita dei Padri della Fede faceva in qualche modo da contraltare alla Soppressione della Compagnia di Gesù, pur con le ambiguità di fondo di un ordine che si ispirava sì alla spiritualità ignaziana, ma era fortemente influenzato dal sistema educativo e missionario dei Cappuccini; che operava per la sopravvivenza del dissolto ordine di Sant’Ignazio, ma allo stesso tempo diveniva una sua inconciliabile alternativa e, in quanto tale, subiva l’opposizione dei fautori della Restaurazione della Compagnia di Gesù; che faceva indossare ai propri membri l’abito gesuitico, ma diveniva di fatto incompatibile con la Compagnia ancora esistente in Russia. Il racconto delle vicende personali e umane di Marianna d’Asburgo, in particolare il suo ruolo di Madre dei Padri della Fede e i suoi rapporti con le Dilette (in particolare la Superiora Leopoldina Naudet, che avrebbe in seguito fondato le Sorelle della Sacra Famiglia), stimola una riflessione circa la femminilizzazione della religione nel passaggio tra l’Antico Regime e la Modernità. L’esperienza di Marianna come Madre Generale dei Padri della Fede, che l’arciduchessa considerò sempre come figli, presenta l’accettazione di una guida femminile da parte di un ordine religioso maschile, in particolar modo durante e dopo il processo a Paccanari, che aveva affidato a Marianna tutti gli aspetti decisionali legati al futuro della congregazione. Come ben sottolineato dall’autrice, il papa stesso aveva implicitamente investito Marianna del ruolo di leader dei Padri della Fede, definendoli come la Compagnia dell’arciduchessa. Anche lo stretto contatto tra i Padri e le Dilette – i due rami, maschile e femminile, dell’ordine – si presenta come un elemento di novità. A questo proposito, è interessante notare come le Dilette non furono mai un ordine claustrale; al contrario, l’ordine fu composto da donne aperte al mondo e che nel mondo dovevano operare. Fa da specchio l’esperienza personale di Marianna che, pur terminando i suoi giorni in esilio forzato, richiamò sempre Book Reviews 587 il suo moderno diritto a decidere della propria vita, nonostante le continue pressioni di Casa Asburgo, ed ebbe un ruolo attivo e di fondamentale importanza nelle vicende dei Padri della Fede. Marianna non divenne mai una religiosa né rinunciò al suo rango, attraverso i privilegi del quale riuscì inizialmente a proteggere e supportare anche economicamente la Compagnia della Fede. Attraverso l’esperienza di Marianna è interessante notare in quale misura la figlia di un sovrano illuminato come Pietro Leopoldo, vicino ad ambienti giansenisti e portatore di riforme giuridiche, avesse condiviso o rinnegato i valori a lei trasmessi durante la propria educazione fiorentina. Marianna era nipote di Giuseppe II, che aveva fatto della Lombardia teatro di sperimentazione di una politica ecclesiastica giurisdizionalista – il Giuseppinismo – che, tra le altre cose, aveva promosso la chiusura di molti enti religiosi e la soppressioni di diversi ordini. Così, l’atteggiamento di Marianna durante il processo a Paccanari in materia di tortura – cui l’imputato fu sottoposto – rispecchia i valori illuministici del padre; al contrario, in materia di politica ecclesiastica e spiritualità, Marianna fu strenua promotrice dei poteri e del ruolo del pontefice e, distaccandosi completamente dalla politica giuseppina, divenne essa stessa fondatrice di un nuovo ordine religioso che vedeva investito di una missione di origine divina. Questo libro si divide in due parti: la prima consiste in una vita di Marianna d’Asburgo, che ha però il pregio di superare i limiti di una semplice narrazione biografica. Attraverso la lente della vita dell’arciduchessa, infatti, l’autrice affronta gli avvenimenti del periodo successivo alla Soppressione della Compagnia di Gesù, in particolare la vicenda paccanarista, e l’evoluzione di un’esperienza religiosa femminile – con tutte le sue vaste connessioni – nell’importante passaggio tra Diciottesimo e Diciannovesimo secolo. La vita di Marianna diviene così un punto d’osservazione privilegiato per comprendere alcune scelte della Chiesa Romana sullo scorcio del XIX secolo in materia di nuovi ordini religiosi e presenza femminile al loro interno; attraverso l’esperienza dell’arciduchessa, inoltre, si può osservare efficacemente l’atteggiamento della famiglia imperiale in relazione a precise questioni familiari e politico-religiose. Nella seconda parte, Eva Fontana Castelli offre una preziosa e ricca appendice documentaria ragionata, composta da numerose scritture private di Marianna: un corpus di lettere al pontefice Pio VII e all’eminente paccanarista Serafino Mannucci (con alcune risposte) e il testamento dell’arciduchessa. Le scritture private di Marianna rivestono un ruolo di eccezionale importanza in questo studio e illustrano la vivace attività 588 Book Reviews dell’arciduchessa in relazione non solo ai Padri della Fede e alle Dilette, ma anche alla sua personale vocazione. Attraverso queste scritture, il lettore contemporaneo può approcciarsi a Marianna analizzandone il ruolo politico, spirituale e religioso nell’Italia contro-rivoluzionaria nel periodo successivo alla Soppressione della Compagnia di Gesù, ma anche osservandone gli aspetti più privati ed emotivi legati alla sua religiosità personale, al ruolo nella vicenda paccanarista e alle relazioni con l’imperatore e i membri della famiglia Asburgo, ai quali domandava significativamente perdono «di tutti i disgusti che posso aver loro dato» al termine del proprio testamento. Il libro di Eva Fontana Castelli ha il pregio di essere uno studio di alta qualità scientifica, basato su documentazione archivistica poco nota e di grande valore per la ricostruzione della vicenda personale di Marianna d’Asburgo e di Niccolò Paccanari e nel contesto più ampio della storia del Cattolicesimo sette-ottocentesco. Grazie all’apparato di note, che restituiscono informazioni su ogni personaggio citato, e ai frequenti riferimenti bibliografici e storiografici, l’opera sazia la curiosità del lettore e fornisce spunti affascinanti agli studiosi interessati non solo alla storia religiosa italiana, ma anche alla storia delle donne e del loro ruolo nella storia sociale, religiosa, economica e politica europea nel passaggio tra Antico Regime e Modernità. L’uso frequente di citazioni – tratte da documenti archivistici –e la scelta degli argomenti trattati permettono al lettore di calarsi completamente nell’atmosfera e negli eventi, analizzati dall’autrice con rigore scientifico e abilità narrativa.

ARC Centre of Excellence for the History of Emotions Eleonora Rai (University of Western Australia)

Lydia Salviucci Insolera - Eugenio Sapori, San Camillo de Lellis e i suoi amici. Ordini religiosi e arte tra Rinascimento e Barocco. Atti del Convegno (Roma 22-23 ottobre 2013) in occasione delle celebrazioni del IV Centenario della morte di San Camillo de Lellis, Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino Editore, 2016, 306 p., € 19,00, ISBN 9788849847482

Il volume raccoglie i saggi offerti e discussi nell’importante occasione del quarto centenario di ricorrenza della morte di San Camillo de Lellis (1614-2014) e già nell’accattivante titolo in cui si richiamano “i suoi amici” pare rivelarsi l’intento di un’indagine più ampia su un’epoca partendo da questa carismatica figura che Book Reviews 589 diviene “scusante” ed insieme “collante” per un evento corale e multidisciplinare. Il primo pregio indubbio è l’accostamento di voci operanti dall’interno delle istituzioni religiose, anche con funzioni espositive e museali (penso all’intervento di L. Mellone dell’Archivio Generale del Ministro degli Infermi di Roma e Y. Teklemariam Bache, Ofm Capp. Del Museo Storico Francescano) e studiosi che approcciano tale realtà dal di fuori, quali segmenti intersecanti i propri ambiti di ricerca. Che l’intento sotteso al progetto di studio promosso da Salviucci Insolera sia stato pienamente onorato, pare chiaro fin dal primo capoverso della Presentazione G. Zito in apertura di volume: “I religiosi camilliani hanno saputo accogliere l’intelligente proposta di L. Salviucci Insolera per il convegno di cui questo volume pubblica gli atti. L’articolazione e le questioni in essi affrontate riconsegnano aspetti di assoluto interesse, non sempre debitamente valorizzati dalla storiografia”. Dunque il maggior ed indubbio pregio di questo volume è una prima “sanatoria” alla mancata valorizzazione storiografica del Santo, dell’Ordine e dei loro rapporti con le realtà in cui vissero ed operarono: un vuoto storiografico – e più latamente bibliografico – imputabile effettivamente alla moderna acquisizione del metodo di approccio multidisciplinare ai fatti culturali. L’ampiezza e la ricchezza dei contenuti del volume offrono interessanti piste di ricerca su più temi riuscendo a dimostrare come i fenomeni sociali e culturali caratterizzanti un’epoca, in passato spesso analizzati come monadi a compartimento stagno, in realtà vivano e si evolvano in una situazione di osmosi assoluta con la propria contemporaneità abbattendo confini e pregiudizi che ne limitano la comprensione: l’esperienza di San Camillo e del suo Ordine fu, oltre che dalla modernità sconcertante, pienamente partecipe della sua epoca in cui gettò semi fecondi per la nostra contemporaneità. Ecco dunque che l’insieme degli interventi del volume costituisce una sorta di architettura immaginaria, completa e complessa, in cui ogni elemento ha precisa funzione strutturale rendendo il testo uno strumento critico che spazia dalla vicenda biografica del giovane abruzzese divenuto santo, ricca di particolari che aiutano a calarlo nel proprio tempo ed a comprenderne le implicazioni con la spiritualità cappuccina (si guardi al dettagliato ed appassionato resoconto che ne fanno E. Sapori m.i., “Gli amici di San Camillo de Lellis” e di mons. F. Accrocca, “Camillo de Lellis e la spiritualità cappuccina”) al meno noto e ricco segmento archivistico, biblioteconomico, artistico ed architettonico. È proprio nel nucleo di scritti storico artistici e sull’architettura che si riesce a misurare più agevolmente quanto 590 Book Reviews l’esperienza camilliana agisse in una fase storica fervidissima: l’importanza delle attività mecenatizie costruttive e decorative in Santa Maria in Traspontina e San Martino ai Monti (G. Grosso), l’impresa urbanistica e di riallestimento di Santa Maria degli Angeli (A. Brodini), la novità intellettuale e figurativa del recupero dell’elemento liturgico greco ed orientale (N. Miracco Berlingieri). Brodini in particolare (“Daemones aufugite. Le terme di Diocleziano e Santa Maria degli Angeli al tempo di San Camillo de Lellis”) indaga sulla ridefinizione degli spazi di Santa Maria degli Angeli con una conseguente risignificazione degli spazi sacri e pubblici dell’intera area accompagnando il lettore oltre la nota storia costruttiva d’impronta michelangiolesca e ricostruendo l’importanza della presenza certosina e la disponibilità ad accogliere le novità spaziali liturgiche postridentine. Insistendo in quest’allegoria “architettonica”, al saggio di A. Bartolomei Romagnoli ben può riconoscersi il ruolo di scheletro portante dell’intera impalcatura: un’ossatura solida su cui poter costruire/ri-costruire in maniera filologicamente corretta avvenimenti, vicende ed interrelazioni di personaggi ed in questo senso, il saggio di A. Cicerchia, “Le fonti camilliane nell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano: percorsi archivistici per un lavoro in corso”, assume il ruolo di supporto logistico ed infrastruttura per la realizzazione dell’ “Architettura dell’universo” di San Camillo de Lellis. L’apporto archivistico è fondamentale per la ricostruzione del fenomeno e nel momento stesso in cui l’autore specifica che a latere della sistematizzazione e digitalizzazione del materiale camilliano sia fiorita una campagna d’indagine tesa a chiarire le vicende delle diverse province dell’Ordine “nel tentativo di ridisegnarne una più ampia prospettiva storico-geografico e determinare nuove considerazioni nell’ambito della storiografia sugli ordini religiosi in età moderna”, offre sostanzialmente un esempio di metodo da ritenersi paradigmatico per la strutturazione delle ricerche riguardanti ogni Ordine religioso. L’identità di metodi e percorsi di ricerca permetterà la comparabilità dei dati ottenuti su ogni singola realtà. È grazie a tale comparazione che potrà migliorare la conoscenza dei singoli profili e delle loro interrelazioni. .La considerazione prende forza leggendo il testo di G.M. Rossi – E. Sapori (“Suono e musica nel metodo umanistico di San Camillo de Lellis”): confrontare l’esperienza e l’importanza della musica nella spiritualità camilliana con la stessa, ad esempio, nel contemporaneo oratorio nerino esalterà le peculiarità di entrambe rinsaldando il rispettivo ruolo nel panorama della musica sacra dell’epoca. Anche nel saggio di R. Rusconi (“Le Biblioteche degli Ordini religiosi: Book Reviews 591 contatti, scambi e influssi a Roma tra 500 e 600”) la prospettiva comparativa assunta per affrontare il tema biblioteconomico risulta la scelta più idonea seppur l’indagine condotta sugli spogli librari di vari ordini religiosi (Mendicanti, Cistercensi, Barnabiti) è tesa a sottolineare la gravità della perdita della lista dei titoli di libri posseduti dai Ministri degli Infermi, redatta nel 1596 in occasione dell’edizione definitiva dell’Index Librorum prohibitorum fortemente voluto da Clemente VIII Aldobrandini. Una perdita testimoniata da un’attenta ricostruzione documentaria. Lo stesso ordine di considerazione sull’utilità di tale struttura delle ricerche emerge nei saggi storico-artistici ed architettonici: V. Di Giuseppe Di Paolo, nell’affrontare la questione delle incerte committenze di pittura camilliana, riesce a dipanarne i fili intricati con le contemporanee vicende artistiche nerine e l’abbondanza del materiale esplorato e sottoposto a vaglio dall’autrice concorre a definire l’ampiezza del raggio di diffusione del messaggio del Santo Abruzzese. La capacità interpretativa stilistica della studiosa rende giustizia al patrimonio di immagini camilliane e riesce ad illustrare bene il rapporto tra prototipi, dipinti ed incisioni (di cui si è occupata A. E. Talamo con la redazione di un utile soggettario). Sono proprio le relazioni di San Camillo con l’ordine nerino che rendono elemento necessario di quest’architettura il saggio di Prosperi Valenti Rodinò sul ruolo degli Oratoriani nel panorama artistico romano di secondo Seicento attraverso la figura di Padre Sebastiano Resta. Nell’ottica della ricostruzione dei rapporti tra ordini vanno segnalati per importanza di contenuti i testi di S. Costa e L. Salviucci Insolera. La Costa partendo dalle affinità tra San Giuseppe Calasanzio e San Camillo ricostruisce in maniera efficace ed affascinante la questione artistica per gli Scolopi agganciandola saldamente alla realtà lincea del primo Seicento Romano. Salviucci Insolera esplora le contemporanee relazioni tra l’Ordine Camilliano e i Gesuiti dal punto di vista artistico riuscendo ad identificare nella comune devozione alla Croce il trait d’union principale, una devozione che prende il via dall’Imitatio Christi parimenti fondante per entrambi i Santi. La comunione d’intenti tra gesuiti e camilliani nell’espressione artistica mi pare particolarmente significativa ed una pista proficua da seguire utile a rimediare in parte la perdita della lista del posseduto librario segnalata da Rusconi: conoscere la perduta biblioteca camilliana originaria avrebbe aiutato a profilare meglio la fisionomia intellettuale della giovane Congregazione ma la condivisione di temi e modi storico artistici, basati su saldi riferimenti culturali dell’Ordine ignaziano come segnalata da 592 Book Reviews

Salviucci Insolera, offre una preziosa griglia di riferimento per la comprensione della stessa. Da sottolineare, perché di innegabile interesse, i testi diA. Spiriti sulle dinamiche insediative dell’Ordine a Milano (“Arrivo e stabilizzazione dei Camilliani a Milano”) e L. Facchin sulle vicende artistico architettoniche della Chiesa di San Giuseppe a Torino (“La Chiesa di San Giuseppe a Torino e i rapporti con Roma: dalle origini alle feste di canonizzazione di San Camillo de Lellis e i dipinti di Gaspare Serenari”), entrambi espressioni dell’ampiezza del raggio dell’azione camilliana nel Seicento e Settecento italiani: Spiriti ricostruisce bene l’intreccio di storia urbanistica e sociale nella Milano Borromaica permettendo di approfondire il confronto con l’originaria realtà camilliana nella città pontificia mentre Facchin indaga sull’impresa torinese svelando progettazioni e maestranze di estrema raffinatezza. I poco posteriori eventi su San Filippo Neri (“1515-2015: V centenario dalla anscita di Filippo Neri un Santo dell’età moderna”, Roma, Biblioteca Vallicelliana 16-17 settembre 2015) e Padre Claudio Acquaviva SJ (Convegno internazionale di Studi “Padre Claudio Acquaviva SJ Preposito Generale della Compagnia di Gesù e il suo tempo”, Atri, Palazzo Ducale Acquaviva 20-21 novembre 2015) sono da ritenersi i naturali completamenti d’approfondimento di un’epoca e che rendono il volume degli atti il primo ragionato tentativo di colmare un vuoto storiografico e bibliografico moderno, auspicando che le ricerche stimolate dal volume con la novità degli apporti di tutti gli interventi possano essere proseguite nel pieno rispetto del paradigma critico della multidisciplinarietà che lo contraddistingue.

Università degli Studi di Roma Tre Arianna Petraccia

Daniel Cosacchi and Eric Martins (eds), The Berrigan Letters: Personal Correspondence Between Daniel and Philip Berrigan, Maryknoll, NY, Orbis Books, 2016, 304 p., $30.00, ISBN 9781626981645

Upon his death in April 2016 at the advanced age of 94, the profuse popular outpouring that followed served as a reminder that, regardless of whether one agreed with his activism or not, few American Catholics in the twentieth century loomed as large as the polarizing icon of the “Catholic left,” pacifist and peace- Book Reviews 593 activist, Daniel Berrigan SJ.1 As the editors of America Magazine rightly pointed out, “His place in American Catholic history is beside the other two giants of the 20th century: Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton.”2 For decades Berrigan was a leading proponent of nonviolence and social justice. For many he served as constant source of inspiration, a modern-day prophet cut from the same cloth as those who thundered away in the Old Testament. For others, especially some of his Jesuit superiors, Berrigan was a constant irritant. He is best known for his dramatic and symbolic peace actions. One of the most famous of these incidents was the 1968 burning of U.S. military draft files in Catonsville, Maryland, and subsequent eluding of the FBI for several months following sentencing. Another prominent example was the 1980 breaking into a nuclear weapons facility in King of Prussia, Pennsylvania, whereupon he and others poured blood on and hammered the cones of nuclear warheads, launching the “Plowshares Movement” of similar symbolic peace actions. The name of the movement stems from Micah 4:3: “They will beat their swords into plowshares and spears into pruning hooks.” Given Berrigan’s public stature, and his own prowess as an award-winning poet and writer, there is no shortage of literature on his life, work, and legacy. Amid this already impressive Berrigan imprint, rising scholars Daniel Cosacchi and Eric Martin have contributed a helpful, even crucial, work with their co-edited volume, The Berrigan Letters. The book is a collection of personal correspondence between Daniel (Known as Dan) and his older brother, Philip, that spans over six decades, starting with Dan’s entry into the Society of Jesus in 1940, and ending with Philip’s death from cancer in 2002. Philip was a former Josephite priest who was later expelled from the order after a secret marriage with fellow activist and then-nun Elizabeth McAlister (who provided a touching preface for this book). While Dan is the best-remembered of the two, their most dramatic displays of peace activism were done together. If one needs any reminder of the tandem nature of their activism, both were featured on the cover of the January, 1971 issue of Time under the headline, “Rebel Priests: The Curious Case of the Berrigans.”

1 Daniel J. Berrigan, * 9.V.1929 Virginia, MN (USA), S.J. 14.VIII.1939 New York, † 30.IV.2016 Bronx, NY (USA) (Catalogus Provinciarum Statuum Foederatorum Americae Societatis Jesu 2015).

2 The Editors, “Daniel Berrigan (1921-2016),” America Magazine, May 16, 2016. 594 Book Reviews

This volume is the remarkable product of several years of painstaking work by the editors, who transcribed over two- thousand surviving letters between the brothers that were housed at Cornell and Depaul University, respectively. Putting together this sort of edited collection has its own unique set of challenges. Poor curation and too little contextual details results in a volume that can be unwieldy, unbalanced, and ultimately, unhelpful. On the opposite end of the spectrum, too heavy a hand risks the editors privileging their voices over that of their subjects. But The Berrigan Brothers avoids these potential pitfalls. This final product is a thoughtful and careful curation of this previously unutilized trove of rich primary documents. Throughout the book, the editors provide helpful context that situates the exchanges against the overlapping backdrops of social and political events, the many changes of American Catholic life in this period, and the personal ups and downs of Dan’s and Philip’s own lives. The editors further explain family references, and provide necessary explanations of the coded language the brothers often employed, given that one, if not both, often were in jail for their constant acts of civil disobedience. During these times their letters consequently were under the close watch and censorship of prison authorities. These additions are just enough to provide coherence to this collection, but not too much as to overshadow the letters themselves. Cosacchi and Martin’s light editorial touches are one the volume’s greatest strengths as it allows the voices of Dan and Phil, and with it their deeply intimate thoughts, struggles, introspections, and joys, to predominate. The personal contours of the letters cut through the hagiographic air that often surrounds Dan and, to a lesser extent, Phil. They are shown at their most human, gems of intimacy that are often obscured, particularly for a figure like Daniel Berrigan. These gems of intimacy show the brothers at their most human. Readers are treated to tremendously personal moments, such as poems written by Dan just for Phil and Elizabeth, and short reflections from his work in a New York City AIDS hospice. The letters further provide insight into the remarkable network of religious and other peace activists that the brothers knew and crossed paths with, such as the likes of John Howard Yoder, A.J. Muste, Jim Forest, Thomas Merton, Dorothy Day, Howard Zinn, Martin Luther King Jr., and Thich Nhat Hanh, who periodically pass through. Among other achievements, the book serves as a very useful reminder of how central this fraternal relationship was to the Berrigan’s lives and their activism. While Dan reigns supreme in Book Reviews 595 public memory, he would not have been the same peacemaking paragon without Phil, who in some ways often was the more radical and action-oriented of the two. The letters also admirably capture the love between the two and the deep support they provided one another, with all of the blemishes, complications, and tensions one would expect in a sibling relationship. These dynamics, as the letters show, were often exacerbated by the brothers’ heightened outspokenness. They also reveal how, perhaps unsurprisingly, such principled men were not always the easiest to get along with. In spite of periodic dust-ups, it is clear that they cherished one another and share a close bond as they planned their various protests, spent time in and out of court and prison, and continuously reflected on the nature of their work, as they strove towards trying to right the wrongs of what they saw as an unjust and overly militaristic world. Further, the book illustrates the ways Dan was formed by a global Society of Jesus and a global Catholic church. Berrigan is in many ways a unique figure, but his worldview was indelibly shaped by periodic overseas “exiles” by his superiors as a result of his outspoken activism. These stints included time in France, where he met with Henri de Lubac during the latter’s Vatican- imposed censorship, and where he also spent time with members of the worker-priest movement. As Dan remarked in a letter, the passion with which they spoke of charity, justice, and poverty “was unforgettable”.3 Later exiles included time in Latin America and with the philosopher priest Ivan Illich in Mexico, and beyond the Iron Curtain in Eastern Europe, where he remarked that, despite the lack of spiritual activity, he found inspiration in his communist surroundings. He wrote “... there is much more justice in speaking of the Marxist contribution, as an echo of the prophetic tradition in the church, sternly determined to take in hand the forward rhythms of history, to infect mankind with the germ of hope and dignity”.4 The letters reveal in small ways how these tours further formed Dan and his lifelong work. If there is any shortcoming of the text, it is the periodic imbalances within the exchanges. Certain chronological stretches of the book are dominated, if not composed entirely, by the letters of one brother. But this is a reflection of the source base, indicative of whose letters survived a certain period rather than the decisions

3 Berrigan Brothers, 10.

4 Berrigan Brothers, 22. 596 Book Reviews of the editors. As a whole, this book is a marvelous accomplishment that will serve as a critical resource for those seeking to understand the Berrigan brothers, their activism, and their times. Further, it should serve as a corrective to a tendency to view these fugures in a two-dimensional light, by reminding scholars, activists, and curious readers alike that Dan and Phil were brothers first and foremost, and that this relationship was foundational to their lives and legacy.

Boston College Christopher Staysniak

John T. McGreevy, American Jesuits and the World: How an Embattled Religious Order made Catholicism Global, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 2016, 315 p., $ 35.00, ISBN: 9780691171623

The Roman Catholic Church is the quintessential global institution. But how did Catholic globalization work? For John T. McGreevy, the answer is through the agency of the Society of Jesus. An eminent scholar of American Catholicism, in American Jesuits and the World McGreevy’s focus is not so much on the Jesuits in the United States as such, but rather on America as a case study of a Jesuit-led Catholic globalization. As McGreevy points out, the nineteenth- century saw Jesuits ‘sent to utterly distant locales based on the exigencies of expulsion and the needs of the Society at a particular moment: Madagascar or Beirut, Cleveland or Quito.’ (p. 5) Up to half of German and a third of French Jesuits worked outside their home countries; by 1902, more than a quarter of all Jesuits did. This phenomenon was particularly apparent in the United States, where more Jesuits migrated in the nineteenth-century than to any other country. In time, American Jesuits would themselves venture overseas, not least to America’s Pacific empire. With English- language Catholic history largely still confined in national silos, McGreevy’s approach is an important and refreshing refocusing. The book itself is organised around a series of personalities and events designed to delimit both the American Jesuit experience and its international context. After a potted (but informative) introductory tour of global anti-Jesuit prejudice and persecution, McGreevy introduces his readers to John Bapst SJ, now best remembered as the first president of Boston College. Born in Switzerland in 1815, Bapst had fled with his fellow Jesuits in the wake of the Catholic defeat in the Sonderbund War of 1847. Trained as an academic, Book Reviews 597 he instead found himself a missionary to the Penobscot people of northeast Maine. Although dedicated to his mission, the longer he stayed the more he began to concentrate on the Euro-American population, for whose sobriety he held out greater hope. Bapst preached, educated, and built in relative peace until 1854, when he denounced the reading of the King James Bible in the local public schools and urged Catholic students to withdraw from the system. His house was vandalized and then his schoolhouse damaged by an improvised explosive. Local animosity quickly became entangled with European-derived tropes about sinister Jesuits, and in late October Bapst was brutally assaulted by a mob. He was lucky to escape with a tarring and feathering, and his appalling treatment gained national attention. Importantly, McGreevy does not limit himself to the specifics of Bapst’s story, but links it to the wider phenomenon of American nativism and the related creation of the vast parochial school system. A similar approach is taken in Chapter Three, where McGreevy uses the story of the Belgian Jesuit Ferdinand Helias and the Jesuits of Missouri to explore how Catholicism coped with the conflicting political, moral, and social claims of an antebellum American border state. In Missouri, the Society had to reckon not only with indigenous critics but also European radicals who, like many Jesuits, had fled the continent, albeit for very different reasons. One, Heinrich Börnstein, used his position as editor of the mass-circulation German-language Anzeiger des Westens to whip up anti-Catholic and particularly anti-Jesuit passions. His campaign soon was joined by local Protestants and became conflated with support for the Republican Party. Catholics in turn supported the Democrats. This polarization left the Catholic community and the Jesuits badly exposed when the American civil war finally broke out. Despite strict orders to remain neutral – and providing chaplains to both sides – the Jesuits inevitably were seen as sympathetic to the Confederacy, as indeed many were. It was this association with rebellion that led the influential convert journalist Orestes Brownson to pillory the Society as the friends of sedition at home and tyranny abroad. They could never, he thought, be loyal citizens of any state, whether in the old or new worlds. In post-war Missouri, such attitudes led to an emphasis on public education as a test of civic loyalty and the imposition of loyalty oaths for ministers of religion designed to catch priests in general and Jesuits in particular. Again, McGreevy uses the American story, both local and national, to illuminate the global nature both of the Society and those who defended, criticized, or feared it. Attention then moves further south, to Grand Couteau, Louisiana, 598 Book Reviews and the curious case of Mary Wilson. A genteel Canadian-born Protestant, Wilson was converted after viewing the exposed body of a dead St. Louis Jesuit, Peter König, in 1862. A few years later, she joined the Society of the Sacred Heart and moved to Louisiana. During a serious illness, Wilson reported that the recently (1865) beatified Jesuit, John Berchmans SJ had appeared to her. News of her consequent miraculous recovery soon spread, and McGreevy weaves Wilson’s peculiar story into the global phenomenon of nineteenth-century Catholic popular devotion and the Jesuits’ role in fostering and spreading it. The final chapter follows American Jesuits to the Philippines. There they had to deal not only with the contradictions of American imperialism, but also with national, cultural, linguistic, and devotional differences as they supplanted the long-established Spanish order. American Jesuits, for example, were puzzled as to how their Spanish brethren could tolerate bullfighting while banning boxing. They soon became enthusiastic (although not uncritical) agents of American rule. Despite its episodic structure, American Jesuits and the World is a coherent and important contribution to the histories of the United States, the Society of Jesus, and the globalized Catholicism of the nineteenth- and twentieth-centuries. At times the scale of the project becomes a bit too much and the author’s grip slackens, especially when the focus turns to Europe. Camillo Cavour, for example, is granted an extra decade of life and an opinion on the First Vatican Council. More seriously, the uniqueness of the Jesuits as conscious agents of Catholic globalization is overemphasised. They were undoubtedly the most significant among the religious orders, but McGreevy overlooks the more numerous (and arguably more influential) Irish diocesan networks that spread across the English- speaking world with just as much determination, coherence, and planning; successive archbishops of Dublin were as globally minded as successive fathers general. But these are quibbles: American Jesuits and the World is a richly-researched, accessible, and important reminder that Catholicism is a global religion and its history is best written with that fact in mind.

University of Aberdeen Colin Barr Book Reviews 599

Tibor Bartók, Un interprète et une interprétation de l’identité jésuite. Le père Louis Lallemant et sa Doctrine spirituelle au carrefour de l’histoire, de l’analyse institutionnelle et de la pensée d’auteurs jésuites antérieurs et contemporains, Roma, Gregorian and Biblical Press, 2016, 864 p. € 65,00, ISBN 88-7839-339-8

Il volume che Tibor Bartók dedica al gesuita Louis Lallemant (1588- 1635) et alla sua famosa Doctrine spirituelle, é costruito intorno a una sorta di carrefour che permette di esplorare l’oggetto di studio a partire da fonti e domande differenti e complementari. “L’essere gesuita” secondo la visione elaborata da Louis Lallemant nei suoi insegnamenti e nei suoi scritti resta una delle interpretazioni più feconde per i gesuiti francesi del Grand Siècle. Tenuto conto del coinvolgimento di questi ultimi in diversi aspetti della società francese dell’epoca, la possibilità offerta dallo studio di Tibor Bartók di conoscerne meglio i riferimenti spirituali, teologici e –in parte- istituzionali, risulta particolarmente importante. Al centro dell’indagine si trova dunque un gesuita –Lallemant- formatore di eccezione e autore di importanti conferenze per i padri impegnati nel terzo anno di probazione –in particolare a Rouen tra il 1628 e il 1631-. Mezzo secolo più tardi, tali scritti saranno integrati da un altro gesuita, Pierre Champion, nella prima edizione della sua Vie et Doctrine spirituelle du père Louis Lallemant (1694). Quella della Doctrine spirituelle, scritto destinato a innumerevoli traduzioni ed edizioni, é una lunga storia: essa figura ancora tra le letture consigliate ai gesuiti che stanno ultimando il loro percorso d’incorporazione definitiva alla Compagnia. Di fronte a un testo a tutt’oggi carico di implicazioni affettive e identitarie, Tibor Bartók testimonia della volontà di uno studio radicato nel contesto di produzione che lo contraddistinse. La Doctrine spirituelle diventa dunque un oggetto di indagine che trova la sua ragion d’essere non soltanto in relazione a pratiche spirituali, ma anche a priorità istituzionali e politiche ben precise. In particolare, la concezione del terzo anno di probazione e la sua realizzazione pratica corrispondono a un momento ben preciso nella storia istituzionale della Compagnia di Gesù: é in gioco l’enorme sforzo d’uniformizzazione di una Compagnia in vertiginosa espansione. Sforzo lanciato dal generale Claudio Acquaviva e proseguito dal suo successore Muzio Vitelleschi. E’ in questo contesto -presentato dall’autore in modo intelligente e pertinente- che Lallemant elaboro’ il proprio modello del gesuita, come religioso che, nel nome della perfezione spirituale, si adatta agli ordini ricevuti, pur resistendo al profilo corrente di gesuita francese dell’epoca, che puntava piuttosto su azioni pratiche nei collegi e altrove. 600 Book Reviews

Il volume é organizzato seguendo una logica di cerchi concentrici, che partono dalla figura di Lallemant, per poi analizzare la sua opera e, quindi il contesto di quest’ultima, in relazione con la Compagnia e con la monarchia francese. Particolarmente apprezzabile risulta la scelta di non limitarsi alla sola produzione a stampa –pratica fin troppo seguita nelle storie della spiritualità, che restano come sospese in una realtà a-storica a rischio di afasia-, includendo nell’analisi dei vari livelli d’inchiesta documenti d’archivio –in particolare la corrispondenza tra Roma e i responsabili della provincia francese, come pure quella tra questi ultimi e i gesuiti direttamente impegnati nell’azione pastorale-. Nella stessa logica, gli scritti spirituali di Lallemant sono messi in dialogo con le fonti normative della Compagnia –in particolare Costituzioni e Regole-. Anche se di tanto in tanto si sarebbero potute approfondire ulteriormente le questioni relative all’effettiva circolazione di certe fonti nella Compagnia del Seicento -soprattutto le Costituzioni-, la proposta resta interessante. Infine, si deve salutare il dialogo serrato che, a partire da Louis Lallemant, Tibor Bartók instaura con alcuni grandi autori del XX secolo a proposito della tradizione mistica e spirituale gesuita. In effetti, il fatto che Lallemant abbia fatto l’oggetto d’interpretazioni importanti da parte di Henri Bremond e Michel De Certeau, non spaventa l’Autore che, soprattutto in relazione all’impostazione di Bremond, passa del “sentiment religieux” all’analisi di un ben più concreto del “vuçu” del popolo cristiano e dei suoi pastori in formazione. E’ in questa prospettiva che Bartók fa sua la riflessione di De Certeau sulla mistica nella Compagnia di Gesù durante il XVII secolo, sviluppando in modo originale il rapporto tra Legge e Spirito. Si assiste cosí a un interessante superamento pratico della contrapposizione teorica tra mistica e istituzione religiosa; tra mistica e ascetismo. Contrapposizioni che si ritrovano ancora in alcune interpretazioni della storia della Compagnia di Gesu’ tra XVI e XVII secolo: più gli studi progrediscono, più la presunta scelta anti-mistica della Compagnia in rapida espansione sotto Acquaviva e Vitelleschi, si risolve nella compresenza di tensioni mai sopite tra slanci mistici e necessità di norme condivise. In questo contesto la spiritualità –e anche l’esperienza mistica- diventano forze da integrare in un processo di continua riorganizzazione istituzionale e formativa. Il libro di Bartók mostra l’importanza di Louis Lallemant in questo processo sempre incompiuto.

Université Catholique de Louvain Silvia Mostaccio ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXV, FASC. 169 2016/I

Articles

Mario Zanardi, Pietro Chiari “gesuita” (1731–1744): note 3 e documenti

Claudia von Collani, The German Protestant Scholar Christoph Gottlieb von Murr (1733–1811) and his Defence of the Suppressed Society of Jesus 43

Sergio Palagiano, La serie Affari del fondo archivistico P. Pietro Tacchi Venturi SJ (1861–1956) nell’Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI): lavori archivistici e primi rilievi 97

Anna Markiewicz, From Lviv to Paris: The Jabłonowski Brothers at the Jesuit Collège Louis-le-Grand, 1684–1686 187

Review Essay

Liudas Jovaiša, Jesuit Historiography in Lithuania since 1990: Proximity and Distance along World Routes 221

Book Reviews

L. Salviucci Insolera, Andrea Pozzo (R. Bösel) 233 A. Henn, Hindu-Catholic Engagements (D. Mendonça SJ) 238

Athanasius Kircher, The Celebrated Museum (A. Udías SJ) 242

Y. Liu, Harmonious Disagreement (T. Meynard) 245

K. Schatz, P. Alexander de Rhodes (J. Meier) 249

V. Lavenia - S. Pavone, eds, Missioni, saperi e adattamento(E. Frei) 253

I. Marek, How the Jesuits Survived (G. Afinogenov) 256

Manuel Luengo, Diario de 1814 y 1815 (R. Danieluk SJ) 260

C. Libois, L’Égypte et la Compagnie de Jésus (A. McCormick) 266

M. Saulini, Bernardino Stefonio S.J. (M.G. Genghini) 270

M. Lop Sebastià, ed., Alfonso Salmerón (J.M. Díaz Blanco) 273

S. Hendrickson, Jesuit Polymath of Madrid (D. Martín López) 275

Notes and News in Jesuit History 281 Book Reviews

Lydia Salviucci Insolera, Andrea Pozzo e il Corridoio di S. Ignazio, Roma, Artemide, 2014, 192 p., ill. a colori, € 40.00, ISBN 9788875752132

Il libro qui recensito colma una lacuna nella bibliografia storico- artistica sul barocco romano. Esso si occupa di un capolavoro relativamente poco studiato, che finora è stato tenuto nella giusta considerazione esclusivamente da pochi specialisti e quasi ignorato da un più vasto pubblico di appassionati d’arte, di un’opera che sembrava destinata a rimanere nell’ombra delle altre ben più celebri creazioni di Andrea Pozzo rintracciabili a Roma, cioè le decorazioni pittoriche della chiesa di S. Ignazio e la cappella ignaziana al Gesù. Anche le numerose iniziative scientifiche che nel 2009 accompagnarono il quarto centenario della morte dell’artista – si ricordano i due volumi Mirabili Disinganni e Artifizi della Metafora, nati da una grande mostra e un convegno internazionale che ebbero luogo a Roma – hanno un po’ tralasciato questo primo lavoro romano del Pozzo. Non a caso, però, il fortissimo impatto visivo dell’opera e la complessità del suo messaggio intellettuale sono tali da risultare di difficile esemplificazione all’interno del catalogo di una mostra o nel contesto di conferenze accademiche. Solo un libro monografico approfondito come questo, corredato altresì di una ricchissima documentazione fotografica, può sostituirsi in qualche modo alla visione diretta del luogo e pretendere di trasmettere per mezzo della carta stampata lo spessore retorico del concetto d’insieme e al contempo la complessità dell’insegnamento iconico delle pitture. Con tali splendide illustrazioni il libro non solo riesce a riprodurre le pitture in ogni loro singolo dettaglio, maa rendere intelligibile il costrutto compositivo nella sua totalità. E per tale intento è stata irrinunciabile una documentazione degli stessi scorci visivi ripresi da differenti angolazioni; anzi, di fronte ad uno spazio illusivo così artificioso e stratificato come il nostro, una simile lettura sinottica costituisce l’unico possibile punto di partenza per qualsivoglia approccio analitico. Il libro si articola in forma molto chiara e comprensibile in una breve introduzione e in tre parti principali. La prima parte spiega le “Premesse storiche e artistiche”, la seconda s’intitola “L’incarico per il corridoio” e stabilisce le linee fondamentali dell’intervento di Pozzo, la terza parte è riservata alla valutazione semiologica del suo operato come pittore gesuita. Le tre parti sono a loro volta suddivise 234 Book Reviews in diversi paragrafi, che facilitano in qualche modo l’orientamento a chi, dopo la lettura completa del testo, ne volesse consultare separatamente solo alcuni specifici passaggi. Il testo principale di Lydia Salviucci Insolera è seguito da un’appendice contenente due importantissimi saggi di Mauro de Luca e Filippo Camerota, nonché una trascrizione di un documento conservato nell’Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, una fonte ricca di informazioni sulla cronistoria e soprattutto molto utile per la comprensione dei criteri progettuali dell’opera. La prima parte del libro offre due capitoli molto chiarificatori. L’autrice ripercorre la genesi delle camere come luogo di memoria e la loro trasformazione in un vero e proprio luogo di culto. In seguito ricorda le turbolente vicende storiche che hanno causato varie modifiche all’aspetto fisico del luogo: dalla soppressione dell’ordine nel 1773 alle vicissitudini risorgimentali, per giungere ai nostri giorni, e quindi al ripristino completo del loro assetto originale. Il capitolo seguente, dedicato alla prima fase decorativa messa in opera da Jacques Courtois (1621-1676), offre per la prima volta un’esauriente lettura delle immagini che questo pittore gesuita, di origine borgognona, aveva eseguito intorno alle finestre del corridoio, nonché sulle stesse vetrate. Apprendiamo come tali decorazioni miravano ad una accentuazione pittorica solo parziale del lungo corridoio. Quest’ultimo correva allora ancora ininterrotto lungo il cortile dell’edificio, come parte integrante degli ambienti interni della Casa Professa. Courtois aveva il compito di abbellire il settore antistante le camere del Santo, una sorta di preludio alla visita del luogo sacro, ma senza farne ancora veramente parte. È molto probabile, che in quella prima fase le pitture si dovessero limitare appunto alle nicchie delle finestre, e che – contrariamente a ciò che finora molti studiosi supponevano – Courtois non avesse mai previsto di decorare anche la volta. Il programma iconografico di queste pitture equivale ad un percorso biografico del Santo, che partendo dalla sua prima vocazione giungeva alla fondazione dell’ordine e presumibilmente sino alla sua ufficiale istituzione da parte del Pontefice. Infatti, la logica interna della sequenza cronologica degli episodi rappresentati dimostra chiaramente come il ciclo dovesse estendersi originariamente oltre le odierne quattro nicchie decorate: con una quinta finestra – quella dell’atrio, corrispondente al pianerottolo dello scalone – dedicata al periodo romano del Santo. Allo stato attuale è assente, tra l’altro, la visione della Storta, la scenadi solito maggiormente rappresentata ed immancabile in qualsiasi Book Reviews 235 programma ignaziano. È dalle indagini esposte da Mauro De Luca nell’appendice, che l’ipotesi dell’esistenza di una quinta finestra decorata trova una sua conferma inconfutabile. Ed è assolutamente auspicabile, che un giorno non troppo lontano tali pitture possano essere messe nuovamente in luce, liberandole dai sovrastanti strati di tinteggiatura. Davanti a queste premesse così ben ricostruite dall’autrice si profilano nitidamente i criteri essenziali del compito pratico e artistico affidato ad Andrea Pozzo. La presenza dei numerosi secolari, che si recavano alle camere del Santo, avevano causato molti inconvenienti intollerabili per la vita interna della Casa Professa. Occorreva quindi segregare il flusso del pubblico dagli ambienti privati della comunità religiosa. E da ciò nacque la necessità di suddividere il corridoio realizzando un tramezzo divisorio con un portale che consentisse l’accesso ad un vero e proprio atrio a se stante. Pozzo lo chiama “un bellissimo e magnificentissimo portico”. Per sottolineare visibilmente tale cambio di destinazione era opportuno accentuare al massimo il suo aspetto architettonico: farlo contrastare il più possibile con il resto del corridoio. L’idea dell’artista fu dunque quella di affidare tale mutazione ad una virtuosistica operazione di manipolazioni prospettiche. L’austero corridoio voltato e apertamente percorribile, acquista le sembianze di uno spazio riccamente articolato e apparentemente non più voltato ma coperto da una serie di architravi orizzontali sostenuti da mensole. L’ex-corridoio si trasforma in una vera e propria ‛camera prospettica’ racchiusa in se stessa e fruibile da un osservatore non più in movimento, bensì idealmente posizionato in un centrale punctum stabile. Solo da questa posizione privilegiata l’osservatore è in grado di percepire ciò che è illusivo (e in verità deforme) come una apparente realtà perfettamente composta. Fin qui l’operato sembra essere identico a quello che conosciamo dalla navata e dalla finta cupola di S. Ignazio. Ma ciò che in quest’opera è davvero stupefacente e singolare, è il fatto, che qui la finzione prospettica ci circonda da tutte le parti: la troviamo non solo sulla volta, ma tutt’intorno sulle quattro pareti, di cui una è addirittura fortemente obliqua. E come se non bastasse ci troviamo in un ambiente molto allungato, stretto e piuttosto basso: di conseguenza la proiezione ottica produce forti effetti anamorfici, che si acuiscono in modo quasi irritante verso le due estremità dello spazio. Siamo quindi di fronte ad un costrutto prospettico estremo e totalizzante, la cui complessità coinvolgente superava di gran 236 Book Reviews lunga qualsiasi altro miracolo ottico fino ad allora realizzato nella storia dell’arte: superiore persino alle due spettacolari anamorfosi concepite dai geniali matematici francesi, Maignan e Niceron, nel convento della Trinità dei Monti. Nell’istruttivo saggio in appendice, Filippo Camerota illustra in modo magistrale il metodo scientifico adottato da Pozzo, guidandoci passo passo attraverso la complessa procedura pratica della laboriosa operazione prospettica. E ci spiega, quanto fosse complessa, sin dall’inizio, la progettazione dell’assetto fittizio dello spazio. L’artista dovette basarsi non già su un solo disegno preparatorio, come avrebbe fatto dipingendo soltanto la volta o una sola delle pareti, ma su ben cinque disegni preparatori per proiettare l’architettura immaginaria su altrettanti quadri prospettici: tre frontali (per le pareti lunghe e quella d’ingresso), uno obliquo (per la parete di fondo) e uno orizzontale al livello del piano d’imposta della volta. Torniamo però alle esplicazioni che ci vengono offerte dal testo principale del libro! Nella terza parte del volume l’autrice sottolinea il significato filosofico-teologico dell’unico punto di osservazione con un plausibile riferimento all’etica aristotelica (comprovata peraltro da un’iscrizione che era originariamente leggibile sul relativo disco marmoreo che segnava il punto d’osservazione sul pavimento della chiesa di S. Ignazio). Tale connesso è in verità già stato rilevato da Bernhard Kerber, ma Lydia Salviucci Insolera riesce a corroborarne la tesi, individuando la probabile mente ispiratrice di tale pensiero: l’insigne filosofo gesuita, p. Silvestro Mauro, che proprio in quegli anni era attivo come docente al Collegio Romano e in seguito addirittura rettore dello stesso istituto. Cogliendo il nocciolo del concetto potremmo constatare che il modello tipologico al quale si riferisce Pozzo è quello di una nobile galleria, simile a quei meravigliosi esempi che riscontriamo nei palazzi romani dell’epoca: la galleria del palazzo Pamphilj in Piazza Navona o quella di palazzo Colonna che in quegli anni si stava completando. Si tratta di luoghi, dove si celebravano allegoricamente le glorie della propria famiglia o addirittura le gesta eroiche degli antenati. Solitamente, questi ambienti venivano abbelliti da grandi quadri riportati affrescati sulla volta, accompagnati sulle pareti da una serie di immagini raffiguranti singoli memorabili episodi storici, nonché da busti, tondi o bassorilievi ecc., in una commistione di materiali e colori diversi. Il carattere eroico del modello profano acquista, nella versione elaborata da Pozzo, il significato di un’apoteosi della santità di Ignazio. Gli episodi della vita del personaggio glorificato, essendo già Book Reviews 237 presenti nelle immagini dipinte da Jacques Courtois cedono il passo alla raffigurazione dei miracoli compiuti dal Santo. Proprio grazie al paradossale paragone tra profano e sacro, il discorso si traspone, per così dire, in una dimensione più alta, puramente spirituale e celestiale. Ma il concetto retorico non si ferma qui: la visualizzazione illusiva dell’intero programma, la sua quasi magica percettibilità ottica porta con sé una vera e propria trasfigurazione metaforica dei mezzi d’espressione. La galleria delle miracolose gesta del Santo si trasforma ulteriormente in una stupefacente ‘scatola prospettica’: un teatro scientifico così tanto sensorialmente travolgente quanto logicamente inconfutabile, da riuscire ad infondere nello spettatore la certezza, fondamentale per la cultura intellettuale del Seicento, che “le scienze vengono da Dio” (Possevino). Non abbiamo ancora parlato dei soggetti stessi del programma ignaziano esplicato nel Corridoio: nella seconda parte del suo libro, l’autrice li analizza con sovrana padronanza dell’argomento, rilevando di volta in volta le probabili fonti iconografiche. Grazie alle sue dettagliate descrizioni il libro acquista il valore di un vero e proprio vademecum. Apprendiamo così quali episodi siano raffigurati nelle scene dipinte lungo le pareti, quali di essi nei grandi riquadri della volta e quali invece soltanto nei finti bassorilievi di bronzo e di terracotta dipinti monocromaticamente. Nell’intero programma sembra vigere una sottile differenziazione gerarchica. Ad alcune raffigurazioni l’artista diede, infatti, maggiore rilievo, e alcune di queste vengono accompagnate da cartocci recanti le relative iscrizioni istruttive. In verità risulta essere quasi impossibile distillare da tutto ciò un preciso disegno metodico. Ciò vale ancora di più per quello che riguarda la serie di dieci medaglioni con ritratti di difficile identificazione. Non è infatti chiaro, se possa trattarsi dei dieci prepositi generali che fino a quel momento avevano governato la Compagnia, oppure degli altrettanti primi compagni di Sant’Ignazio. L’autrice propende – giustamente – verso quest’ultima interpretazione, formulando responsabilmente tutte le possibili argomentazioni pro e contra. Solo nel contesto dei dieci compagni di Ignazio sembrerebbe infatti plausibile quella ulteriore differenziazione gerarchica che Pozzo adopera nella rappresentazione dei medaglioni. Otto di essi sono affissi sul muro, come fossero elementi integranti della decorazione architettonica delle pareti; i restanti due vengono invece sostenuti in alto da angeli in volo, a poca distanza dall’apoteosi del Santo in gloria riscontrabile al centro della volta. Si penserebbe dunque subito ai ritratti dei due santi dell’ordine allora già canonizzati: San Francesco Borgia e San Francesco Saverio. Ma purtroppo ciò non trova alcuna 238 Book Reviews effettiva convincente conferma nelle sembianze fisiognomiche che dovrebbero tratteggiarli. Simili particolari, però, sembrano persistere enigmaticamente a priori quali elementi accessori di un complesso organismo iconografico, ove diverse categorie semantiche – quella contenutistica della figurazione e quella poetica del concetto compositivo –si intrecciano fondendosi inscindibilmente in un’unica stravolgente e suadente sintesi visuale.

Vienna Richard Bösel

Alexander Henn, Hindu-Catholic Engagements in Goa: Religion, Colonialism and Modernity, New Delhi, Orient BlackSwan, 2014, 228 p., $ 14.65, ISBN 9788125055211.

This insightful work captures important current aspects of syncretic religious practices and expressions among the Hindus and Catholics in Goa, a former Portuguese colony in India (p. 9). If religion as well as popular religiosity played ambiguous roles, they also gave rise to many syncretic practices or Hindu-Catholic engagements seen in demotic rituals involving icons from both the faiths. These syncretic expressions concentrate on the performative aspect of the ritual rather than on meaning. The veneration of the Catholic Saibini (Our Lady), St Francis Xavier and St Anthony by both Hindus and Catholics, and the Catholic active participation in Jagar, a Hindu religious celebration, are cases in point (pp. 16, 56). Deep rooted religious syncretism and cultural hybridity make Goa a rather unique location for analysis, and this features provide the focus for this study, which uses the term syncretism to denote religious as well as cultural elements (p. 9). The author clearly states his purpose: “One of my primary aims in this book is therefore to scrutinize the engagement between Hindus and Catholics in Goa and other parts of India as a way of understanding the role that religion played in the transformation of old and the emergence of new cultural differences at the historical beginning of colonialism and modernity” (pp. 4, 17). Thus it is Goa’s syncretic history and culture with which the book is concerned (p. 12). This historical, ethnographic and literary study of Goa, one of the smallest Indian states, is the result of two decades of research and fieldwork starting from the early 1990s (p. 9). The historical Book Reviews 239 circumstances that conditioned the early-modern colonial engagements still resonate in the life of the Hindus and Catholics in today’s Goa. (9) The author suggests that the ethnographical material helps to formulate questions, whereas the historical evidence provides hypothetical answers. The book’s historical perspective aims at supporting the ethnographic present described therein. The extensive ethnographic fieldwork done in Goa (Maharashtra and Karnataka) adds strength to the book. Henn acknowledges the work’s limitations; nevertheless it is another step towards a further understanding of Hindu-Catholic cultural/religious engagements in modern-day Goa (p. 17). Henn shows that Goa makes an interesting subject for a study on religion, colonialism and modernity because of its unparalleled early and long-standing colonial domination by Catholic Portugal (1510–1961) (p. 4). The Goa of the “Old Conquests” – where an overwhelming majority became Catholic – undoubtedly is culturally very different from the Goa of the “New Conquests”, that is,the vast territories that were added to the original Goa by the mid- eighteenth century. The author argues that Goa does not fit into Orientalism and post-colonial theories, because the state’s religiosity lacks a political hegemonic dimension, due to the then pervading religious liberalism/tolerance (p. 15). He goes on to emphasise that Orientalism, post-colonial theories and politicization of religion are not sufficient to interpret Goa’s syncretism or religiosity. Furthermore, he appeals to the cultural and religious affinities between the Goan Christians and Hindus as evidence of cultural relativism during the Portuguese regime. The author uses his ethnographic fieldwork to show a disconnect between the Goa case and Orientalism/postcolonial theories – in so far as these approaches highlight the primacy of religion in representing and opposing the different other. But, he writes, the ambiguous role of religion or Hindu-Catholic syncretism/ engagement blurs European-Oriental polarities to power, which is the core of Orientalism (p. 8). The author of this review begs to differ from such an understanding of Orientalism and post-colonialism, since syncretism, if at all rooted in Portuguese “liberal attitudes”, was for hegemonic reasons and due to the state’s political weakness (p. 9). For example, it is known that by the mid-eighteenth century, the Goan Catholic elite engaged in constructing what is now known as Indo-Portuguese mansions as a form of contesting Portuguese discrimination or Orientalism (p. 10). Popular syncretism makes Goa a complex location (p. 12). Despite this syncretism, Goan religious identity has never become 240 Book Reviews hyphenated, rather it retained its own religious character, that is, each one asserts his/her identity as either Hindu or Catholic. If indifference is shown to questions relating to religious identity and differences by the ritual performers in Goa, it is simply because for them identity is innate and non-negotiable (p. 16). Identity continues to remain religiously bound as either Catholic or Hindu, says Henn (p. 13). Ethnographic results show that, just as religious identity could remain unbroken unless conversion intruded, so the meaning imparted to signifiers/rituals/icons by each faith, stayed rather distinct and non-negotiable (p. 18). After all, Hindu-Christian accommodation was not just about religiosity but also about meaning-making to facilitate meaningful communication; but it was never doctrinal (p. 18). No doubt, syncretism transgresses boundaries that divide Hindu from Catholic contents (p. 12), but some deeper religious meanings are not exchanged between those traditions. For instance, Saibini (Madonna) or Jagar (Hindu ritual play) may bring Catholics and Hindus together, but the meaning imparted to them is provided by each one’s tradition/worldview. Even if there are myriad cross- religious encounters, syncretic practitioners do not transgress doctrinal or creedal boundaries (p. 64). Syncretism also shows that a new religion never fully eradicates what has come before (p. 158). Interestingly, but hardly surprisingly, Hindus seem more inclined to Catholic popular practices than the other way around (p. 168). The book has six chapters and includes a comprehensive bibliography. Chapter one discusses whether Vasco da Gama’s praying to a Hindu deity in a temple on his debut in India (Calicut) was indeed a “gaffe” or the result of “tolerant attitudes”of the Portuguese (p. 38). Henn says that it was neither; rather that unchristian act was the result of “uncertainties”. Interestingly, that incident was turned into a hypothesis of Portuguese tolerance to explain Goan Hindu-Catholic engagements or syncretism (pp. 17, 18). Chapter two informs us about a century of violence during which the destruction of idolatry prevailed (pp. 47–54). Asymmetry of power relations were created at all levels in the villages by imposing a popular Catholic saint in the place of a gavndevata (main village Hindu deity), and by installing a minor saint where a rakhno or deunchar (minor divine guardian) stood. Despite the Portuguese continuous and strict vigilance, Goa’s memory could not be erased and the Hindus continued their old practices (p. 45). When by the middle of the eighteenth century Goa saw greater relaxation of law, then the Hindu deities began reappearing and competing for Book Reviews 241 their former locations occupied by Catholic icons. This resulted in the two faiths coexisting side by side. Religious turbulence in Goa did not shake its traditional tolerant ethos, so much so that Hindu deities began appearing nearby crosses (p. 59). Chapter three raises questions regarding the missionary production of literature in local languages alongside the policy of destruction of idolatry. However, these contradictory activities in fact paradoxically complemented each other (p. 78). There was “similarity” between hermeneutic/translation and violence/ eradication (p. 79). If violence aimed at negating or eradicating paganism, then hermeneutics aimed at preventing Christian relapses into idolatry, but in any case the locals remained disempowered, with their script, language, and culture being negated. Even translation was inferior to the power of the original (p. 68); colonial hermeneutics was soft violence. So Orientalism is still valid in the Goa case. There were more Catholic controls in Goa than elsewhere in India and Robert de Nobili in South India was a case in point (p. 72). Chapter four explains that the Catholic Portuguese regime permitted, to a large extent, the reproduction of major social structures and hierarchies of the Hindu society among the Christians in Goa (p. 93). Catholics in Goa replicated the system of caste among themselves with some changes, whereas Christians elsewhere in India were integrated into the local Hindu social structure, but formed one or more differentiated caste communities. Hence, argues Henn, the relationship between the Catholics and Hindus outside Goa became more ambiguous (p. 122). Likewise, the transition from Hindu ganwkari to Catholic comunidade underwent some transformations but it reproduced many traditional features. It is interesting to read about the plasticity of Hindu religiosity and the association between deities/rituals and ecology/land (p. 94). Chapter five provides an in-depth account of jagar, a ritual-cum- play performance. Jagar/Zagor, a one-day annual play by amateurs and villagers with ludic and ritualistic features in many villages of Goa, is evolving still and adapting, but without substantial changes or with unbroken tradition in order not to upset the ritual, deities and saints. Jagar reflects the social and historical changes that the community undergoes. Jagar is centred on the Hindu-Catholic divine pantheon to which all prayers and songs are addressed in exchange for blessings and protection (p. 155). The participants in jagar – which signifies wakefulness of the gods – spend a whole night beating drums, dancing and singing not to fall asleep, so that the gods, saints, and ancestors are expected also to remain awake a 242 Book Reviews full year to grant the village success. Chapter six, titled “Crossroads of Religions. Shrines and Urban Mobility” takes us on a “tour” to show how religious structures fit into a congested city today. In conclusion, such longstanding peaceful coexistence between Hindus and Catholics in Goa is gaining a particular currency in turbulent times today (p. 14). India and the rest of the world need paradigms of multi-faith engagements for harmonious coexistence (p. 175). This historical-ethnographic work deserves our attention.

Rome, Pontifical Gregorian University Délio Mendonça SJ

Athanasius Kircher, The Celebrated Museum of the Roman College of the Society of Jesus. A Facsimile of the 1678 Amsterdam Edition of Giorgio de Sepi’s Description of Athanasius Kircher’s Museum, translation by Anastasi Callinicos and Daniel Höhr, notes by Jane Stevenson, edition and afterword by Peter Davidson, Philadelphia, Saint Joseph’s University Press, 2015, 172 p., $ 120.00, ISBN 978-0-91610-87-9

Athanasius Kircher (1602–80) is a figure who continues to attract a great deal of attention. His famous museum in the Roman College, the Jesuit University in Rome where he was professor of mathematics from 1638 to 1680, remains a source of fascination. Kircher dedicated much effort into installing his museum (a Wunderkammer, or cabinet of curiosities,) and he displayed its collection with great pleasure to the many visitors who deemed it an unmissable destination during a stay in Rome. For this reason, the publication of a facsimile edition of the museum’s description – or catalogue – published in 1678 by Giorgio de Sepi (and with the involvement of Kircher himself in a brief dedicatory note by him), is of great interest. In this edition, the facsimile Latin text is presented with a large number of engravings; this is followed by a complete English translation by Anastasi Callinicos and Daniel Höhr (annotations are by Jane Stevenson); the work is edited with an Afterword by Peter Davidson, containing information about Kircher’s work and the museum. Upon opening the large-format book, and opposite the title page, we are presented immediately with a marvellous engraving from the original text: it depicts a view of the museum as it was in 1678, with the figure of its Jesuit founder showing it to two visitors. Seven pages further along, we find another image of Kircher, this time a well-known portrait reproduced on a full page. In the opinion of this reviewer, an editor’s introduction before the presentation of de Book Reviews 243

Sepi’s text would have been very useful in assisting the reader to navigate the text itself and understand something about its author. And for those unfamiliar with Kircher, they must wait until the end of the book in the Afterword to discover something about him, largely limited to his reputation as a polymath. Concerning the author, Giorgio de Sepi (not a Jesuit), we learn only that he was Kircher’s assistant and from Valois (Valesius), and that he had helped Kircher with the construction of some of the machines in the museum. Little more information is provided about him, and it is not clear from the discussion if anything more may be ascertained (this reviewer could not find any more details about him); we thus are left with a lingering curiosity about de Sepi, with gaps that would be worthwhile filling, especially: further details about his life and whether he continued showing the museum after Kircher’s death, which occurred only two years after the publication of the catalogue. De Sepi’s text provides a window onto the great variety of objects in the museum: it is all the more valuable because, as we have noted, it was written when Kircher was still alive, and thus it reflects how the Jesuit himself intended it to be. It is divided into three parts, preceded by a dedication to the patron, the Count of Clary and Aldringen, written by Kircher himself, and an introduction by de Sepi. The first part begins with an overview of the museum and a description of the visual representations there, painted on the five vaults of the ceiling in the part of the building in the Collegio Romano where the museum was housed. Then follow details about the collection’s masks, pictures, idols, examples of foreign languages and – the most important items of this section – the obelisks. These were models of six obelisks that were made by Kircher at reduced scale, and reproduced in the text by six large engravings (each the size of four pages in fold-out format) plus two more covering a single page. These are the most striking engravings of the book. A special description is provided of the small obelisk Kircher made in honour of Queen Christina of Sweden, who went to the museum twice during her time in Rome, and whose visits were much appreciated by Kircher. The second part of the work lists glassware of all types from the collection, such as lamps, measures and weights; these are followed by lists of exotic animals, such as crocodiles, armadillos, rhinoceros and hippopotamus, some of them reproduced in engravings and minerals called «fruits of the subterranean world». The most interesting items in this part of the book are the devices or «toys» of a magnetic and optical nature, which were made by Kircher with 244 Book Reviews reference to his books about magnetism and light: De arte magnetica (1641) and Ars magna lucis et umbrae (1646). Among them is the celebrated “magic lantern”, a predecessor of the slide projector. They were made to impress visitors to the museum with striking effects. Some of them are reproduced in engravings. They may be compared with devices found today in some science museums. At the end of this part, some interesting chemical experiments, called «hermetic experiments», are presented. The third part lists a collection of coins, both ancient and contemporary; it details many kinds of musical instruments, with reference to Kircher’s work on music and sound (Musurgia sive ars magna consoni et dissoni (1650); and it provides information about thermometers and clocks. An interesting set of devices is described in the book, and engravings of some of them are provided: these devices were made to simulate perpetual motion, although the author recognizes that this is not possible. An important object was the so-called “Delphic Oracle,” which is described as a device in which a statue is made to look as if it could speak and listen through a tube connecting its mouth to some far point where a speaker answers the questions put to it. Finally, in Chapter 8 of Part 3 in the Latin version, a list is provided of forty-two books by Kircher, five of them not yet published at the time. This list, without explanation, is not given in the English translation, which would have benefitted from a note indicating its existence. The chapter concludes with a “Nota ad lectorem”, mentioning that, in addition to Kircher’s books, there are twelve volumes of manuscripts in the museum, containing letters in many languages, sent to him by popes, emperors, kings, princes, and other distinguished figures. The “Nota” also indicates that the museum holds a «closed archive» containing a collection of rare manuscripts from China, India and the Mogul kingdom, as well as books about China, India and South America. This Nota is given in the translation (under Chapter 7), but without mentioning that it is really part of Chapter 8 in the Latin version, which could be confusing if reading just the translation. Moving through de Sepi’s description of Kircher’s museum in the original Latin text, together with the engravings – and aided if necessary by the useful English translation – we are guided to appreciate the marvels of nature: its minerals, plants and animals; we are prompted, too, to wonder at man’s works, in pictures, statutes and, above all, Kircher’s own mechanical, magnetic, optical and sound devices. Through this text, we can appreciate the museum as Kircher intended it to be: that is, as a room of wonders, a model of the cosmos and a theatre of the world. Through these Book Reviews 245 pages, we become a visitor accompanied by Kircher himself, who shows us the different objects, pausing over their importance and explaining the mysteries behind them. Finally, in the book’s Afterword by Peter Davidson, which relies substantially on Paula Findlen’s excellent work on Kircher, we are told of the meaning and character of the museum as a typical Baroque work, and of Kircher as a transitional figure, between the medieval and the modern, between legend and science, and between the marvellous and the natural. The Afterword begins appropriately with the subject of Queen Christina’s visit, a topic that occupies a prominent place in de Sepi’s text as well. The close ties between the museum and Kircher are demonstrated by the discussion of its rapid decline after Kircher’s death, and the dispersal of elements of the collection after the Jesuit suppression in 1773. A short bibliography is given at the end, in which this reviewer misses the reference to John E. Fletcher’s important work, A Study of the Life and Works of Athanasius Kircher, ‘Germanus Incredibilis’ (Brill, 2011). The presentation of the book is excellent, with a very good facsimile reproduction of the original text at full size. In the opinion of this reviewer, however, as already mentioned, a more complete introduction placed before the main text would have strengthened this work’s contribution, especially concerning such themes as Kircher’s life and work, the Roman College and the museum itself. Nevertheless, the book’s value is undeniable in its presentation of a vital textual source relating to Kircher’s famous museum to a wide audience through English translation, and in its beautiful illustrations and handsome production.

Universidad Complutense, Madrid Agustín Udías SJ

Yu Liu, Harmonious Disagreement: Matteo Ricci and his Closest Chinese Friends, New York, Peter Lang, 2015, VII + 246 p., (Asian thought and culture. Vol. 73), Hardcover/eBook € 66.90 ($ 86.95), ISBN 9781433132414/ E-ISBN 9781453917312

Many studies on the life and works of Matteo Ricci have appeared in the last ten years, and it is a real challenge to write something new and original. Yu Liu, Professor of English at Niagara County Community College (New York State), undertakes precisely this challenge, looking at Ricci through his closest Chinese friends. The first four chapters describe how Ricci understood Chinese culture 246 Book Reviews and promoted in his works his brand of Confucian Christianity, and how the Chinese reacted to these. For the author, the Treatise on Friendship (Jiaoyou lun) did not express any original ideas and lacked “philosophical distinction” (p. 33), yet it enjoyed some success and made known the name of Ricci because the topic of friendship was fashionable in Late Ming China. The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (Tianzhu shiyi) presented Ricci’s theistic reading of ancient Confucianism, identifying Shangdi (the Sovereign on High) to the Christian God, a reading completely foreign to the Chinese tradition (p. 48). The author argues also that Ricci himself may not have believed in the monotheism of the ancient Chinese and that his interpretation was “largely tactical” (p. 57). On the question of Ricci’s unprovoked attack against Buddhism, the author argues that this could have been avoided, especially since the Chinese literati with whom he was in contact belonged mostly to the Confucian school of Wang Yangming, and thus were quite sympathetic to Buddhism. The third work by Ricci under discussion is the Twenty- Five Paragraphs (Ershiwu yan), which presented a Christian version of Stoicism; this work was more successful for its promotion of tranquility of mind, especially during difficult times (p. 101). The second part of the book discusses the ways in which four of Ricci’s Chinese friends related to him and his ideas. Qu Taisu was Ricci’s most intimate friend in the years 1589–1601, teaching him Confucianism and its association with the other traditions. Qu Taisu was responsible for Ricci changing his social identity in China, from a Buddhist monk to a Confucian scholar. Despite the closeness of the friendship, Qu Taisu had a concubine and he didn’t want to repudiate her. But if Qu Taisu was not baptized until 1605, it is mostly because of an intellectual difference: Qu Taisu had strong sympathies with Buddhism and did not agree with Ricci’s attack on Buddhism. The second friend, Xu Guangqi, worked closely with Ricci in the years 1603–1607, and unlike Qu Taisu he had been deeply hostile to Buddhism even before meeting Ricci. Xu Guangqi embraced Christianity, but the interview he had later on with Niccolò Longobardo (Ricci’s successor as Jesuit superior in China), suggests that Xu Guangqi did not accept Ricci’s distinction between ancient and later Confucianism. Also Xu Guangqi wrote that Ricci brought to China a completely new knowledge about God, and this would suggest that Xu did not accept Ricci’s idea that the ancient Chinese already had a knowledge and faith in God (p. 142). Li Zhizao, the third friend discussed in this study, met Ricci in Beijing in 1601 and worked with him on cartography and Book Reviews 247 astronomy. In the same manner as Qu Taisu, Li Zhizao delayed baptism, but this was due, not so much to his concubine, as to his intellectual reservations, especially in accepting some mysteries of Christian faith. According to this author, there was a basic mismatch of interests as well: as with Xu Guangqi, Li Zhizao mostly was interested in learning Western science, but Ricci saw science as “nothing more than a means or a necessary enticement” to religious conversion (p. 163). The fourth friend, Yang Tigyun, presents a complex trajectory of conversion, since he was a devoted Buddhist in the years 1609–1611, and after his conversion to Christianity, he came to express some harsh criticism of Buddhism in his works. Despite his baptism, Yang Tingyun may have been selective about his in Christian beliefs. For example he never mentioned Adam and Eve, and he was rather skeptical about the creation of the world in seven days, the four Christian hells and original sin. Also, Longobardo reports that Yang Tingyun did not follow Ricci in rejecting the principle of reason (li) or the unity of heaven and humanity (tianren heyi). The author concludes by noting that the disagreements that existed between Ricci and Chinese converts did not undermine a mutually appreciative relationship. For this author, Ricci ultimately sought to convert China, while his Chinese friends aimed at saving their country: the objectives on both sides were frustrated, but, through their disharmonious disagreements, Ricci and his friends worked in fact for something more enduring that continues to serves as an inspiration for the relationship between China and the West. For the most part, the author has based his research on secondary sources, some of which unfortunately are out of date. Many factual errors do occur as well: for example, there is some confusion about the different phases of Jesuit training, like novitiate and juniorate (a distinct phase in the long process of Jesuit formation, which takes place after the novitiate and prior to undertaking further studies) (p. 33). Also, the author takes for granted the contemporary report that Nicolas Trigault brought to China seven thousands books; however, many scholars have shown the number to be an exaggeration. The author identifies, furthermore, Michele Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu as: “the first methodological explanation of European theism with the help of Confucian ideas” (p. 42), and that Confucian monotheism “was largely taken over from Ruggieri” (p. 46). Instead, the Tianzhu shilu expressed Christianity mostly in the language of Buddhism, and there is only one mention of a Confucian concept in this work, and not a single quote from the Confucian classics. The four friends chosen by the author are quite traditional: three of 248 Book Reviews them are considered the pillars of the Catholic Church in China, and all three had a personal relationship with Ricci, to different degrees. Besides the three, Qu Taisu is a judicious choice since he probably was the first intimate Chinese friend Ricci had. The relationship between Ricci and his four friends is characterized by an expression from the Analects (he er bu tong); it is used for the title of the study, and translated by the author as “harmonious disagreements” (p. 142). In fact, one could choose to emphasize in this expression harmony (he) over the difference (butong), but the author evidently preferred disagreement over harmony as the dominant dynamic here. On another point, already made by many scholars, the author is correct in the assessment that, even though the four Chinese friends ultimately converted, some discrepancies remained in their understanding and adoption of certain important Christian beliefs. However, for this reviewer, in stressing the differences, the author has gone too far. The assertion that the Christian reading of ancient Confucianism “could not and did not make any sense to any Chinese reader…” (p. 101) is problematic. The author’s view that Xu Guangqi did not accept Shangdi as an equivalent of Tianzhu (“Lord of Heaven”) cannot be substantiated on the basis of Longobardo’s report alone. Xu Guangqi did in fact use the term Shangdi in his works. Also, the argument that Ricci himself did not believe in the ancient monotheism of China and that he saw science only as a means for conversion is misleading for this reviewer: such a stance overlooks the importance of natural theology in the heritage on which Ricci drew, with its deep roots in the works of the Patristic writers, for example. For this reviewer, a consequence of the absence of such considerations, is that a particular line of argument has been developed, which hinders a more complete apprehension and interpretation of Ricci’s ideas and writings. Yet the approach of this study raises the interesting question about the nature of the conversions of Ricci’s friends. Were those conversions purely intellectual, and only partial, as the author suggests, or did they constitute religious conversions as well? Here, we would do well to recall that Christianity is not only a philosophy, and that – particularly important as a guiding principle for the Jesuit protagonists of this study – it is a revealed religion, so that if a Christian does not believe in the historical revelation of God (Shangdi) in human history and in the person of Jesus, this indeed does not make him a Christian.

Guangzhou, Sun Yat-sen University Thierry Meynard SJ Book Reviews 249

Klaus Schatz, „… dass diese Mission eine der blühendsten des Ostens werde …“. P. Alexander de Rhodes (1593-1660) und die frühe Jesuitenmission in Vietnam, Münster, Aschendorff Verlag 2015, 260 p., €39.80, ISBN 978-3-402-13100-8

El libro de Klaus Schatz comienza con una breve visión del estado de desarrollo de las misiones jesuítas a nivel mundial, es decir en África, Ásia y América alrededor del año 1615. Por aquella época, Alexander de Rhodes había terminado el noviciado en la provincia romana de la Sociedad de Jesús (1612-1614). Nacido en 1593 como súbdito francés del Papa en Avignon, ingresó en la Orden porque le interesaba conseguir una tarea en la misión. Tres veces presentó las respectivas peticiones al Padre General durante su estudio de teología (1614-1618), que finalmente fueron atendidas tras su ordenación como sacerdote. En los meses de otoño / invierno de 1618/19 De Rhodes viajó de Roma a Portugal haciendo estación en los lugares de peregrinación de Loreto (Italia) y Manresa/Montserrat (España), así como la despedida de sus padres en Avignon. Su barco zarpó el 4 de abril de 1619 en Lisboa y arribó en Goa el 9 de Octubre de 1619, donde De Rhodes permaneció dos años y medio y pudo ampliar sus experiencias sacerdotales. La siguiente travesía de Goa a Macao en 1622/23 tuvo que ser interrumpida durante nueve meses en Malakka debido a la falta de transbordo. En el Colegio de Jesuítas Madre de Deus en Macao, De Rhodes coincidió con distintos hermanos de congregación que habían sido expulsados de Japón, donde desde 1614 había comenzado una persecución sistemática a los cristianos. Algunos de los afectados habián llegado ya a Annam, denominación por la que se conocía Vietnam en aquella época, que se encontraba bajo una permisiva dominación china cuyo orden interno llevaba el sello del confucionismo. Se diferenciaba el reino del norte, Tonking (Hanoi), del reino del sur, la Cochinchina (Hué); el delta del Mekong (Saigon), que se encuentra aún más al sur, en el siglo XVII aún no pertenecía a Vietnam. A finales de 1624, De Rhodes fue enviado a Annam con otros seis jesuítas ( cuatro portugueses, un italiano y un japonés), lugar al que en los años anteriores ya habían llegado catorce jesuítas. La mayor libertad en las comunidades de los pueblos, comparado con China, así como la participación más autónoma de las mujeres en la sociedad, favorecieron una asimilación interna del cristianismo en Vietnam, así como la participación de catequistas en la misión, algunos de ellos procedentes de Japón. De Rhodes aprendió durante su primer año en la Cochinchina la lengua vietnamita. Siendo reclamado en 1626 a Macao, llegó 250 Book Reviews en 1627 a bordo de un carguero portugués a Tonking. Sus convincentes homilías lograron los primeros bautizos y las primeras nominaciones para dirigir las comunidades. Gracias a inteligentes métodos de catequésis y también a su sensibilidad por los valores del confucionismo creció rápidamente el número de bautizos hasta alcanzar varios miles. Sin embargo aumentó la desconfianza por parte de los Señores del Reino, ya que De Rhodes también podía ser impulsivo y acalorado, por lo que a finales de 1629 los jesuítas tuvieron que abandonar Tonking. La comunidad de catequistas iniciada por De Rhodes, constituída por cristianos concienciados de gran talento que vivían en celibato y compartiendo bienes, asumió la responsabilidad de la joven iglesia de Vietnam. Desde 1630 a 1640 De Rhodes ejerció de sacerdote y profesor en Macao. En 1640 fue enviado de nuevo a Vietnam, al reino del sur de la Cochinchina. Allí se encontró con comunidades vivas y crecientes, que los catequistas reunían para los servicios en círculos en los hogares. Durante sus visitas, De Rhodes administró cientos de bautizos, escuchó confesiones, visitó a agonizantes, y formó a gente jóven como catequistas. Como había que ser precavido, el misionero se mantenía durante el día oculto y por las noches ejercía su labor pastoral. Contaba con el apoyo de algunos lugareños cristianos de las capas sociales de mayor rango, como la esposa del Gobernador de la provincia de Ran Ran. Otros eran más cautelosos debido a su lealtad a los Señores del Reino. En 1644 fue ejecutado el catequista vietnamita Andreas, el primer mártir de esta jóven iglesia. Las comunidades se mantuvieron unidas durante la persecución y siguieron creciendo. Finalmente, De Rhodes fue detenido y debió abandonar Vietnam para siempre en el verano de 1645. De Rhodes y los otros misioneros de Vietnam se orientaron tanto hacia las élites locales (Justicia, Militares y Médicos), sobre los que siempre tuvieron una opinión positiva, como también hacia las mayorías de la población. Respecto a la vestimenta se adaptaron a las costumbres lugareñas. También referente a la doctrina buscaron la coincidencia y el elemento de unión, por ejemplo, los principios éticos, pero también respecto a la imagen del Creador y Señor de los Cielos. La Pasión y Resurrección del Hijo de Dios se transmitieron según el evangelio de San Juan; además, se practicaron intensamente ritos, como la Adoración del Crucificado con velas encendidas. La misión de Vietnam era sorprendentemente muy exitosa; la cultura de Vietnam no era tan egocéntrica como en China y el Cristianismo no se apreciaba aquí como algo completamente ajeno, sino en algunos casos como activación de costumbres y enseñanzas tradicionales propias del país. También fue atractiva la preocupación Book Reviews 251 cristiana por los pobres, los enfermos y los seres abandonados y solitarios, que De Rhodes fundamentaba con el valor ilimitado de cada alma humana. Finalmente, la iniciativa propia de las jóvenes comunidades cristianas contribuyó al éxito de la misión, en la que algunas pocas mujeres de las capas sociales más altas tuvieron una participación importante. Los crucifijos, las imágenes religiosas, las fechas marcadas como „la presentación en el templo“ (también por su cercanía a la celebración del Año Nuevo vietnamita) y la Semana Santa, además, la relación positiva de los cristianos con la muerte y las pérdidas fueron asimiladas profundamente en la iglesia que surgía en Vietnam. Un gran impedimento para la expansión del Cristianismo fue su rechazo estricto a la poligamia y a la adoración de antepasados y genealogía pagana. Por medio de un catecismo bilingüe sumamente original (latín- vietnamita), que demuestra gran familiaridad con la mentalidad y religiosidad de los vietnamitas (impreso en Roma en 1651), Alexander de Rhodes marcó la historia de la iglesia de Vietnam incluso después de su expulsión. La asociación de catequistas, que surgió por iniciativa propia y que él fomentó, se convirtió en la columna vertebral de la jóven iglesia; durante las largas ausencias de los misioneros fueron los catequistas los que se ocuparon de las necesidades de la labor pastoral de las comunidades. Sin embargo, el mayor efecto lo logró De Rhodes a través del desarrollo de la escritura latina que puso a disposición de la lengua vietnamita una escritura propia, que se impuso paulatinamente y se convirtió para siempre en el vínculo entre Vietnam y el mundo occidental. En el Sur y el Este de Ásia solo Indonesia y Filipinas utilizan la escritura latina. Tras su expulsión de Vietnam en 1645 De Rhodes fue enviado a Europa. El viaje le llevó desde Macao, haciendo escala en Malakka, hasta Batavia (aquí tuvo lugar una estancia de ocho meses), continuando desde Ceylon, Surat/India a Ormuz y desde allí por vía terrestre hasta Isfahan, que le impresionó profundamente y donde existían varias pequeñas congregaciones católicas. A través de Armenia y de Turquía llegó a Izmir, desde donde un barco genovés lo transladó a Italia. En el verano de 1649 entró en Roma, donde celebró el Año Santo en 1650 y participó en 1649 y 1652 en las congregaciones generales de la Sociedad de Jesús como representante de la provincia japonesa. La congregación encargada de la propaganda apoyó el invio de vicarios apostólicos a Vietnam, que debía haber ordenado sacerdotes autóctonos de las filas de los catequistas, pero que no se logró, ya que la congregación en aquella época aún tuvo en consideración el derecho de patronato de 252 Book Reviews

Portugal. Desde 1652 hasta 1654 De Rhodes permaneció en Francia, fomentando en su Orden la misión de Vietnam y proponiendo a la congregación encargada de la propaganda candidatos para el envio de vicarios apostólicos, lo que por consideración con Portugal no llegó a suceder. A largo plazo, sin embargo, su impulso anterior abrió camino para la colaboración con Roma de la sociedad de la Misión de París, creada en 1663. Finalmente, el General de la Orden le encargó la fundación de una sede jesuíta en Persia. De Rhodes se convirtió en 1655 en Superior de una pequeña residencia jesuíta en Julfa cerca de Isfahan. El aprendizaje de la lengua le causó problemas y también tuvo dificultades para encontrar un método misionero adecuado para el entorno. Entretanto, el Papa Alejandro VII designó en 1658 a dos franceses como vicarios apostólicos para Vietnam, algo por lo que De Rhodes había trabajado durante años y que – ya enfermo – tuvo conocimiento de ello antes de fallecer el 5 de Noviembre de 1660 y ser enterrado en Isfahan. El libro de Klaus Schatz concluye con una mirada al desarrollo posterior en Vietnam. A partir del Papa Alejandro VII Roma solo consideraba el derecho de patronato de Portugal en aquellas zonas, donde los portugueses también ostentaban el poder político. Esto no era el caso en Vietnam, y así fue que François Pallu, al que De Rhodes ya había propuesto en 1653, y Lambert de la Motte fueron nombrados vicarios apostólicos de Tonking o bien de Cochinchina y sus respectivas provincias en el sur y oeste de China. La congregación para la propaganda deseaba ligar a la iglesia de la misión estrechamente a Roma; insistía en la observación del „Rituale Romanum“ y rechazaba el método de acomodación que practicaban los jesuítas. Esto generó fuertes conflictos a los vicarios apostólicos con los jesuítas, que solo tras muchos vaivenes se sometieron a los nuevos dirigentes de la iglesia de Vietnam. Ya en 1668, de la Motte ordenó sacerdotes a cuatro catequistas autóctonos. Vietnam logró de esta manera muy pronto un clero autóctono, aunque los jesuítas consideraban su formación insuficiente. También la fundación de „la Orden de las Hermanas Adoradoras de la Cruz“ en 1670 por de la Motte le aportó a la iglesia de Vietnam en los años difíciles, tras la disolución de la Sociedad de Jesús y del descenso general de misioneros européos (por el 1800), un arraigo en el país sin comparación. A fin de cuentas se puede apreciar en estos desarrollos un mérito de P. Alexander de Rhodes, quién a través de la fundación de la sociedad de catequistas había creado el principio de todo: jóvenes autóctonos, bien arraigados en la cultura y la formación de su país, llevaban una vida cristiana en común siguiendo un orden Book Reviews 253 vinculante; de estos recursos surgió el clero vietnamita. La intención de De Rhodes no era tanto implantar el Cristianismo en la alta cultura del país, como fue la vía de Riccis en China y de Nobilis en Madurai/India, sino más bien despertar iniciativas autóctonas para la expansión de comunidades cristianas. De esta forma, la iglesia en Vietnam estaba menos sujeta a la presencia de los jesuítas. Se erigió pronto sobre sus propios fundamentos y tuvo que resistir épocas de fuerte persecución durante los siglos XVIII y XIX. Superó la prueba del martírio por la fé, que De Rhodes siempre había deseado. Se parte de que, en la época anterior al dominio colonial francés, 100.000, quizá incluso 130.000 cristianos vietnamitas sufrieron el martírio. A 117 de ellos los santificó el Papa Juan Pablo II en 1988. Resumiendo, se puede constatar: este libro es una aportación impecable en términos formales, y un contenido valioso para la historia de la iglesia de Ásia. Klaus Schatz construye sus exposiciones en primer lugar sobre las fuentes jesuítas relevantes de su tiempo. Pero también incluye las nuevas investigaciones de autores vietnamitas y sus fuentes, que se han puesto a su disposición a través de traducciones. El libro está redactado de forma rigurosa y es muy legible. Además contiene un listado de gran utilidad de todos los misioneros jesuítas que aparecen en el texto (pág. 229-235) así como un registro de personas, lugares y conceptos. Ya en su día, Peter Phan dejó plena constancia en 1998 con „Alexandre de Rhodes and Inculturation in Seventeenth-Century Vietnam“ que la forma de proceder de P. De Rhodes y de los otros misioneros en Vietnam se diferenciaba claramente de la metodología empleada en Japón, China y la India. Klaus Schatz profundiza en este conocimiento; él demuestra que la iglesia en Vietnam recibió desde un principio un perfil propio.

Johannes Gutenberg-Universität,Mainz Johannes Meier

Vincenzo Lavenia e Sabina Pavone (a cura di), Missioni, saperi e adattamento tra Europa e imperi non cristiani, Macerata, eum edizioni università di Macerata, 2015, 218 p., € 14.00, ISBN 978-88-6056-434-4

Il volume prende spunto dalla traduzione italiana (2012) dell’opera di R. Po-chia Hsia, A Jesuit in the Forbidden City: Matteo Ricci 1552– 1610, Oxford University Press, 2010. Gli interventi (cinque in italiano e due in inglese) del seminario maceratese che ne seguì sono stati raccolti e corredati da una premessa di Lavenia e Pavone. 254 Book Reviews

Nel primo saggio, Hsia concentra la sua attenzione sull’importanza del libro missionario: sia come oggetto in sé (lingua, testo e paratesto ossia il suo aspetto e le post- e prefazioni illustri, spesso più importanti del testo in sé) sia come “oggetto di produzione, distribuzione, ricezione e rappresentazione” (p. 16). Nella Cina di epoca Ming i libri erano importanti, diffusi ed economici: Matteo Ricci se ne accorse e, avendo imparato bene la lingua e con l’aiuto di collaboratori, scrisse in cinese opere ex novo ed altre ne tradusse dalle lingue europee. I sedici libri stampati dai gesuiti in Cina tra 1583 e 1610 costarono attorno ai 10 taels, prezzo che per un mandarino dell’epoca era irrisorio: questo spiega perché i gesuiti non faticarono mai a trovare finanziatori cinesi. Nel saggio di Girolamo Imbruglia si confrontano le alterne fortune dell’impero spagnolo con le diverse realtà dell’Estremo Oriente (Cina, Filippine). Filippo II, all’apice del suo potere, venne invitato dal gesuita Alonso Sánchez a dichiarare guerra alla Cina e invaderla. Avevano invece un parere diverso José de Acosta, che benché informatosi da Sánchez sulla situazione cinese era giunto all’opposta conclusione, e il generale Acquaviva. Sánchez ci sembra oggi “per così dire un gesuita senza la Compagnia di Gesù” (p. 44): fedele, più che a questa, alla Spagna. Le sue ipotesi di guerra alla Cina comunque caddero nel dimenticatoio quando, dall’estate del 1588, la Spagna di Filippo II iniziò a perdere territori e potere su tutti i fronti. Il terzo intervento, di Ana Carolina Hosne, è dedicato alla “geostrategy” dei gesuiti in Asia orientale. Più successo dell’“interventismo” di Sánchez ebbe la meditata tattica di “accomodatio” di Valignano. Questi nutriva già verso gli spagnoli una certa sfiducia, ma Sánchez lo fece del tutto inorridire per come divulgava a voce e per iscritto la sua audace tesi, mettendo a rischio la reputazione – nonché la vita! - di tutti i gesuiti presenti in Cina. Ricci fu “a product, reflex, and achievement” (p. 71) della strategia di Valignano: nel suo caso l’adattamento fu l’unica via possibile anche perché operava in un contesto in cui non c’era un potere politico a sostenere la Compagnia e nessuno poteva costringere con la forza i cinesi a convertirsi o anche solo ad accettare la presenza dei missionari. Elisabetta Corsi si è occupata dell’opera di Giulio Aleni dedicata allo studio della fisica, Xingxue cushu (stampata nel 1646 a Fuzhou). È difficile risalire con completezza alle fonti di Aleni e in generale dei gesuiti: quando essi pubblicavano la “traduzione” di un’opera scientifica europea infatti, si trattava in realtà di un riadattamento, e le fonti non venivano quasi mai citate con precisione. Book Reviews 255

È impossibile ricostruire dettagliatamente che cosa contenesse una delle loro biblioteche: i cataloghi di cui disponiamo non sono completi, ma possiamo integrare quei dati con eventuali accenni nelle lettere dei missionari stessi. I gesuiti approfittarono ampiamente dell’aiuto dei loro collaboratori cinesi, i quali aggiungevano modifiche che, in minore o maggiore misura, influirono sul prodotto finale. Xie Mingguang ha notato come alla composizione dello Xi Ru Er Mu Zi (1626) di Nicolas Trigault contribuirono molteplici personalità cinesi finora rimaste nell’ombra: Wang Zheng, la cui vasta rete sociale fu decisiva per la missione; Lü Weiqi, filosofo neoconfuciano; Han Yun, appartenente a una cerchia filo-cristiana. Oltre a loro, intellettuali di diversa provenienza (perlopiù neo-confuciani che avevano subito delle delusioni politiche) collaborarono a vario titolo in quest’opera che venne scritta sì da Trigault, ma non avrebbe mai visto la luce senza il loro aiuto. Al di là dei mandarini di alto rango a cui ci ha abituato Ricci, quindi, anche questi personaggi di media statura portarono appoggio alla causa cristiana, soprattutto perché la loro mobilità consentiva di diffonderla in tutta la Cina e non solamente nella capitale. Sabina Pavone si è occupata della comunità gesuita franco-cinese in seguito alla soppressione della Compagnia (1774). I missionari francesi (in generale più fedeli al re di Francia che alla Compagnia) erano giunti in Cina dal 1685 e si erano da subito trovati in opposizione con i gesuiti già presenti, di diverse nazionalità ma tutti legati al Padroado portoghese. Le fonti di Pavone sono le piccate lettere dei gesuiti presenti in Cina e il dossier del Sant’Uffizio e di Propaganda fide, in massimo allarme per un temuto risorgimento della Compagnia. La vicenda è tanto complessa quanto affascinante e la studiosa ci guida fino alla conclusione che, mentre in Europa si polemizzava su chi fosse il vero erede della Compagnia (e dei suoi beni!), gli ex- gesuiti ormai non condividevano più alcuna identità, si calunniavano a vicenda, e sarebbe stato impossibile farli convergere di nuovo per la stessa causa. Riferendosi ad un Oriente più vicino, Vincenzo Lavenia ha sintetizzato la vicenda di Lazzaro Soranzo, autore di Ottomanno (Ferrara 1598). Soranzo, cameriere segreto del papa, voleva spingere Venezia e la Spagna ad appoggiare gli Asburgo nella guerra contro l’Impero ottomano. Nonostante la condanna al libro da parte della Serenissima (che preferiva mantenere un rapporto pacifico con Istanbul e mal tollerava che in esso si svelassero i suoi “segreti 256 Book Reviews militari”), esso ebbe un grande successo editoriale, anche perché il pubblico europeo era curioso di materiale d’argomento turco. Colpiscono, nei piani di Soranzo (che, benché espressi in un libro destinato alla vasta diffusione, dovevano essere segreti!) le sottili strategie per conquistare l’impero turco: pagare agenti per sobillare l’odio del popolo, specie dei cristiani; guadagnarsi le simpatie di greci e albanesi, perturbatori dell’ordine; scrivere nelle lingue del luogo (slavo, arabo) libri che dividessero la società proprio come era successo con le opere dei protestanti in Europa. Dal titolo ampio del volume si potrebbe restare parzialmente fuorviati: gli “imperi non cristiani” presi in considerazione si riducono a quello cinese, eccezion fatta per il saggio di Lavenia che, posto a conclusione del tutto, sembra quasi esulare dal resto dell’opera; le “missioni” analizzate sono poi quasi esclusivamente quelle gesuite. Alcuni degli interventi presenti sono fruibili anche da un pubblico più ampio degli studiosi: Hsia non si limita a riprendere particolari della sua biografia di Ricci ma approfondisce il tema dell’archeologia del libro missionario. Altri articoli (Imbruglia, Hosne) fungono più da introduzione che da approfondimento a un tema già altrove esplorato dagli autori. Altri invece (Corsi, Mingguang) difficilmente saranno comprensibili a chi non sia un esperto delle opere in lingua cinese dei gesuiti; l’intervento di Pavone è sì complesso, ma la storica si destreggia con abilità tra le fonti, spesso inesplorate, e rende l’argomento avvincente. Nel complesso il volume è raccomandabile a chi si occupi di missioni gesuite nella Cina imperiale, ma anche a chi desideri averne un quadro generale prima di addentrarsi in questo campo di studi nel quale a brillare sono le personalità uniche dei singoli gesuiti.

Università degli Studi di Trieste/Udine Elisa Frei

Marek Inglot, How the Jesuits Survived their Suppression. The Society of Jesus in the Russian Empire (1773-1814), edited and translated by Daniel L. Schlafly, Philadelphia, Saint Josephs University Press, 2015, xvii-305 p., $ 55.00, ISBN 9780916101831

The long Jesuit crisis that began in the middle of the eighteenth century, culminated in the Society’s suppression by a reluctant Pope Clement XIV in 1773, and ended with its restoration in Book Reviews 257

1814 is curiously unknown territory for many historians, even those specializing in Jesuit history. Unlike the era of the Ignatian founding or the great worldwide missions of the sixteenth- and seventeenth centuries, the age of the Jesuit dissolution offers few opportunities to see the Society at the cutting edge of emerging processes like globalization or to study its close involvement with watershed historical events. It was a time of survival and desperate, often abortive, attempts at rebuilding. It was also shaped by a strange confluence of historical forces. The Society survived its suppression because Catherine II (r. 1762– 96), the Russian empress, refused to allow the brief Dominus ac Redemptor to take effect in her territory, primarily because she had just annexed vast swaths of Polish-Lithuanian land in which the Society was a vital part of cultural and intellectual life. Throughout the next four decades the Russian court incubated the Jesuits and pressured the papacy on their behalf, making full use of its post- 1789 clout as continental Europe’s leading anti-revolutionary power. In Russia itself, the Jesuits were allowed to set up missions for the first time since their last expulsion in 1715, some of them as far afield as Siberia. Under the protection of two successive pro-Catholic tsars—Paul (r. 1796–1801) and Alexander I (r. 1801– 25)—the surviving Society in Russia gradually built up its official standing and reabsorbed former Jesuits from other provinces, until at last Pope Pius VII restored the society with the bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum in 1814. The Jesuits had barely returned when they suddenly found themselves unwelcome in Russia, from which they were once again expelled in 1820. Yet despite the importance of this period for both Jesuit and world history, and the story’s wonderfully compelling and unexpected twists, no modern book-length study of it existed in any language until the publication of Marek Inglot SJ’s La Compagnia di Gesu nell’impero Russo (1772–1820) e la sua parte nella restaurazione generale della Compagnia in 1997 (Roma, Pontificia Universita Gregoriana). In 2006, Inglot’s volume of conference proceedings, Rossiia i iezuity, 1772–1820 (with Evgeniia Tokareva) (Moscow: Nauka, 2006), brought his insights on the period to a Russian-speaking audience. Anglophone readers, however, were still out of luck. Daniel Schlafly has now remedied this problem with his revised and expanded translation of Inglot’s monograph, published in a beautiful hardcover edition by St. Joseph’s University Press. It is accompanied by sixty- five full-color plates and an expansive biographical appendix which, as a who’s-who of the age of survival and restoration, will serve as a valuable reference work in its own right. 258 Book Reviews

The first part of How the Jesuits Survived their Suppression deals with the emergence of Belarus as the only surviving Jesuit province in the wake of Dominus ac Redemptor. Inglot makes clear that resistance to the brief did not originate with the Jesuits themselves. Indeed, many of them felt so conflicted about disobeying papal orders and benefiting from the dubious goodwill of a schismatic empress that dozens of Belarussian Jesuits resigned or were dismissed from the Society by 1774. The remainder, including the rector of the important college of Połock, Stanisław Czerniewicz SJ, actively sought ways of persuading Catherine to permit the suppression. But the empress was unyielding. Even when the new Pope Pius VI gave Bishop Siestrzencewicz – who had authority over all of Belarus – extensive new powers to facilitate the suppression, the bishop used them to open a Jesuit novitiate instead. Despite complaints from Paris and Madrid, it was clear that the Jesuits in Belarus would not be dislodged as long as Catherine wanted them to remain. Over the next two decades, the Jesuits steadily expanded their educational and religious presence in Russia, and the French Revolution abruptly vitiated any remaining papal opposition. In 1801 the breve Catholicae fidei officially recognized the Society of Jesus in the Russian Empire, although its legal status abroad remained problematic. This opened the way for Gabriel Gruber SJ to be elected as Superior General in 1802, formalizing his existing leading role in the Society. Gruber and his successor, Tadeusz Brzozowski SJ, made the Jesuits an integral part of St. Petersburg society and built close relationships with the tsarist court, seeing its patronage as the crucial means toward full restoration. In 1804, Gruber even became one of the leading advocates of a massive Russian embassy to China, although he did not live to see its failure. As a subtitle, The Society of Jesus in the Russian Empire is somewhat misleading, for in Part Two, How the Jesuits Survived their Suppression ventures far to the west of the Russian border. Here the story is one of considerably more mixed results. Attempts to reestablish the Society in various Italian states were thwarted by Napoleonic invasion and uncertain royal patronage, leaving Sicily as the sole site of continuous, formally recognized Jesuit activity. Yet the Belarusian Jesuits extended their influence well beyond the regions where their authority was centered, taking over supervision of missions in Greece, Britain, the Low Countries, and the United States. Meanwhile, new religious orders in Europe Book Reviews 259 strove to keep the traditions of Ignatian spirituality intact even in the absence of direct institutional links to defunct local provinces. The most successful of these were the Society of the Sacred Heart in Belgium and the Society for the Faith of Jesus, founded by Niccolò Paccanari in Rome. These suffered from competition with the Belarusian Jesuits once the latter obtained papal recognition, and after 1814 most of their members rejoined the Society of Jesus. In 1809 Napoleon captured and imprisoned Pope Pius VII. Already sympathetic to the Jesuits, the Pope’s five-year imprisonment only strengthened his commitment to the restoration, which became one of his first acts upon Napoleon’s defeat in 1814. But in Russia, Alexander I’s increasing turn toward conspiratorial paranoia and Orthodox mysticism destroyed the laboriously constructed symbiosis between the Society and the Russian monarchy. The conversion of a high-ranking official’s nephew to Catholicism served as the pretext for expelling the Jesuits first from the capitals, in 1815, and from all of Russia, in 1820. Yet, Inglot argues, the Russian experience shaped the resurgent Society in lasting ways. Trained in autocratic conditions and surrounded by a reactionary and monarchist intellectual climate, nineteenth- century Jesuit leaders like Jan Roothaan remade the order, in part, in the Russian image. There is certainly some room for improvement here; in particular, the occasional repetitiousness of the narrative sometimes makes it hard to reconstruct the complicated chain of events being described, and the book’s use of Russian state sources could have been more extensive. Yet the most important function of this impressive edition is to open a conversation, and for that it could not be better suited or better timed. It coincides not only with the Restoration’s bicentennial but also with a resurgence of scholarly interest in it, marked by Robert Maryks’ and Jonathan Wright’s wide-ranging recent essay collection, Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773–1900 (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2015). With the help of Inglot and Schlafly, and the otherwise long- neglected Polish and Russian sources on which this volume relies, our continuing discussion about the global Jesuit community may finally incorporate this crucial part of Europe.

Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Greg Afinogenov 260 Book Reviews

Manuel Luengo, Diario de 1814 y 1815. El final del destierro y la restauración de la Compañía de Jesús, editado por Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga y Carlos Martínez Tornero, con estudio introductorio de Manuel Revuelta González, San Vicente del Raspeig, Universidad de Alicante/Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2015, 732 p., € 28.00, ISBN 978-84-9717-391-4

Il gesuita spagnolo Manuel Luengo (1735-1816) è un nome noto soprattutto agli storici della Compagnia di Gesù che si occupano dell’epoca della soppressione e del ristabilimento dell’Ordine. Rafael Olaechea gli ha dedicato una voce nel Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús (DHCJ III, p. 2437) che contiene anche alcuni suggerimenti bibliografici utili a guidare il lettore ad una conoscenza più profonda di questo personaggio. Ulteriori indicazioni al riguardo si possono reperire nei consueti strumenti di ricerca utilizzati per temi “gesuitici”: il “Sommervogel” (t. 5, col. 173 e t. 9. col. 619) e il “Polgár” (t. 3**, p. 453). La fama di Luengo, anche se limitata rispetto ad altri più illustri membri della Compagnia, è dovuta soprattutto alla sua opera letteraria. Quando i gesuiti dovettero lasciare la Spagna per ordine del re Carlo III – dodici anni dopo il suo ingresso nel noviziato di Villagarcía de Campos (1755) – Luengo lavorava come insegnante di filosofia a Santiago de Compostella. Fu lì che nell’aprile 1767 cominciò per lui il lungo esilio durato quaranta nove anni. All’inizio di quell’esperienza dolorosa, egli decise di prendere nota di tutti gli eventi di cui era testimone. Così, pochi giorni dopo l’espulsione dal suo collegio, mentre si trovava a La Coruña in attesa con altri confratelli la nave che li avrebbe portati via dalla patria, iniziò a scrivere quello che sarebbe poi diventato il suo famoso Diario. Iniziato senza un’idea precisa, questo scritto continuò con l’intenzione sempre più chiara di fornire materiale ai futuri storici della Compagnia. Trentaseimila pagine circa di memorie, che abbracciano l’arco temporale 1767-1815, sono il risultato dell’attività di Luengo. Diviso in sessanta due volumi di circa 500-600 pagine ciascuno, il Diario è organizzato cronologicamente: normalmente ad ogni anno corrisponde un volume, ma ci sono quattordici annate con due volumi (vols. 7, 16, 27-31 e 42-48, relativi rispettivamente agli anni 1773, 1782, 1793-1797, 1808-1814), mentre il vol. 4, relativo all’anno 1770, manca. Accanto a questo Diario principale, dal 1781 Luengo scriveva anche una versione ridotta di cui ci rimangono quattro volumi relativi agli anni 1767-1798. Il gesuita, inoltre, ha raccolto ventiquattro volumi (ciascuno di 300-400 pagine circa) di documenti Book Reviews 261 che andava copiando dal 1773 relativi agli eventi di cui trattava. Esistevano altri due volumi di questa collezione, ma sono andati perduti. Attualmente, tutto questo materiale è conservato in Spagna presso l’Archivo Histórico de Loyola. L’interesse per il lavoro di Luengo non è certo recente. Gli storici gesuiti l’hanno citato varie volte a partire dalla fine dell’Ottocento. Così Jaime Nonell ha citato il Diario pubblicandone alcuni brani nel suo libro El V. P. José Pignatelli y la Compañía de Jesús en su extinción y restablecimiento (3 vols., Manresa, Impr. de San José, 1893-1894). Qualcosa di simile hanno fatto Enrique del Portillo e Constancio Eguía Ruiz nei loro articoli pubblicati in occasione del primo centenario del ristabilimento della Compagnia (Enrique Del Portillo, “Pío VII restablece solemnemente la Compañía de Jesús” Razón y Fe 39 [1914], pp. 417-432; 40 [1914], pp. 209-219. Constancio Eguía Ruiz, “Andanzas de un ‘Diario’ inédito” Razón y Fe 40 [1914], pp. 323-338), oppure più tardi (Constancio Eguía Ruiz, “Los santos Ignacio y Javier y los jesuitas deportados a Italia por Carlos III [Extractos del cronista contemporáneo P. Manuel Luengo]” Miscellanea Comillas 25 [1956], pp. 267-325). L’autore della storia della “nuova” Compagnia in Spagna, Lesmes Frías, aveva progettato di inserire all’inizio della sua Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en su Asistencia Moderna de España (2 vols., Madrid, Administarción de Razón y Fe, 1923-1944), una biografia di Luengo, ma alla fine non lo fece. Durante i decenni successivi, alcuni autori (per esempio Miguel Batllori e Rafael Olaechea, citati da Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaganel suo “Estudio introductorio”, in Diario 1767-1768 [cfr. qui sotto], pp. 18-21, nonché nel libroTiempo que pasa, verdad que huye. Crónicas inéditas de jesuitas expulsados por Carlos III [1767-1815], San Vicente del Raspeig, Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 2013, p. 22), hanno espresso opinioni poco favorevoli sul valore degli scritti di Luengo e sulla loro effettiva utilità per la storia. La critica principale che veniva mossa è che l’opera mancava d’oggettività ed era caratterizzata da una chiusura di spirito. Più recentemente, invece, i suoi scritti hanno ricevuto un’accoglienza più indulgente. La ragione di tale cambiamento si potrebbe ricercare nella mutata situazione della storiografia gesuitica che durante l’ultimo mezzo secolo ha conosciuto un inaspettato sviluppo. Una delle caratteristiche di questo fenomeno (conosciuto e commentato a sufficienza, qui ci limitiamo a rimandare a John W. O’Malley, “The Historiography of the Society of Jesus: Where Does It Stand Today?”, in The Jesuits. Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts. 1540-1773, ed. John W. O’Malley, Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Steven J. Harris, and T. Frank Kennedy, Toronto, University of Toronto 262 Book Reviews

Press, 1999, pp. 3-37) è che non ci sono soltanto singoli studiosi, ma interi gruppi di ricerca che si dedicano alla storia moderna e contemporanea partendo dalla Compagnia di Gesù. Il Diario di Luengo è uscito proprio da uno di questi ambienti sorto all’Università di Alicante per opera di Enrique Giménez López con lo scopo di occuparsi di vari aspetti della storia moderna come cultura, religione, mentalità o politica – ma sempre a partire da materiale di provenienza gesuitica. Una dei curatori del volume, Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga, ha già dedicato a Luengo molti altri lavori accademici, a cominciare dalla sua tesi di dottorato:Éxodo y exilio de los jesuitas españoles según el diario inédito del P. Luengo (1767-1815), difesa nel 2002 presso l’Università di Alicante. Negli anni 2002-2013 ha pubblicato, da sola o in collaborazione, cinque volumi del Diario relativi agli anni 1767- 1768, 1769, 1773, 1798, 1808: 1) Memorias de un exilio. Diario de la expulsión de los jesuitas de los dominios del rey de España (1767-1768), Alicante, Universidad de Alicante, 2002; 2) Diario de 1769. La llegada de los jesuitas españoles a Bolonia, ed. with Isidoro Pinedo Iparraguirre, Alicante, Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 2010; 3) Diario de 1773. El triunfo temporal del antijesuitismo, ed. with Isidoro Pinedo Iparraguirre. Alicante, Universidad de Alicante, [2013]; 4) El retorno de un jesuita desterrado. Viaje del P. Luengo desde Bolonia a Nava del Rey (1798), Alicante, Universidad de Alicante, [2004]; 5) Diario de 1808: el año de la conspiración, ed. with Enrique Giménez López, Alicante, Universidad de Alicante, 2010. Fernández Arrillaga, inoltre, ha pubblicato gli indici dell’intero Diario, nonché quelli relativi ad altre parti dell’opera di Luengo (El legado del P. Manuel Luengo, S.I. [1767-1815]. Diario de la expulsión de los jesuitas de España. Colección de Papeles Curiosos y Varios [Índices], 2 vols, Alicante, Instituto Alicantino de Cultura ‘Juan Gil-Albert’, 2003) e ha curato la voce biografica dedicata al gesuita castigliano apparsa nel Diccionario Biográfico Español(vol. 31. s.l., Real Academia de la Historia, [2009], pp. 288-290). In sintesi, con le numerose pubblicazioni dedicate a Luengo, Fernández Arrillaga ha già offerto ai lettori materiale più che abbondante per conoscere non solo la vita del gesuita castigliano, ma più generalmente, per studiare le vicende dei gesuiti espulsi e soppressi. Il presente volume del Diario non sarà certamente il meno prezioso in questa biblioteca. Un altro modo per far conoscere al grande pubblico l’opera di Luengo è stato quello proposto nel giugno 2014 durante Book Reviews 263 una conferenza organizzata a Salamanca per commemorare il bicentenario del ristabilimento della Compagnia. In quell’occasione, Félix Juan Cabasés SJ ha presentato un CD-ROM con la trascrizione del Diario degli anni 1767-1797, preparata negli anni 2003-2013 da l’allora archivista di Loyola Isidro Sans Benguría SJ (una parte di queste trascrizioni è stata pubblicata nei sopra menzionati volumi del Diario relativi agli anni 1769 e 1773). Ritornando al nostro volume, esso contiene la parte del Diario relativa all’ultima tappa della lunga odissea di Luengo e dei sui confratelli, cioè gli anni 1814-1815. Anche questa volta l’autore fu testimone diretto di tanti eventi importanti che ebbero luogo in quel tempo, come il ristabilimento universale della Compagnia operato dal Papa Pio VII il 7 agosto 1814 (quel giorno, Luengo fu presente alla cerimonia svoltasi al Gesù e la descrive alle pp. 362-366), oppure i lunghi e complessi preparativi della re-introduzione dell’Ordine in Spagna avvenuta un anno più tardi. L’ultima entrata del Diario è del 30 settembre 1815 (alla p. 11 i curatori dicono che dovevano esserci anche delle altre, ma che purtroppo sono andate perse), cioè poche settimane prima che il suo autore si imbarcasse per ritornare in patria. Questa volta si trattava del ritorno definitivo, non come quello del 1798 che durò solo tre anni. Il presente libro è una copubblicazione dell’Università di Alicante (l’editore di altri volumi del Diario) e della Pontificia Università Comillas di Madrid. La struttura del volume riprende quella dei suoi “predecessori” (l’unica differenza è l’assenza di un indice dei nomi, ma anche il primo volume del Diario è stato pubblicato senza indice e diciamolo subito: purtroppo!). All’inizio troviamo un prologo firmato da entrambi i curatori (pp. 9-14). Segue lo studio introduttorio di Manuel Revuelta González (pp. 15-44) che riassume il contenuto e le caratteristiche della scrittura di Luengo. La parte principale del libro (pp. 45-724) è riservata alle due annate del Diario, mentre una breve bibliografia chiude il volume (pp. 725-731). Alcune scelte editoriali non sembrano molto felici. L’assenza dell’indice dei nomi non facilita l’uso del volume perché non consente di orientarsi facilmente in un così gran numero di personaggi citati. La pubblicazione, inoltre, avrebbe certamente beneficiato di una nota simile a quella che appare alle pp. 61-62 del Diario relativo agli anni 1767-1768, oppure alla p. 43 di quello dell’anno 1798, o ancora alla p. 38 di quello del 1808, dove, pur brevemente, vengono spiegati i criteri seguiti per la trascrizione del testo. Nel presente volume tale spiegazione manca e ciò lascia alcune questioni senza riposta. 264 Book Reviews

Ad esempio, il segno “¿?” che appare varie volte, sembra indicare lacune o passaggi illeggibili del manoscritto. Ma quando questo segno è seguito da un numero, come alla p. 691 e seguenti, si può soltanto congetturare che si tratti di lacune, forse numerate da chi ha trascritto il manoscritto. Il lettore è quindi tentato di chiedersi se si trovi di fronte ad un lavoro portato avanti da vari studenti (nominati e ringraziati alla p. 14) e messo insieme un po’ troppo velocemente dai curatori. Risulterebbe anche difficile spiegare, se non a causa della fretta, anche alcune affermazioni. Per esempio quella a pagina 9 dove leggiamo che “tutti” (todos) i monarchi europei hanno espulso i gesuiti negli anni 1759-1768 (è vero che lo fecero i re del Portogallo, Francia, Spagna e Napoli, ma è altrettanto vero che prima del 1773 non lo fecero, per esempio, né Maria Teresa in Austria, né Stanislao Augusto Poniatowski in Polonia…; qui sarebbe stato certamente meglio seguire il calcolo riportato nell’introduzione al Diario del 1769 che alla p. 67 parla di “due terzi” [dos terceras partes]). Inoltre, guardando l’ortografia dei cognomi che appaiono nel libro, ci si potrebbe chiedere se, indipendentemente dall’autore del Diario, non sarebbe stato meglio proporre quella corretta invece di seguire il testo, come sembra essere stato. Così, ad esempio, il famoso capo militare prussiano Blücher appare a poca distanza con tre ortografie diverse: alla p. 677 come “Buckler”, alla p. 685 come “Bütcher”, mentre l’ortografia corretta arriva soltanto alla p. 689. Non è facile capire i criteri che hanno guidato i curatori del volume nella loro scelta di note da inserire a piè di pagina (venga detto anche che esse sono poche: 145 su 675 pagine di testo). Ad esempio, alle pp. 376-377 sono menzionati vari personaggi, ma soltanto due di loro (Francisco Catalá e Juan Francisco Ocampo) hanno “meritato” una nota biografica. Eppure fra quelli “dimenticati” alcuni (per esempio Alejandro Batier) sembrano apparire per la prima volta nel testo l, anche se risulta difficile verificarlo non essendoci un indice dei nomi. Ancora meno chiara è la ragione di due diverse note sullo stesso personaggio: san Giuseppe Pignatelli (nota 14 alla p. 84, e nota 52 alla p. 160). La prima di queste note è completamente fuori posto, perché nel testo di Luengo si parla del generale napoletano e non del santo gesuita che portava lo stesso cognome. Più facilmente si può comprendere che chi è meno familiare con la topografia della Città Eterna può confondere, come succede nella nota 78 alla p. 206, le due basiliche romane dedicate a san Lorenzo. Luengo si riferisce alla Basilica San Lorenzo in Damaso (che è nelle vi- cinanze della chiesa di S. Andrea della Valle, come ricorda anche alla p. 247), l’autore della nota parla di quella San Lorenzo fuori le Mura. Book Reviews 265

Sorprendono infine alcune espressioni che troviamo nelle note, ad esempio alla p. 680, nota 16, e alla p. 720, nota 21, si parla del professo “del cuarto voto”. Certo, si capisce di che cosa si tratta, nondimeno l’espressione corretta sarebbe stata quella di “professo di quattro voti” (non si faceva mai solo il quarto voto!). Per quanto riguarda il contenuto del Diario, sembra che lo stile, la mentalità e le idee politico-ecclesiastiche del suo autore non cambiarono molto durante quasi mezzo secolo di stesura. Luengo non ha mai rinunciato alla sua incondizionata e appassionata difesa della Compagnia di Gesù, e la sua ferma posizione contro il nemico ideologico, che lui vedeva nella triade giansenismo-illuminismo- massoneria, si esprime nelle forti espressioni impiegate: “infames sectas” (p. 220), “infinita canalla” (p. 621), “filosofastros franceses” (p. 99), “charlatanerías filosófico-republicanas” (p. 215), etc. Questo linguaggio forte e appassionato, che corrisponde così poco agli standard del politicamente corretto, si manifesta soprattutto quando l’autore tratta delle persone nelle quali vedeva l’incarnazione del male. Il primo posto era occupato da Napoleone Bonaparte (così dal 1799, cfr. Diario del 1798, p. 39) al quale Luengo riserva espressioni come “fantástico y loco” (p. 192), “igualmente poderoso que impío” (p. 319) etc. L’autore del Diario non sembra preoccuparsi di distinguere le varie correnti e dimensioni dell’illuminismo. Assieme alla Rivoluzione francese e al giansenismo erano i responsabili della rovina della Compagnia di Gesù nonché di tutti i mali che seguirono in Europa dal 1789. In una tale visione del mondo, certo poco sfumata per i lettori d’oggi, il confronto fra “los buenos” e “los malos” come sono chiamati varie volte (per esempio alle pp. 90, 201, 350) spiega la forza delle sue espressioni Un tale approccio non fu certo eccezionale e in questo senso Luengo potrebbe essere visto come un esempio di una visione del mondo che era comune non soltanto fra i gesuiti, ma anche fra tanti altri dei suoi contemporanei (a questo proposito cfr. anche “Estudio introductorio” nel volume del Diario del 1808, pp. 9-38). Infatti, nelle pagine del Diario egli appare come un figlio della sua epoca e un buon esempio della mentalità del tempo in cui viveva. Considerando pericoloso tutto quello che si avvicinava agli ideali dell’illuminismo, egli sperava che nel contesto della restaurazione politica sarebbe stato eliminato tutto ciò che egli chiamava “fanático republicanismo francés” (p. 194) e che vedeva risorgere in vari ambienti ed eventi contemporanei, come la costituzione spagnola del 1812. Padre Luengo ritornò in patria nell’autunno del 1815. Meno di un anno più tardi morì a Barcellona il 12 novembre 1816, vedendo il suo 266 Book Reviews sogno realizzato: la Compagnia ripristinata nel mondo intero e poi reintrodotta in Spagna. Se duecento anni più tardi siamo testimoni della realizzazione del suo secondo sogno – il Diario che ha scritto serve alla Storia – è grazie a pubblicazioni come questa.

Roma, ARSI Robert Danieluk SJ

Charles Libois SJ, L’Égypte et la Compagnie de Jésus, Beirut, Dar el- Machreq, 2015, 239 p., (Collection Hommes et Sociétés du Proche- Orient, Université Saint-Joseph), $12.00, ISBN 2-7214-5047-6

Given the paucity of scholarship on Jesuit missionary activity in specific parts of the world, especially the Levant, this study of the “Ancienne Compagnie” in Egypt, by a scholar who has devoted a lifetime to the subject, is particularly welcome. A specialist in the history of the Jesuits in Egypt and the Near East, the author, who is of Dutch nationality, was admitted to the Society in 1947. After studying Arabic and Islamology in Holland and Lebanon, Fr Libois served in various capacities in Egypt and Lebanon, starting in 1964. The thesis he presented at the Gregorian in Rome in 1985 led to the four volumes he contributed to the Monumenta Historica, about the Jesuits in Egypt between 1547 and 1773.1 Besides a number of articles in this journal, more recent publications include La Compagnie de Jésus au “Levant”: la province du Proche-Orient: notices historiques (2009), in the same series as the volume under review. Fr Libois divides this most recent contribution into thirteen chapters. The first two deal with what he calls the «Egyptian origins of the Society. Even though Ignatius of Loyola never actually visited Egypt and rarely mentioned it by name, the influence of Egyptian spirituality, especially the Desert Fathers, on both the founder and the first generations of his followers, is unmistakable. Subsequent chapters concern various aspects of the Society’s engagement with Egypt prior to the suppression: Jesuits noted for their erudite knowledge of Egypt, whether as exegetes, philologists or hagiographers; the role of Egyptian geography in

1 Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu. Monumenta Proximi Orientis, II, 145 (1547– 1563), IHSI, 1993; IV, 150 (1565–1591), IHSI, 1996; V, 152 (1591–1699), IHSI, 2003; VI, 155 (1700–1773), IHSI, 2003. For a review of the fourth volume by Jacques Masson SJ, see The Catholic Historical Review XL/1 (2004), pp. 133–135. Book Reviews 267 the history of the Society, either as a subject of study or in its own right; the Egyptology of the controversial polymath Athansius Kircher; the mythical relationship between Chinese characters and Egyptian hieroglyphs; Jesuit theater in Egypt; the spirituality of the Jesuit missionaries who served in the region; the Society’s relationship with Islam in the Near East; Jesuit correspondence; the final attempts at union with the Copts (1735–1738), and the Society’s role in the origins of the Coptic Catholic Church. Clearly aimed at a co-religionist readership that is scholarly but non-specialist, this vade mecum is a convenient starting point for anyone interested in the subject. With characteristic modesty, Fr Libois makes no pretence to originality,2 but this does not detract from the book’s utility. One of the most useful aspects is the relevant bibliography with which each chapter begins, as well as the list of «Various works and writings in which the Jesuits and their activities are mentioned» with which the volume concludes. It is not surprising that most of the items listed were published by fellow Jesuits or other ecclesiastics. As John O’Malley has noted, «Until relatively recently practically all the scholarship [on the Society of Jesus] came from Jesuits.»3 But one might have hoped for more references to recent work by scholars such as Bernard Heyberger, whose magisterial Chrétiens du Proche-Orient au temps de la réforme catholique was published in 1994.4 Whether it is original or not, the present reviewer found the tenth chapter, pp. 137–76, devoted to Jesuit correspondence, a particularly helpful introduction to a subject of interest to practically anyone who works on Jesuits. This, the longest and most

2 To quote the author’s own statement of purpose, p. 13: « Qu’on n’attende pas de nous des développements tout à fait neufs sur ce terrain labouré profondément par les spécialistes, en tous sens et depuis longtemps. Mais profitant de leurs labeurs, nous voulons mettre en relief quelques données, souvent inexprimées ou guère explicitées par ces auteurs, du fait qu’ils ne se plaçaient pas dans la même optique que nous».

3 John W. O’Malley, The First Jesuits, Cambridge and London, Harvard UP, 1993, p. 2.

4 See also three forthcoming articles by Robert John Clines,“How to become a Jesuit Crypto-Jew: The Self-Confessionalization of Giovanni Battista Eliano through the Textual Artifice of Conversion”,The Sixteenth Century Journal; “Fighting Enemies and Finding Friends: The Cosmopolitan Pragmatism of Jesuit Residences in the Ottoman Levant,” Renaissance Studies; “Imperial Thalassology Reconsidered: The Mediterranean Geopolitics of the Jesuit Presence in Seventeenth- Century Ethiopia”, Mediterranean Historical Review. For a recent study of the Jesuits in this region following restoration, see Chantal Verdeil, La Mission jésuite du Mont-Liban et de Syrie (1830–1864), Paris, Les Indes savantes, 2011. 268 Book Reviews detailed section of the book, is not restricted to the Levant. The author acknowledges one of the thorniest problems faced by any student of the Society: most of the sources on which its history is necessarily based were produced and, more to the point, edited by the Society itself. To quote John O’Malley again, the Constitutions placed an extraordinary emphasis on correspondence «as a means of achieving “union of hearts”». And while practical letters for internal use were meant to be «frequent and frank,» many others were intended «to do something more. They had a professedly edifying purpose either for Jesuits themselves or for others, and were to that extent expurgated at their very source».5 Many of these letters eventually found their way into print, in the Lettres édifiantes et curieuses for instance, where they are conflated, where the names of people and places are mangled, where episodes are added, altered and/or deleted, and where information is falsified. Between the corruption of the surviving letters and the loss of many others, the Lettresare an unreliable source for the history of these missions. But faute de mieux, these manifestly hagiographical texts have had an inordinate influence on the historical record— witness the frequency (and, often, the uncritical fashion) with which the editions are cited.6 Thanks to the letters that survive in manuscript, Fr Libois is optimistic that a critical edition would be possible. But compared to those from India, China and America, he notes that letters from the Levant are surprisingly scarce. Despite the large number of French subjects who were living in Aleppo, Cairo and the Échelles, not much correspondence from Jesuits stationed in the Levant has appeared in print. Charles Le Gobien SJ, who founded the Lettres, intended to devote a volume to the missions in Egypt, Armenia, Persia and Greece, but his death in 1708 put an end to the project. For whatever reason, his successor, Jean-Baptiste Du Halde SJ (†1743), published nothing about the region.7 By way of

5 O’Malley, The First Jesuits, pp. 62–63.

6 For a critical study of one such source—the Jesuit Relations from New France—see Micah True, Masters and Students: Jesuit Mission Ethnography in Seventeenth-Century New France, Montreal, McGill-Queens’s University Press, 2015, reviewed by Christian A. Sáenz SJ in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu LXXXIV/168 (2015), pp. 465–68

7 See, however, Choix des lettres édifiantes écrites des missions étrangères: Missions du Levant, Grèce, Crimée, Arménie, Perse, 8 vols., Paris, A. Caen, 1835, of which vols. 4 and 5 concern the Levant. Book Reviews 269 explanation for this anomaly, Fr Libois quotes a letter from a Jesuit to his provincial, dated 24 November 1659. Because they served in the land where Christianity originated, the Jesuits took their lead from the early Christians who believed in doing much, suffering more, and writing little. But the real reason for their reticence, the missionary argued, was that they were surrounded by Turks, Jews, heretics and schismatics. It therefore behoved them to say little and write even less. Combined with the fact that they were willing to serve God in obscurity, without either recognition or reward, it is only natural that the Society’s Levantine missions were little known to the wider world (p. 161). Fr Libois also quotes the explanation of Charles Carayon SJ, from the preface to his edition of the Relations inédites: «The rarity of our reports from the Levant can also be explained by the monotony of its religious history». The work of the missionaries in the region was repetitious compared to that of their confreres in the East and West Indies, for instance. There was rarely any change in their activities from one year to the next. However heroic their willingness to endure hardship and persecution may have been, it doesn’t necessarily make for interesting reading, in other words (p. 162). Like the Lettres themselves, however, these explanations for the relative lack of published accounts of the Society’s work in the Levant are deceptive. Anyone familiar with the numerous, non- Jesuit sources for the history of its activities in, say, the corner of the Levant known as the Archipelago will agree that the history of these missions is anything but monotonous or repetitive. Much of this unpublished evidence, which takes the form of everything from letters to formal petitions and trial proceedings, is untouched by the Jesuits themselves, and is preserved in the archive of Propaganda Fide in Rome. Abounding in concrete information about the Catholic (or Latin) communities to which the missionaries were sent, they capture the Society in action, through the eyes of friends and enemies alike. The intractable problems that the sons of St Ignatius encountered suggest a very different explanation as to why they published so little about their activities on this sensitive frontier. Since their engagement with the target population did not always match the sort of pious image that they wished to project, it stands to reason that they would have suppressed whatever evidence they could, and would have avoided candid discussion of their experiences in print. Thanks to this independent documentation, it is clear that, whatever the Jesuits may have been elsewhere, in the Levant, 270 Book Reviews at least, they were no saints. But for anyone interested in understanding the Society’s role in the region—as opposed, that is, to gesta sanctorum—the patient spadework of Fr Libois is an indispensable starting point. In years to come, we look forward to the answers to myriad questions that scholars are only beginning to address. For instance, one would like to know more about the missionaries’ cooperation and/or competition with other Catholic entities in the region, whether native or foreign, as well as their respective loyalties and agendas. Or about the Society’s ability «to recognize and navigate the Levant’s complex political, commercial, and diplomatic webs.» Or about the Jesuits’ relationship to early modern colonialism in the Mediterranean.8 Only by correcting the idealized image of the Levantine missions that, for obvious reasons, was fashioned by the Society itself can we hope to deconstruct the Jesuits’ historical involvement with what is, as much as ever, a strategic part of the world.

Paris, CREE/INALCO Andrew P. McCormick

Mirella Saulini, Bernardino Stefonio S.J. Un gesuita sabino nella storia del teatro, Roma, Espera, 2015, pp. 145, € 25.00, ISBN 9788898244331

Several scholars in recent decades have focused on the historical, social and economic impact of Jesuit education in early-modern Europe and beyond, from Paul Grendler’s work on Jesuit schools in Europe (and his recent historiographical treatment, “Jesuit Schools in Europe. A Historiographical Essay”, Journal of Jesuit Studies 1 (2014), pp. 7–25), to interdisciplinary studies on Jesuit culture, science, and the arts (exemplified by the now-classic collection of essays by John W. O’Malley, Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Steven J. Harris, and T. Frank Kennedy (eds), The Jesuits (and The Jesuits II). Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts 1540–1773, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1999 (and 2006)). Yet, in terms of the intellectual and literary traditions that informed Jesuit academic institutional life,

8 See the references in note 5, above, I am grateful to Robert Clines for sharing summaries of his forthcoming articles. See also a forthcoming essay by Karin Vélez, “ ‘Do not suppose that those tears proceed from weakness’: Jesuit Weeping on Mission Frontiers, 1560–1760”, in: Alison Forrestal and Seàn Alexander Smith (eds.), The Frontiers of Mission: Perspectives on Early Modern Missionary Catholicism, New York and Leiden, Brill, forthcoming. Book Reviews 271 we know little about the profiles and related histories concerning many individual writers who contributed to this tradition. Mirella Saulini’s work on Bernardino Stefonio SJ fits seamlessly within current scholarship’s need for studies that identify and analyse relevant primary sources, and that can provide valuable information about little-known aspects of this subject area. In fulfilling these needs, this study helps enlarge our understanding of Jesuit contributions to the field of literature and the arts. We know, for example, that the education offered by the Jesuit curriculum in Europe gave rise to innovative modes of literary and artistic productions, which became the locus of the formation of a new humanist rhetoric. As Saulini’s work and that of others before her demonstrate, one of the most important examples of such a cultural initiative was the staging of theatrical productions, which took place in the Society from the time of the opening of the first Jesuit Colleges in the late-1540s. Saulini begins her work with an overview of Jesuit college theatre and its ties with Italian humanist tragic theatre and French university theatre (1400–1500). This allows her to situate the work of Bernardino Stefonio within the broader European educational context, whereby Jesuit college theatre sought to integrate its own language, setting and themes within the renewed humanist interest in theatrical performances. In this, Jesuit theatre stood as a bridge between the century’s taste for the classical canons and a new commitment to Christian religious themes. Bernardino Stefonio (1562–1620) is one of the greatest authors of Jesuit theatre. He spent his life as a professor of Rhetoric and author of theatrical productions between Rome and Naples until he was nominated Preceptor (Tutor) by Superior General Claudio Acquaviva in 1605. His first pupil was Francesco Boncompagni (related to the family of Pope Gregory XIII (r. 1572–85)), whom he instructed in Rome. He then occupied the position of Prefect of Literary Studies at the Jesuit College in Rome between 1615 and 1619. He died in Modena while at the court of Duke Cesare d’Este and in charge of his sons’ education. It is to him that we owe the so- called “Stefonian Reform” that changed the history of both secular and religious theatre. Through his tragedies, in particular through the Crispus, performed for the first time at the Roman College in 1597, and published in its editio princeps in Rome in 1601, Stefonio staged a tragedy that, while classical in its structure, had a Christian martyr as its subject. In the first part of her work, Saulini presents these themes in such a way that she establishes the case for the reader’s awareness of Stefonio’s significance in the Italian cultural 272 Book Reviews history of the late Renaissance. In this part of the study Saulini also provides useful references to an epistolary exchange between Stefonio and one of his friends, Valentino Magioni (Epp. NN. 80), held at the Roman Jesuit archives (ARSI): these letters constitute a valuable primary source for further in-depth analysis of Stefonio’s character and intellectual thought. The second part of the book consists of an account of Stefonio’s literary contribution through the presentation of excerpts from a number of his many works. In her selection of literary texts and images, Saulini tests Tarquinio Galluzzi’s (1573–1649) assessment that his master’s works were among the greatest accomplishments of Christian humanism: in his Rinnovazione dell’antica tragedia e Difesa del Crispo (1633), Galluzzi explains how Stefonio overrides Aristotle’s pronouncement that a saint (or a martyr, in this case) could not represent a suitable subject for a classical tragedy. Ancient tragedies in fact were conceived to “purify” the audience by means of exalting certain contingent qualities of the characters, be they political or moral, but they never focus on the people themselves as transcendent signs. The scope of ancient tragedy thus is to defend the public good against the threats posed to it by society. On the contrary, in sacred theatre the main subject coincides with the personification of Christ (in the case of a saint/martyr), or at least with some of his qualities. In the case of Stefonio’s most famous tragedy, Crispus’ sacrifice is meant to lead the spectator to the imitation of the ultimate sacrifice of Christ, who submitted himself to an unjust death. The character of Crispus is not simply representative of some good moral quality that is necessary for the common good of the polis. Nor is he meant to inspire feelings of hatred against Constantine, who ruled unfairly in his regard. Crispus instead is exemplary of the highest virtue toward which each person should strive, aiming for meekness of heart to consecrate one’s person to the Good and abide by it even in the face of dramatic events. By placing this character within the language, structure and formalism of ancient tragedy, Stefonio bridges together traditions that otherwise tend to be considered separately. Through her work, Mirella Saulini provides a helpful tool for exploring the reception of this Jesuit Sabine writer and his innovative literary contribution to the history of theatre in the early-modern period. Through a comparative analysis of his works, which focuses on, but is not limited to, Stefonio’s tragedies, Saulini puts this Jesuit in dialogue with the wider context of European humanism. Thus, she gives the reader the opportunity to learn about unpublished or little-known material, by way of an interdisciplinary perspective, Book Reviews 273 which brings together textual analysis, historical considerations and the cultural ferments of the age. As a result, the reader is invited to appreciate literary and archival material that is drawn out from scholarly obscurity and placed in full view of the fields of early-modern literary history and the history of theatre.

University of Notre Dame Maria Giulia Genghini

Miguel Lop Sebastià S.J. (ed.), Alfonso Salmerón, SJ (1515-1585). Una biografía epistolar, Madrid, Mensajero-Sal Terrae-Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2015, 400 p., € 25.00, ISBN 978-84-271-3683-0

Ha transcurrido medio milenio desde que vino al mundo el P. Alfonso Salmerón, SJ, testigo excepcional de las convulsiones confesionales y políticas del siglo XVI. Afortunadamente, la efeméride no ha pasado desapercibida. La memoria del jesuita recibió la atención que merece en un coloquio celebrado en su ciudad natal, Toledo, al que acudieron varios de los especialistas más destacados en la historia de la Compañía de Jesús. Entre ellos se encontraba el P. Miguel Lop Sebastià, que presentó en público este precioso libro editado por Mensajero, Sal Terrae y la Universidad Pontificia Comillas. Él servirá como testimonio perdurable del respeto demostrado a Salmerón en este momento de destacada carga simbólica. El P. Lop Sebastià nos regala una monografía cercana a las cuatrocientas páginas. En ella, la figura extraordinaria de Salmerón es abordada a través de un prisma novedoso, el de “biografía epistolar”. ¿Qué hay detrás de esta notable expresión, de poderoso atractivo literario? Lop la relaciona con el concepto tradicional de “autobiografía” y, después, con el de “biografía en mosaico”, original y sugestivo. En efecto, el autor tenía en mente el género autobiográfico. No deseaba escribir una biografía académica al uso, sino publicar una fuente primaria como las que existen en el caso de otros jesuitas. Desgraciadamente, “Salmerón no dejó escrito alguno directamente autobiográfico”. Se puede “seguir el curso de su vida”, pero sólo “a partir de los datos que proporciona su abundante correspondencia”. Ahora bien, las cartas representan sólo fragmentos de una vida o, dentro de una metáfora que el lector ya irá adivinando, pequeñas teselas. Si todas o las más significativas se unen, aparece el mosaico perdido o el mosaico que nunca existió, según se mire: la “biografía en mosaico” o “biografía epistolar”, 274 Book Reviews esforzada especie de collage documental. Si la importancia histórica de Salmerón es la primera razón para acercarse al libro, la segunda se halla en este fascinante reto intelectual. ¿Hasta qué punto puede un hombre construir, no la biografía, sino la autobiografía de otro? La cuestión de las fuentes, por tanto, es esencial, más si cabe que en una investigación convencional. Lop encontró lo fundamental de sus materiales en los Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, especialmente entre las Epistolae P. Alphonsi Salmeronis (Madrid, 1906-1907), que reúnen lo que ha quedado de la correspondencia de Salmerón, la que envió y la que recibió, incluyendo interlocutores tan destacados como los cinco padres generales que conoció, desde san Ignacio hasta Claudio Acquaviva. Las cartas transcritas entera o parcialmente exceden de 150, a las que hay que añadir el recurso a otros documentos procedentes de volúmenes diferentes de MHSI, como los Monumenta Ignatiana o los Monumenta Ribadeneirae. Hablamos de muchas cartas, ciertamente, pero no de todas, como el propio Lop advierte: “solo recogemos las más significativas para nuestro objeto y en muchas de ellas solo reproduciremos los párrafos más convenientes”. Además de las cartas, Lop utilizó dos magníficas fuentes complementarias, el Chronicon Polanci, de Juan Alfonso de Polanco, y una crónica del colegio de Nápoles, escrita por el P. Juan Francisco Araldo. Dos textos valiosos por su calidad testimonial, redactados por personas pertenecientes al círculo de los primeros jesuitas, con un acceso ilimitado a la documentación interna de la Compañía. Partiendo de esta base trina, la construcción de la biografía epistolar no era fácil, pero Lop la ha culminado con verdadero éxito. El texto se lee con profunda satisfacción, porque ha logrado mantener toda la vivacidad de la fuente primaria, aunque, precisamente como tal, debe leerse también con cautela y juicio crítico. En todos los casos, Lop ha reproducido fuentes tan autorizadas como complejas. Es bien sabido que muchos textos jesuitas clásicos se preocupaban más por ser edificantes que rigurosamente veristas, en consonancia con la literatura religiosa del Antiguo Régimen. Lop, en cambio, no ha recurrido a la extensa obra teológica de Salmerón. Lo justifica de la siguiente manera: “El criterio que ha dirigido nuestra selección es el de omitir en principio todo lo referente a cuestiones de gobierno o de personas, limitándonos a lo estrictamente biográfico o anecdótico. Dejamos también de lado la correspondencia mantenida con cardenales y otros personajes sobre cuestiones exegéticas o circunstanciales. Y es preciso señalar que no es objeto de esta obra el análisis de sus intervenciones en el Concilio de Trento”. Aquí, incuestionablemente, la palabra clave es Book Reviews 275

“selección”. Lo vimos antes con las cartas y volvemos a encontrarlo ahora. Sin duda, ésa es la gran frontera entre la biografía epistolar y la autobiografía. No reside tanto en la cuestión estrictamente narrativa de ser un texto extenso, redactado de principio a fin, o una yuxtaposición de textos breves. Consiste en que la subjetividad que se desliza por el texto no es la del propio Salmerón eligiendo cómo desea presentarse ante los demás, sino la del P. Lop determinando qué faces de Salmerón podrá encontrar el lector. Lop no explica mucho por qué decidió omitir el Salmerón teólogo y resaltar lo biográfico, entendido como anecdótico. Pero podemos suponerlo: el pensamiento exegético y la predicación tridentina cuentan ya con un cumplido análisis. Ahora toca pensar en el hombre, el jesuita de carne y hueso que vivió a su modo durante 70 años. Eso es lo que encuentra el afortunado lector de este libro, una ventana abierta al primer siglo de la Compañía de Jesús. Emergen la edad y el contemporáneo. La Europa del Quinientos aparece tras el telón del tiempo, terrible y agitada, marcada por la pobreza, las epidemias, el crecimiento de las ciudades, el predominio del medio rural, las controversias religiosas, la violencia cotidiana, las guerras… Siglo difícil, en el que surgieron los jesuitas, hijos plenos de su momento histórico. Alfonso Salmerón, entre ellos, nos conquista por su profunda fe católica y su estilo de vivirla característicamente jesuita: disponibilidad para servir al Papado, obediencia a sus superiores, caridad con el necesitado, rigurosa formación teológica, vocación de apostolado, reciedumbre y prudencia ante la adversidad, cosmopolitismo, atención a los asuntos de gobierno… Virtudes todas que adornan la memoria del gran Salmerón quinientos años después. Ahora podemos recrearla mucho mejor gracias al trabajo, paciente y excelente, del P. Miguel Lop Sebastià.

Universidad de Sevilla José Manuel Díaz Blanco

Scott Hendrickson SJ, Jesuit Polymath of Madrid: The Literary Enterprise of Juan Eusebio Nieremberg (1595-1658), Leiden, Boston, Brill, 2015, i-x, 243 p., Hardcover/eBook € 110.00 ($ 142.00), ISBN 978-90-04-29351-9/ E-ISBN: 978-90-04-29544-5

La figura del jesuita hispano-alemán Juan Eusebio Nieremberg es una de las más famosas entre los hijos de San Ignacio del Seiscientos español. Sin embargo, pocos investigadores se han atrevido a lo 276 Book Reviews largo de la Historia a acercarse al estudio de su vida y, sobre todo, su obra a causa de su prolijidad. El impresionante volumen de publicaciones que habían visto la luz al morir a los 63 años ha sido un muro que pocos investigadores se han atrevido a escalar. Por suerte, de vez en cuando aparece algún valiente que, obviando tan vasta y variada producción (el autor la cifra en torno a 75 trabajos), realiza una nueva aproximación a la obra del que fuera profesor en el Colegio Imperial de Madrid y recupera el interés por el estudio de este polifacético autor. Éste es el caso que nos ocupa en estas páginas, en la persona de Scott Hendrickson, Profesor Asistente de la norteamericana Loyola University Chicago. El análisis que el profesor Hendrickson realiza trata de aunar en todo momento la formación intelectual de Nieremberg, bebiendo fundamentalmente de las corrientes de pensamiento neoplatónica y neoestoica, con su identidad jesuita. A lo largo del texto se establecen los diferentes lazos y conexiones que unieron la obra de Nieremberg con la de San Ignacio, especialmente los Ejercicios Espirituales. A pesar del tiempo pasado y todo lo que habría ocurrido desde su fundación, Nieremberg consiguió capturar el espíritu ignaciano en su obra. El libro no sólo sitúa al jesuita hispano-alemán dentro de la impresionante obra impresa que desarrolló la Orden ignaciana en estos siglos, sino que también lo encuadra dentro del contexto literario y cultural en el que vivió, el Siglo de Oro español. De hecho, tal y como expone el autor en su introducción, este libro no sólo trata de analizar la obra de Nieremberg, sino que, sobre todo, persigue situarlo como una de las personalidades más influyentes de la cultura española del Seiscientos en ámbitos tan diferentes como las prácticas catequéticas, la extensión de la literatura espiritual o el cultivo del pensamiento neoplatónico y neoestoico. De este modo, la investigación de Hendrickson reivindica el papel de un jesuita que estuvo al nivel de contemporáneos como Quevedo, Gracián o sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, pero que ha caído en el olvido con el paso del tiempo. La estructura del libro consiste en cinco capítulos, en los que analiza la vida y obra de Nieremberg, situándolo primero en su contexto histórico-cultural para, a continuación, analizar el conjunto de su vasta obra impresa a través de una serie de obras representativas. En este sentido, consideramos que habría sido más interesante que el análisis se fijara en obras menos conocidas y estudiadas, como pueden ser las políticas Obras y días (1629), a la que hace alguna referencia en el capítulo 5, o Theopoliticus (1641), menos conocida. Book Reviews 277

La tesis que se presenta a lo largo del texto es que para Nieremberg el conocimiento era el puente para lograr la Salvación, en la medida que permitía a los ciudadanos discernir el verdadero significado de las cosas y, tras ello, asimilarlo e integrarlo en su vida cotidiana. Ése era el objetivo de la estrategia retórica del jesuita, persuadir a la gente a que penetrara en el interior de las cosas para vislumbrar la voluntad divina que había en todas ellas. El primer capítulo, titulado con el nombre del propio jesuita analizado, presenta a Nieremberg en su contexto histórico y literario, así como el clima espiritual y las corrientes de pensamiento que le influyeron. En todo momento señala como imposible desligar su obra tanto de la del conjunto de la Compañía de Jesús, como del ambiente espiritual en el que se concibió. De hecho, Hendrickson establece que el neoplatonismo configuró el marco de referencia para que las ideas transmitidas por los jesuitas fueran aceptadas en su época, como también se observa en el Camino espiritual de Luis de la Palma, que puede entenderse como unos comentarios a los Ejercicios ignacianos. Después de ese capítulo, en el que se nos introduce en la vida del jesuita y las fuentes de conocimiento y espirituales de las que bebió, el libro pasa a analizar su obra y pensamiento a través del análisis de sus obras más famosas. El capítulo 2 (“Catechetical Innovations”), analiza Práctica del catecismo romano, escrito para una lectura individual, interna, y colectiva, para un auditorio. El objetivo formador y didáctico de este texto se observa en las tres partes que lo componen, siendo lecciones doctrinales las dos primeras que se completan en la tercera con una serie de ejemplos que ilustran lo presentado y ayudan al lector a asimilarlas y llevarlas a la práctica en el día a día. Así, Nieremberg proporcionaba a los letrados menos formados un catecismo funcional que evitaría uno de los grandes problemas que se habían tratado de atajar con el Concilio de Trento, la extensión de la herejía de manera involuntaria a causa de la mala instrucción de los sacerdotes. Al mismo tiempo, conseguía llegar al máximo número de personas posible y, además, que aprendieran de una manera práctica los rudimentos de la doctrina mediante el uso de ejemplos, también llamados cuentos por el autor, que presentaban al fiel los espejos en los que mirarse y discernir el camino de salvación. La búsqueda del conocimiento por parte del individuo y, a través de ello, el impulso a desentrañar lo divino que hay en las cosas se observa especialmente en el capítulo 3 (“Contemplating the Book of Nature”), en el que se analizan las funciones social y espiritual de los tratados Curiosa filosofía y Oculta filosofía. A través de sus páginas, el jesuita trata de señalar el verdadero significado del mundo natural y sus operaciones para que el fiel tenga la capacidad de traspasar la apariencia de las cosas y poder vislumbrar la impronta divina en todo lo que le rodea. A través del conocimiento del carácter intrínseco de las cosas, el ojo humano era entrenado para discernir la apariencia insignificante y descubrir su significado sagrado, convirtiéndose estas obras en alimento para el intelecto y el espíritu. El discernimiento de lo que debería ser importante para el individuo y aquello de lo que debería huir se presentaba en De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno, que es el libro analizado en el capítulo 4 (“The Spiritual Exercise of Reading”). Siguiendo la senda de los capítulos (obras) anteriores, en ese tratado se señalaba al individuo que lo mundano no era un fin en sí mismo, sino un medio para conseguir un objetivo superior, la Salvación eterna. Para ello, Nieremberg hizo uso de una serie de recursos normalizados dentro de la cultura española del Barroco, como era señalar la inevitabilidad de la muerte y, sobre todo, el proceso de descomposición del cuerpo humano para discernir entre lo efímero de lo mundano y la Vida Eterna. Pero no buscaba el desprecio de lo cotidiano, sino una mejor apreciación de sus limitaciones para, en el fondo, crear un poso de esperanza. Para finalizar su análisis, Hendrickson se fija en un librode avisos, Causa y remedio de los males públicos, en el que Nieremberg ampliaba el destinatario de sus palabras y las dirigía al cuerpo político de la Monarquía Hispánica, al que apremiaba a considerar la mala situación política, económica y militar como un signo de desagrado divino, en la misma línea de otros escritos providencialistas contemporáneos. De esta manera, señalaba que los males de los españoles a la altura de 1642 eran un castigo divino por sus pecados que necesitaba ser analizado y enmendado, esto es, discernir las causas para aplicar las medidas oportunas. En su análisis, Hendrickson no se olvida de situar esta obra dentro de la teoría política del momento, remitiendo a autores como Quevedo, Sancho de Moncada, Fernández de Navarrete y sus hermanos de religión Pedro de Ribadeneyra, Juan de Torres, Juan de Mariana, Pedro de Guzmán y Claudio Clemente. El análisis de la obra de Nieremberg se completa con un amplio listado de toda su producción impresa, extraída de la consulta de diferentes recopilaciones y bibliografías. Además, se añade un segundo anexo compuesto por los fragmentos de los decretos del Concilio de Trento que se citan a lo largo del libro. Para finalizar, hay que destacar el esfuerzo del profesor Book Reviews 279

Hendrickson en analizar la inmensa obra de Juan Eusebio Nieremberg y su influencia en su época. Consideramos que un libro de este tipo puede resucitar los estudios acerca de la obra de este jesuita, imprescindible para comprender la literatura española del Barroco en sus diferentes vertientes, especialmente la ascética, la moralizante y la política.

Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha David Martín López

ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESU

VOL. LXXXIV, FASC. 168 2015/II

Articles

Lorenzo Mancini, «Et questo mi pare quanto agli studij vostri»: una lettera inedita di Juan de Polanco a Pedro de Ribadeneira (1547) alle origini della pedagogia gesuita 187

Tiziana M. Di Blasio, La polemica antigesuitica nella seconda metà del XVIII secolo: Trilogia delle lettere ad una Dama dubbiosa 221

Francisco Malta Romeiras, A constituição e o percurso das colecções científicas dos jesuítas exilados pela 1ª República: o caso de Carlos Zimmermann SJ (1871–1950) 287

Bibliography (Paul Begheyn SJ) 329

Book Reviews

R.A. Maryks - J. Wright (eds), Jesuit Survival (J. Grummer SJ) 449

R. Bellarmine, On the Eternal Happiness (M. Catto) 452

G. Schio, S. Carlo Borromeo e i gesuiti (F. Rurale) 453

J-P. Hernández, Il corpo del nome (L. Salviucci Insolera) 454 M.A. Waddell, Jesuit Science (A. Udías SJ) 458

A. Udías, A Jesuit Contribution to Science (F. Malta Romeiras) 462

M. True, Masters and Students (C.A. Sáenz SJ) 465

M. de Asúa, Science in the Vanished Arcadia (I.M. Madaleno) 468

S.J.C. Andes, The Vatican and Catholic Activism in Mexico (P. Valvo) 473

O. Száraz, Paolo Segneri (1624–1694) (A. Molnár) 477

R. Schneider, Kirche und Kolleg der Jesuiten in Dillingen (H. Karner) 480

T. Appl, Die Kirchenpolitik Herzog Wilhelms V. (J. Oswald SJ) 483

J. van Gennip, Controversen in context (M. Lindeijer SJ) 486

G. De Simone, La Biblioteca del Collegium Goritiense (R. Danieluk SJ) 487

P. Begheyn, Jesuit Books in the Dutch Republic (N. Vacalebre) 490

Notes and News in Jesuit History 493

Index 497 Book Reviews

Robert A. Maryks and Jonathan Wright (eds), Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773-1900, Leiden–Boston, Brill, 2015, 530 p., (Studies in the History of Christian Traditions, vol. 178), €154.00 ($199.00), ISBN 9789004282384

Rather than providing a comprehensive global history of the Society of Jesus between 1773 and 1900, as the sub-title might suggest, this volume offers a sample of contemporary scholarly research about Jesuits, former Jesuits, and their activities during those years. Robert A. Maryks and Jonathan Wright have collected and edited essays that give particular attention to the 1773–1814 period. All the articles except “The Romantic Historian under Charles X” by Frédéric Conrod were originally papers presented in Boston and/or Macau at conferences celebrating the two hundredth anniversary of Sollicitudo Omnium Ecclesiarum. That papal bull, issued on 7 August 1814, permitted the universal reestablishment of the Society of Jesus, reversing the papal brief Dominus ac Redemptor that had suppressed the congregation on 21 July 1773. The essays of Jesuits Thomas Worcester and Robert Danieluk introduce important questions about the post-Suppression history of the Society of Jesus: Since the order continued to function in the Russian Empire until 1820, what does restoration mean? What is the relationship between the Society of Jesus that existed in 1750 and the one that existed in 1850? What is the current state of scholarship about the activities of Jesuits and former Jesuits in the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth centuries? What studies would help our understanding of Jesuits and their work in the period between 1773 and 1900? The other twenty-six articles in this collection suggest preliminary answers to these questions. As Marek Inglot’s fine summary shows, the Society of Jesus continued to exist in name and in deed in the Russian Empire until after the papal decree of 1814. Irena Kadulska’s article, “The Połock Academy (1812–1820),” describes a particular institution that continued to function under Jesuit direction after 1773 until 1820. Since the school undoubtedly served as a model for those who established other institutions around the world after 1814, it deserves all the attention to the details she provides. Nor was the Society of Jesus officially suppressed in Canada, leading to the interesting and complicated story of legal issues that John Meehan and Jacques Monet tell. As these articles demonstrate, in spite 450 Book Reviews of the best efforts of Bourbon monarchs and their supporters, the complete suppression and destruction of the Society of Jesus never happened: in at least a few parts of the world, the Society of Jesus did not need restoration. Not only canonical and institutional continuities link Jesuits in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; other continuities exist as well. Richard Butterwick-Pawlikowski describes the activities of various Jesuits and former Jesuits as the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth disappeared. Paul Shore focuses on former Jesuit astronomers in Hungary. Caroline Guile, Emanuele Colombo, and Catherine O’Donnell concentrate on individual careers: Polish architect Sebastian Sierakowski (Guile), Italian intellectual Luigi Mozzi de’ Capitani (Colombo), and John Carroll, the first US Catholic bishop (O’Donnell). Thomas McCoog describes how steps taken in the eighteenth century to protect Jesuit assets in England provided the corporate resources for reconstituting the English Province in the 19th century. Immaculada Fernández Arrillaga and Niccolò Guasti trace a complicated and conflictive path that eventually led over one hundred former Spanish Jesuits to form a reconstituted Province of Italy after 1814. These articles demonstrate continuity in spite of the disruption of suppression. The geographical organization of the articles provides one indication regarding today’s scholarly interest in Jesuit activities as well as consideration of where attention could profitably turn in the future: Poland-Lithuania and the Russian Empire (4); Central Europe (2) and Western Europe (5); China (5) and India (1); the Americas (6); and Africa (3). Although the Ricci Institute undoubtedly exercised a preferential option in the selection of papers at the conferences that led to this book, the age-old fascination about the Jesuit mission in the Middle Kingdom seems as strong and creative as ever. Articles by R. Po-chia Hsia and Paul Rule present multi-faceted, multi-national perspectives that indicate the veins in this mine are not exhausted. Contributions by Paul Marini and Jeremy Clarke offer interpretive narratives for exploring nineteenth-century topics about China that have received little attention so far. César Guillen-Nuñez’s use of architecture to buttress his thesis accentuates the advantages of interdisciplinary studies for understanding what Jesuits were doing in China. Other articles in this collection suggest a wide range of possibilities for further exploration. Articles by Festo Mkenda, Aquinata Agonga, and Jean Luc Enygue indicate that scholarly attention to Jesuit history in Africa is just beginning. The work of Ignacio Telesca and Perla Chinchilla Pawling introduce vast possibilities for Book Reviews 451

Latin American studies. Daniel Schlafly’s chapter about Giovanni Grassi’s work in the USA and Andrés Prieto’s look at “Jesuit Tradition and the Rise of Latin American Nationalism” hint that the international network linking Jesuits and their institutions offers numerous possibilities for examining dimensions of globalization in the nineteenth century. Sabina Pavone’s interesting essay points to a number of avenues in India that need careful attention and study; a global perspective on the intersecting interests of different groups would be most helpful. While Eva Fontana Castelli makes a plea for reevaluating the impact of former Paccanarists on the Society of Jesus, Jeffrey Chipps-Smith’s study of “The Jesuit Artistic Diaspora in Germany after 1773” suggests that we have much to learn about the importance of formerly Jesuit property for many different kinds of nineteenth-century foundations. Perla Chinchilla Pawling’s observations about the paucity of literature regarding the Jesuits’ return to Mexico prompt her to propose a research agenda for the history of Jesuits in Mexico that seems to apply more broadly. She suggests the possibility of «a general history of the restoration of the Society of Jesus based on the construction of its own ‘identity’» and the integration of contemporary historiographical concerns with specific local and regional Jesuit topics such as preaching, use of the Spiritual Exercises, missionary activity, schools, and Marian congregations (p. 449). There seems to be more than enough room for both approaches. In addition, paying attention to the voices of the people whom Jesuits sought to serve would provide an especially valuable contribution. Maryks and Wright include a helpful overview of the period in their introduction. Although they might have exercised a heavier hand in editing some of the manuscripts, they have done a great service by making these papers accessible. While Jesuits may never have been as important as some think—nor as nefarious as others claim—this book shows how their international connections; their broad ranging religious, intellectual, and cultural interests; and their archives make study of the Society of Jesus and its works a convenient portal for visiting the age of revolutions. While general readers seeking a synthetic overview of the history of the Society of Jesus between 1773 and 1900 must keep looking for such a volume, this collection presents some of the fascinating details and interconnections on which such a synthesis and human history itself rest.

Rome James Grummer SJ 452 Book Reviews

Robert Bellarmine, S.J., On the Eternal Happiness of the Saints. Translated from the Latin, with Introduction and Notes, by Charles S. Kraszewski, Saint Louis, The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2012, 241 p., (Series I: Jesuit Primary Sources in English Translation no. 27), €22.01 ($23.39), ISBN 978880810794

Dal suo ritiro presso il noviziato di Sant’Andrea in Quirinale, quasi alla fine della sua lunga vita, il cardinal Roberto Bellarmino (1542– 1621) scrisse De aeterna felicitate sanctorum (1616). L’agile libro fu dedicato a Odoardo Farnese, «in testimony of my gratitude for the many good things received from your hands», e dell’impegno che il cardinale Farnese aveva più volte manifestato nei confronti della Compagnia di Gesù. Il De aeterna felicitate sanctorum appartiene al periodo più “mistico” della vita del cardinale i cui ultimi impegni furono dedicati alla stesura di opere ascetiche e spirituali: De ascensione mentis in Deum per scalam rerum creaturarum (1614), De gemitu columbae sive de bono lachrymarum (1617), De septem verbis a Christo in cruce prolatis (1618) e De arte bene moriendi (1620). Ma più specificamente il 1616 fu l’anno in cui successero almeno due importanti avvenimenti nella vita del cardinale. Il primo fu la condanna da parte degli undici teologi consultori del Sant’Uffizio – tra cui lo stesso Bellarmino – dell’eliocentrismo copernicano; il secondo il viaggio che il cardinale, in qualità di protettore e riformatore dei Celestini, compì a Subiaco, la culla del monachesimo occidentale. Il libro, ora messo a disposizione nella prima traduzione in inglese moderno, è costruito secondo la tecnica ignaziana della composizione di luogo degli Esercizi spirituali che lo rende non solo un testo di consolazione spirituale quanto e soprattutto un esercizio spirituale destinato ad allenare, addestrare e educare il devoto che desidera combattere nel mondo e assicurarsi la gloria che Dio ha promesso ai vincitori (p. 4). De aeterna felicitate sanctorum è stato definito come «the most biblical of the five [spiritual] books» (p. 13), e come rimarca il traduttore e curatore dell’opera Charles S. Kraszewski, anche attraverso un istruttivo conteggio della frequenza delle citazioni (pp. 14-15), la preminenza spetta a San Paolo. Il Paradiso, la Città di Dio, la Casa di Dio, (e tutti gli undici luoghi del cammino all’eterna felicità) sono reali. Il Paradiso è il luogo creato da Dio come abitazione “fisica” dell’umanità. Un posto da raggiungere attraverso un lungo, reale e vero, viaggio che va inteso in un senso materiale: non un viaggiare impossibile, vissuto con terrore, attraverso oggetti terrificanti. Lo scopo infatti di Bellarmino è quello di incoraggiare gli uomini – anche incoraggiandoli e sollecitandoli Book Reviews 453 attraverso la sottile conoscenza della psicologia umana – a mirare al Paradiso, a contemplarlo con la mente e con il cuore, senza mai perdere di vista ciò a cui l’umanità sempre aspira: l’eterna felicità, tutti insieme nella comunità che, già nelle sue Controversiae, aveva raggruppato nella triade della Chiesa trionfante, sofferente e militante.

Trento, Fondazione Bruno Kessler Michela Catto

Giuseppe Schio, S. Carlo Borromeo e i gesuiti, a cura di Diego Brunello, Gallarate, Archivio dei gesuiti dell’Italia settentrionale, 2014, 249 p., (edizione fuori commercio)

È opera benemerita quella di padre Diego Brunello. Dando alle stampe la “Storia dei gesuiti a Milano” ai tempi di Carlo Borromeo di padre Giuseppe Schio (1872–1928) e la trascrizione, sempre dello Schio, di alcuni codici manoscritti della Biblioteca Trivulziana di Milano andati distrutti nei bombardamenti del maggio 1943, padre Brunello mette a disposizione degli studiosi un materiale originale di grande interesse, utile per precisare non solo gli esordi dei gesuiti nella città ambrosiana ma anche, più in generale, la storia ecclesiastica milanese negli anni post-tridentini, con i suoi innumerevoli intrecci sociali, politici ed economici. Il volume è diviso in due parti ben distinte. Nella prima viene trascritto il testo inedito, parte di un progetto più ambizioso (una “monumentale storia” della presenza dei gesuiti a Milano fino alla soppressione), lasciato da padre Schio manoscritto e limitato a 13 capitoli: in pratica relativo ai primi vent’anni di attività dei seguaci di Ignazio (fino al famoso caso Mazzarino, quando il padre Giulio venne denunciato dall’arcivescovo all’Inquisizione romana, 1579–80). Nella seconda parte vengono pubblicati: i codici Trivulzio 1715 (Cose memorabili della chiesa e casa di S. Fedele cavate dai libri maestri ed altri libri manoscritti dell’archivio 1563 e suo principio, pp. 1–28), 1716 (che riprende parte degli argomenti del precedente e il cui incipit è Primo ingresso della Compagnia di Gesù nella città di Milano, pp. 29–80, 202–25), 1717 (Insigni benefattori della casa (sic) di S. Fedele e della casa professa che ha in Milano la Compagnia di Gesù, pp. 81–201); un’Appendice «di altre memorie di cose da porsi a suo luogo», pp. 226–29); e infine gli Annali 1565–1583 (pp. 230–49). Si tratta di materiali che furono ricopiati e/o elaborati da padre Schio nel primo dopoguerra, utili per la ricostruzione che allora andava facendo della storia gesuitica milanese, divenuti preziosi (si pensi ai codici trivulziani) per gli 454 Book Reviews studiosi in quanto “sottratti” alla definitiva scomparsa essendo, come detto, gli originali andati perduti qualche anno più tardi nei bombardamenti che colpirono Milano durante la seconda guerra mondiale. L’opera di padre Brunello è una fedele trascrizione dei testi lasciati da padre Schio, con i pregi e limiti che tale scelta comporta: in particolare – il lavoro avrebbe richiesto un impegno in effetti gravoso – manca una completa modernizzazione, secondo i criteri e le segnature archivistiche attuali, delle note e dei rimandi (anche all’archivio romano dell’Ordine) prodotti da padre Schio durante la stesura della sua Storia della prima Compagnia («abbiamo trascritto – così padre Brunello nella Premessa – il manoscritto rispettandone lo stile e le espressioni e lasciando invariate le sue citazioni a documenti di archivi e biblioteche, senza avventurarci nell’impegnativo lavoro di reperimento esatto delle fonti citate volendo semplicemente trascrivere, e non rifare, l’opera come ce l’ha lasciata»). Ciononostante, ribadiamo, il testo risulta estremamente ricco di notizie e informazioni (certamente da verificare ed eventualmente correggere ed integrare con nuove ricerche documentarie), solo in parte utilizzate dagli storici che finora si sono occupati delle vicende gesuitiche ai tempi di Carlo Borromeo. La scansione cronologica dei codici, inoltre, in gran parte redatti da padre Carlo Omacino a inizio Settecento, supera abbondantemente i limiti della storia dello Schio e fornisce un quadro assai ampio (con annotazioni che arrivano fino al XVIII secolo) della rete di relazioni che crebbe attorno al collegio di Brera e alla casa professa di S. Fedele, intessuta dai gesuiti con note famiglie e personaggi dell’aristocrazia locale, benefattrici e benefattori nei secoli dell’età moderna delle comunità ignaziane della città borromaica. Di qui l’interesse che i codici hanno non solo per l’approfondimento (auspicabile) della storia della Compagnia nel corso del ‘600 ma anche per le vicende sociali, politiche ed economiche milanesi di quel secolo.

Università degli Studi di Udine Flavio Rurale

Jean-Paul Hernández, Il corpo del nome. I simboli e lo spirito della Chiesa Madre dei Gesuiti, Bologna, Pardes Edizioni, 2010, 164 p., €20.00, ISBN 9788889241462

Innanzitutto è bene subito chiarire che questo libro sulla chiesa del Gesù di Roma non è una guida artistica, ma qualcosa di molto Book Reviews 455 differente e qualitativamente superiore. Esso si presenta come una vera immersione profonda nella sacralità del luogo ecclesiale e nella decorazione pittorica degli affreschi del Baciccio, intesi come chiave di lettura spirituale dell’intera chiesa. Con queste premesse il libro potrebbe sembrare un progetto molto difficile per un pubblico vasto, e quindi destinato a lettori selezionati. Invece l’autore, lo studioso gesuita Jean-Paul Hernández, offre una lettura agile ed efficace che, con poco più di un centinaio di pagine, chiarisce tali dense argomentazioni, riuscendo nella difficile impresa dell’alta divulgazione culturale cristiana. È doveroso specificare a questo punto che proprio l’Autore, già da vari anni sta portando avanti un progetto di catechesi attraverso l’arte cristiana, dal nome significativo Pietre vive, coinvolgendo principalmente giovani in un percorso di sensibilizzazione nei confronti di chiese e opere d’arte cristiane, recuperandone il vero significato spirituale. Risulta ora più facile comprendere il fine di questo libro sulla chiesa del Gesù, dove appunto viene messo in secondo piano il mero dato nozionistico a favore di un discorso più ampio e radicato sull’attuazione operata dalla Compagnia di Gesù in un programma simbolico architettonico e figurativo che, voluto dallo stesso sant’Ignazio, è proseguito nel secolo successivo. Dopo la presentazione del giornalista Fabio Zavattaro e la prefazione di don Guido Benzi, responsabile della catechesi presso la Cei, Hernàndez sviluppa il libro in cinque capitoli, dei quali i primi due introducono teologicamente il significato di tempio e di visione di Dio. Entrambi gli argomenti sono necessari per la comprensione della chiesa del Gesù. Innanzitutto essa «è una tenda per la Parola, piantata in mezzo alla città, vale a dire diventata carne». Non è altro, quindi, che «la traduzione in pietra del versetto di Giovanni: “E la parola si fece carne e piantò la sua tenda in mezzo a noi”» (Gv 1, 14) (p. 20). Così l’Autore passa in rassegna le radici culturali del significato di tempio sia in ambito sacro che profano, categorie che poi la spiritualità gesuitica tenderà a riconsiderare senza confini marcati, grazie all’esortazione ignaziana che spinge a trovare Dio in tutte le cose. Il parallelo con il tempio greco permette di chiarire il significato di tempio, come luogo sacro «dove si fa esperienza di Dio», dove abita Dio e dove si può «contemplare Dio» (p. 23). Come nei templi classici i sacrifici offerti dagli uomini costituiscono parte sostanziale del contatto con le divinità, così anche la chiesa del Gesù si può considerare come «un banchetto di nozze dell’Agnello», una sala addobbata per questo (p. 24). L’esistenza dell’antico simbolismo del tempio classico facilita il lettore alla comprensione del significato del tempio nell’Antico e 456 Book Reviews

Nuovo Testamento. Iniziando dalla tradizione biblica, l’Autore riflette su due caratteristiche principali del significato di tempio, che poi si ritrovano nel Gesù. È rivelazione della creazione, ossia luogo dove riscoprire tutta la creazione, da identificarsi con la terra promessa, il giardino simbolico con i suoi numerosi frutti. Questi stessi frutti li ritroviamo al Gesù, da intendersi anche naturalmente come simboli eucaristici, e in ogni caso come creature di Dio, strumento per l’uomo per la sua salvezza. Il tempio è anche «capolavoro dell’artista» (p. 28), vera opera d’arte, in quanto Dio permette all’uomo di misurare le proprie capacità (Es 31, 3–5). Da qui il tempio anche come “storia di liberazione”, alleanza tra Dio e gli uomini rinnovata, punto di contatto tra cielo e terra. E’ passaggio tra umano, la navata, e il divino, il presbiterio. Infine, nella rivelazione biblica, se il tempio è luogo dove ascoltare Dio, vuol dire che Dio parla e la sua parola riempie il vuoto del tempio. Questa presenza di Dio resa manifesta dall’evocazione del suo nome e la consapevolezza del vuoto del luogo coesistono anche perfettamente al Gesù, dove nella grande navata vuota echeggia il nome di Dio. L’Autore ci ricorda che «l’ingresso pieno di Dio nella storia dell’uomo» avviene con Cristo, perciò nel Nuovo Testamento il tempio diventa simbolo del corpo di Cristo, pietra viva. Nello stesso tempo, essendo i figli di Dio pietre preziose, ecco che la simbologia del tempio include non solo la comunità cristiana, ma scendendo sempre più in profondità, accoglie quanto scrive san Paolo a proposito dell’uomo: tempio di Dio vivente. La chiesa del Gesù, ricollegandosi alla metafora del corpo di ogni uomo inteso come tempio, si può intendere a sua volta, come «la vita di un uomo rigenerato dal Nome, purificato da ogni male, e diventato tempio dello spirito di Dio» (p. 41). Se queste riflessioni teologiche sul tempio risultano indispensabili, certamente lo sono anche quelle relative al «vedere Dio» del secondo capitolo (pp. 44–57): l’intero programma iconografico e decorativo esortano il visitatore ad affinare in chiave cristiana la propria vista. Hernàndez divide in tre parti l’argomento: nella Bibbia, nella tradizione e nella spiritualità ignaziana. Vedere l’amore infinito di Dio, ossia vedere la Parola, è ciò a cui aspira ogni cristiano e che in un certo modo è il fine della stessa chiesa del Gesù: mostrare il Nome. L’Autore spiega bene con parole efficaci questo punto: «Gesù è la visibilità di Dio, perché in lui tutte le promesse “prendono corpo”, le parole diventano visibili» (p. 47). Nella chiesa si riassume, quindi, la teologia cristologica, diventando di conseguenza questo luogo tanto «una sorta di icona tridimensionale della Resurrezione», quanto «una catechesi sull’eucarestia come trasfigurazione dello Book Reviews 457 sguardo» (p. 47). Dalla tradizione cristiana del significato di immagine sacra, l’arte figurativa della chiesa del Gesù mantiene un legame forte, basti pensare ad esempio all’uso della luce come metafora della divinità che negli affreschi di Baciccia sulla volta ne diventa parte costitutiva (p. 52). È evidente che per il tramite della stessa spiritualità ignaziana, che utilizza i sensi purificati per un coinvolgimento interiore nella pratica meditativa, l’intero complesso monumentale della chiesa del Gesù diventerà una delle principali esperienze artistiche operative, dove si applica «questo tentativo di “arte totale” per coinvolgere tutti i sensi nell’incontro con Dio» (p. 56). Nei due capitoli successivi sulla costruzione del Gesù e sulla struttura arcitettonica Hernández fornisce le coordinate necessarie per entrare nel vivo dell’analisi simbolica della chiesa. L’Autore riflette sui vari significati cristiani del luogo a cominciare dalla scelta della chiesa ad aula, che appunto «rimette al primo posto la Parola e la predicazione» (p. 73). La pianta basilicale viene sempre mantenuta, proprio per ricollegarsi alla tradizione delle origini del culto cristiano. Anche nel Gesù, infatti, la pianta a croce rimanda al copro risorto del Crocifisso (p. 79). La scelta della scansione architettonica dell’edificio ecclesiale nel numero di sette campate contiene una simbologia numerica che rimanda soprattutto alla coincidenza temporale della creazione. Il percorso spirituale al Gesù conduce così ad «una nuova Creazione» (p. 81). L’Autore nel quinto e ultimo capitolo, dedicato al programma decorativo, propone un’analisi simbolica di grande efficacia soprattutto riguardo la decorazione pittorica dell’età barocca, compiuta da Baciccia nel pieno Seicento. Si tratta di un programma unitario che procede dal grande affresco sulla volta con la “Gloria del Nome di Gesù”, da intendersi come una vera «irruzione del cielo sulla terra» (p. 91). Ogni elemento pittorico contribuisce a far ricordare non solo che Gesù è il nome di Dio, ma anche che l’eucarestia è intimamente presente nel rapporto Nome-Ostia che si verifica ammirando il grande monogramma che è il culmine dell’intero affresco. Il passaggio spirituale successivo si trova nella cupola con lo Spirito Santo che discende sui santi, raffigurati, «secondo un interessantissimo sistema di rimandi storici e teologici» (p. 111). Il programma iconografico si conclude nell’abside con l’Agnello sul trono, «immagine ultima della liturgia stessa che si svolge al Gesù» (p. 127). Hernández non lesina le citazioni scritturali di raffronto per spiegare lo svolgimento del suo discorso ermeneutico sulla chiesa: chiarisce anche con annotazioni essenziali i continui riferimenti 458 Book Reviews agli Esercizi Spirituali ignaziani e alle implicazioni spirituali della Compagnia di Gesù, che sono all’origine di questa straordinaria realizzazione architettonica e pittorica. Questo perciò è un libro utile per tutti quelli che si interessano alla chiesa del Gesù, e che vi troveranno anche un ricco lessico culturale cristiano, che si esprime per immagini e simboli, del quale i gesuiti sono stati di sicuro i più eminenti fautori.

Roma, Pontificia Università Gregoriana Lydia Salviucci Insolera

Mark A. Waddell, Jesuit Science and the End of Nature’s Secrets, Farnham Surrey, Ashgate Publishing, 2015, 224 p., £70.00, ISBN 9781472449726

The Jesuit contribution to science between the sixteenth- and eighteenth centuries has attracted a great deal of interest from historians, producing a considerable number of books and articles published on the subject in the last thirty years. In some cases, for example, in the work of Mordechai Feingold, the term «Jesuit science» is used. This can be understood simply as referring to the science practised by Jesuits, or to a specific type of science that can be identified with the Society of Jesus. The latter seems to bethe meaning given by Waddell. This requires further analysis, and Waddell’s book provides a valuable opportunity to do so. The Jesuit contribution to science began with the importance ascribed to the teaching of mathematics in Jesuit colleges, a novelty at the time. Thus, it was Jesuit professors of mathematics, not those of philosophy, who participated in the formative period of modern science, contributing to early developments in mathematics, astronomy, optics, mechanics and other fields in what was then called applied mathematics. Instead of the usual tendency to view these Jesuits in the context of their contemporaries working in the nascent scientific disciplines, Waddell’s book approaches the question from a different perspective. The author analyses the writings of three Jesuit professors of mathematics, Niccolò Cabeo, Athanasius Kircher and Gaspar Schott, and explores them in terms of their common aim to demonstrate how apparently extraordinary events could be understood as a consequence of purely natural processes. The result is a fascinating investigation into a neglected aspect of early-modern Jesuit studies of the natural world. Of the three figures under consideration, Kircher of course is the most well known, with abundant scholarship about him, but Cabeo and Schott Book Reviews 459 are less well known, and thus all the more welcome in this study. Waddell begins with the important problem of the age – magic – by way of an analysis of the Jesuit theologian Anton Martín del Río, and his book, Disquisitionum magicarum libri sex, first published in 1599. Del Río set the parameters of the problem by making a distinction between events considered to be supernatural (directly related to God), preternatural (by either angels or demons) and natural (by nature or man). According to del Río, magical works can belong to the second or third categories depending on their origin. The blurred lines between these categories clearly had the potential to create serious problems and could lead to accusations of heresy, black magic and witchcraft with dramatic consequences. For this reason, the need to establish the difference between the preternatural and the natural was held to be an important undertaking in Europe during this period. Explanations of natural phenomena belonged to Aristotelian physics, but some subjects such as magnetism could not be accommodated within this system and traditionally were assigned to «occult qualities», leaving them unexplained. This set the scene for the work of the three Jesuits analysed in this study, with magnetism, in particular, a recurring subject in the writings of all three authors. According to Waddell, an important objective that they identified in their work was the «demise of occult qualities» in the explanation of certain phenomena, especially magnetism, without departing from Aristotelian natural philosophy. Magnetism was the principal interest of Cabeo (a professor at Parma and Genoa), evident especially in his book, Philosophia magnetica (1629). Instead of following William Gilbert – who repudiated Aristotelian physics in his famous work on magnetism, De Magnete (1600) – Cabeo seeks to explain magnetic phenomena within the Aristotelian framework; however, he denies the occult qualities usually ascribed to it, using experiments and demonstrations to do so. According to Waddell, Cabeo can be identified with the neo- Aristotelians who disagreed with the system’s strictest doctrines on a number of points, including magnetism. Cabeo’s further efforts to describe several of nature’s secrets from a purely natural perspective are discernible throughout his book. Apparently mysterious effects are shown to be the result of ingenious natural mechanisms; thus, certain phenomena traditionally thought to pertain to the realm of «natural magic» are shown instead to be perfectly consistent with the principles of natural processes. Waddell dedicates two chapters (four and five) to Kircher, adding his analysis to the already abundant bibliography about him. Kircher’s works always make interesting subjects. Paula Findlen 460 Book Reviews has called him «the last man who knew everything»; for Edward Flecher, he was a «germanus incredibilis» (as acknowledgment of Kircher’s immense intellectual legacy and wide range of interests); and Goethe observed that, «before you know it, Father Kircher is back again». From among Kircher’s many writings, Waddell selects four on magnetism, light, sound and the Earth’s interior (Magnes sive de arte magnetica (1641), Ars magna lucis et umbrae (1646), Phonurgia nova (1673) and Mundus subterraneus (1664). In his analysis of these works, Waddell is not concerned with what can be discovered about Kircher’s contributions to early studies in magnetism, optics, acoustics and geology; rather, he discusses these works as examples of how Kircher sought to identify apparent natural mysteries and explain how they were made manifest. Again, we can see how Kircher aims to reveal the hidden mechanisms in phenomena previously perceived by ignorant audiences to be wondrous and mysterious aspects of natural or artificial magic. Waddell explains how this objective is present not only in Kircher’s works but also in the machines displayed in his famous museum at the Roman College, described as a «theater of the world» (theatrum mundi). This reading of Kircher leads Waddell to propose a «Kircherian epistemology», in which the machines of the museum and the subjects of his books served to point to the hidden natural processes not immediately accessible to the senses; in this way, they were intended to challenge the perceived reliability of the senses that led to the secrets of nature being cast in magical terms. In chapter five the author examines Kircher’s development ofa method for «how to see», as part of his efforts to unveil the secrets of nature. This objective can be identified especially in the Magnes, where magnetism becomes the key to understanding the world, with the cosmic force operating as a chain that connects all things that ultimately have their origins in God, «the magnet of the whole world». Waddell traces this same objective in Kircher’s treatise on light, and in his book about the structure of Earth. He sees this last work as «a spiritual as well as a philosophical journey through the subterranean world». Waddell insists on the importance of viewing the abundant illustrations in Kircher’s four books as emblematic of Jesuit visual culture in the period. The abundant and skilful images in Kircher’s books are intended to be a real guide for the reader’s «contemplative» journey towards the subjects under consideration. Waddell also links this technique to the applicatio sensuum (imaginative contemplation of the mysteries of Christ’s life) in the Ignatian Spiritual Exercises. The third author that Waddell considers is Gaspar Schott, Kircher’s assistant in Rome and later professor in Mainz and Book Reviews 461

Würzburg. Waddell uses for his analysis Schott’s three works, Physica curiosa (1662), Magia universalis naturae et artis (1657–59), and Technica curiosa (1664). According to the author, in his discussions on artificial and natural marvels and wonders, Schott enlisted the same approach as Kircher, but went further than his mentor in seeking to unveil apparent mysteries in nature and the universe. In his work, Schott focused on the distinction between nature and artifice by demonstrating that artificial magic could duplicate the wonders of nature in the fields of optics, acoustics and applied mechanics. For example, in Tecnica curiosa, he begins with a description of von Guericke’s famous Magdeburg pneumatic experiment, without, however, accepting the existence of vacuum, thus maintaining an important principle of Aristotelian natural philosophy. More generally, Waddell demonstrates that each of the three authors analysed in this study transformed the mysteries of nature into subjects that could be placed under carefully controlled physical experimentation. He shows, furthermore, how their texts sought to identify and demonstrate the active power of God in the hidden mysteries of nature, thus endeavouring to separate with more precision the natural from the supernatural realms. Waddell has been extremely effective in presenting how these three Jesuits sought to prove the natural causes behind the many «secrets of nature» that characterised the intellectual frameworks of the period; he shows that they did this through reasoning, images and experiments, and in spite of their many shortcomings. However, in his conclusions, Waddell argues that these three Jesuits were not concerned with the «coldly objective matters of fact and sterile mathematical principles» that came to characterize the fundamentals of modern science, and which were emerging at the time. This conclusion could give the mistaken impression that they had little or nothing to do with the development of modern science. Instead, for example, Kircher’s vision concerning Earth’s interior was developed not only with a view to «contemplate the secret depths of the Earth», but also as a means to explain the occurrence of earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and thermal fountains, and his presentation of the geographical distribution of magnetic declination shows a true scientific engagement with his subject in the modern sense. The Jesuit science that can be traced in the works of these three authors, then, not only represented an effort to place the secrets of nature within an observable and physical natural world; it also made significant contributions to the early development of modern science.

Madrid Agustín Udías SJ 462 Book Reviews

Agustín Udías, A Jesuit Contribution to Science: A History, Cham etc., Springer, 2015, xi+277 p., $129.00 hardcover, $99.00 e-book, ISBN 978-3-319-08364-3

Over the past twenty years, historians of science have focused increasingly on the Jesuit contribution to science, particularly in the sixteenth- and seventeenth centuries. Several monographs, journal publications, and collected essays – by Ugo Baldini, Joseph Needham, Mordechai Feingold, Marcus Hellyer, John Heilbron, John O’Malley, Ines G. Županov, Paula Findlen, Florence C. Hsia, Liam Brockey, Andrés I. Prieto, and Henrique Leitão, among many others – have been especially important in identifying the Jesuits as key contributors to early-modern science and to the circulation of knowledge between Europe, East Asia, and South America. Nowadays, the literature on Jesuit science is quite extensive but it is also rather uneven, since most historians still pay more attention to the early-modern period than to Jesuit scientific activities after the restoration of the Society of Jesus in 1814. Some scholars nevertheless have turned their attention fruitfully to the scientific history of the Society as a whole, such as the study by Agustín Udías (Searching the Heavens and the Earth: The History of Jesuit Observatories, Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic, 2003), which provides an analysis and a complete list of observatories founded by the Jesuits since the sixteenth century. With this new study by Udías, the focus broadens out further, to provide the first genuine attempt at a global synthesis of the scientific history of the Society of Jesus from its foundation in 1540 to the twentieth century. With the aim of providing a unified history of both periods pre- and post- suppression, A Jesuit Contribution to Science sets out to address three main themes: the importance of mathematics and astronomy before the suppression in 1773; the emergence of an extensive network of seismological, astronomical and meteorological observatories after the restoration in 1814; and the decline of science in the Society from the 1970s. After a brief and accurate description of the main characteristics that accounted for the success of the first Jesuit colleges, Udías discusses the life and work of some of the most prominent mathematicians, astronomers and physicists in the early-modern period, such as Christopher Clavius, Christoph Grienberger, Christoph Scheiner, Giovanni Battista Riccioli, Athanasius Kircher, Roger Boscovich, Matteo Ricci, Schall von Bell, and Ferdinand Verbiest. He also describes the foundation of astronomical observatories in Jesuit colleges (1540–1773); the importance given Book Reviews 463 to scientific training, especially for those sent to the overseas missions; and the work developed by important pedagogues, such as André Tacquet and Tomás Cerdá. One of the most interesting discussions in the first part of the study concerns relations between the Jesuits and Galileo, from the latter’s triumphant reception at the Collegio Romano in 1611, to the emergence of the well-known controversies with Scheiner and Grassi. But, most importantly, it delivers a refreshingly even-handed account of the part played by the Jesuits in Galileo’s trial. Another valuable theme in the early chapters deals with the official requirement to teach Aristotelian scholastic philosophy, which traditionally has been identified as one of the most relevant contributing factors in the portrayal of the Society of Jesus as a conservative and obscurantist institution. Following this discussion of the well-known role played by the Jesuits in Europe, A Jesuit Contribution to Science devotes a chapter to astronomy in China and India, where Ricci, Schall von Bell, and Verbiest are the leading protagonists, while the Imperial Astronomical Observatory provides the main setting. Since the role played by the Jesuits in India is less known than in China, it is commendable that a section of this study is devoted to the topic, along with a valuable subsequent section dedicated to the circulation of knowledge between West and East. One of the most interesting features of the first part of this book is the exploration of Jesuit efforts to combine the practice and teaching of mathematics, astronomy and physics in Europe, East Asia and South America, and of Jesuit activities relating to cartography and natural history, pursued especially overseas. Regarding natural history, José de Acosta is one of the leading protagonists of this narrative, since, as the author observes, he was one of the «first Jesuits to describe the natural conditions in America» (p. 106). Many other naturalists, especially those who conducted their work in the New World and China, are mentioned throughout this chapter, such as Bernabé Cobo, Fernão Cardim, José Gumilla, Alonso de Ovalle, Thomas Falkner, and João de Loureiro. Apart from describing the most relevant cartographic work done by the Jesuits, Udías also provides an interesting account on the exploration of the new lands of America and Asia, and identifies some of the most renowned explorers. While the first five chapters are dedicated to Jesuit science from 1540 to 1773, the following five chapters focus on Jesuit scientific activities after 1814. This second part of the book begins with a detailed chapter on the establishment of a worldwide network of observatories. Despite an excellent introduction on 464 Book Reviews the discontinuity between the old and the restored Society, this section perhaps would have benefited from a detailed analysis of the suppression and, in particular, some of the most important anti-Jesuit rhetorical works produced in this period, given their significance in portraying the Jesuits as backward clerics and a major obstacle to scientific progress. The longevity of these accusations, together with the «wish to resist the rationalist current» that «aggressively maintained an incompatibility between science and Christian faith», certainly were the most important factors that influenced the renewed «desire to continue the scientific tradition of the old Society» (p. 136). Important to note, furthermore, is the outstanding account of scientific education in the colleges of the restored Society, with an excellent description of the «radical change in education that would affect the new Jesuit schools» (p. 215), a detailed analysis of the adoption of neo-Thomism, and a clear explanation of the distinction between «scholastic cosmology» and the modern sciences. As with his previous study of 2003, Udías analyses the foundation of an extensive network of meteorological and seismological stations, and he pays special attention to Jesuit work conducted on hurricanes, typhoons and cyclones in Cuba, the Philippines and China, and to research in the seismological stations established by Jesuits worldwide. For the restored Society, Udías selected four modern scientists as the most representative of the Jesuit cohort in the nineteenth- and twentieth century: an astrophysicist (Pietro Angelo Secchi), an astronomer and geophysicist (Stephen J. Perry), a seismologist (James B. Macelwane) and a geologist (Pierre Teilhard de Chardin). This choice appears to neglect the new naturalists and biologists of the restored Society. However, Udías retrieves them in the chapter, «The Sciences in Colleges and Universities», since the tradition of research in natural history continued «thanks to Jesuits teaching in universities and secondary schools» (p. 226). In this section, the author mentions important naturalists such as Pelegrín Franganillo, Longino Navás, Jaime Puliula, Joaquim da Silva Tavares, Cândido de Azevedo Mendes, Carlos Zimmermann, Ethelbert Blatter, and the renowned molecular biologist and bioethicist, Luís Archer, among many others. A Jesuit Contribution to Science also accounts for the «downward trend in the number of Jesuits involved in scientific research» (p. 230) in the closing decades of the twentieth century. In explaining this development, Udías identifies the decline in religious vocations, combined with the priority outlined in the thirty-second General Congregation (1974–75) concerning the promotion of Book Reviews 465 faith and justice, which had «an unintended negative influence in the involvement of Jesuits with science» (p. 233). In the epilogue, Udías links the Jesuits’ dedication to the teaching and practice of science with Ignatian spirituality, particularly with the pursuit of the greater glory of God, the desire of seeking God in all things, and the Society’s predilection for working on the frontiers, including in the field of knowledge. As the author points out, this study includes mention of a total of 363 Jesuit scientists from a variety of fields, especially mathematics, physics, astronomy, geophysics, geology and meteorology. Despite constituting «only a small sample of the large number of Jesuits dedicated to science» (p. vii), their inclusion in this book, as some of the most representative examples in the Society, helps to construct a useful continuous narrative from 1540 to modern times. As the first genuine broad history of the scientific activities carried out by Jesuits since their foundation, this book certainly offers a valuable work of reference for the next generation of scholars, providing an excellent starting point for those seeking to study any aspect of the Jesuit contribution to science.

Lisbon, Universidade de Lisboa Francisco Malta Romeiras

Micah True, Masters and Students: Jesuit Mission Ethnography in Seventeenth-Century New France, Montreal, McGill-Queens’s University Press, 2015, 242 p., $32.95, ISBN 978-0-7735-4513-7

The mastery of a foreign language normally includes a deeper knowledge of the culture that is attached to the language being acquired. In seeking ways to express oneself in an acquired language, the student of a language must eventually conform to a certain degree with the way the culture thinks and speaks. However, to what extent can the student of a language also become a master of that culture and even inform it? The author posits such a unique reversal of roles, as may be gathered from a new reading of the accounts of Jesuit missionary activity in French Canada. The author, an assistant professor of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies at the University of Alberta, examines how the missionaries’ acquisition and use of the languages of the First Nations in the seventeenth-century mission territories of New France served, not only as means to communicate with native peoples, but also as a way of eventually controlling the image of these nations across 466 Book Reviews the Atlantic and for centuries to come. The author primarily relies on the Jesuit Relations and their history in order to illustrate the dynamic between language, missionary effectiveness, and the subsequent historical memory that has been left for posterity. In addition, the author renders a critique of the Relations as a source for ethnographical study of the First Nations present in the Jesuit mission territory, which ultimately may give us, not so much an objective view of the people who were being studied, as much as insight into those who composed the Relations and their intended audience. True immediately sets out two problems that are associated with the use of the Relations as a source for ethnographical study. The first problem revolves around the limitations of using the 1896– 1901 Jesuit Relations by Ruben G. Thwaites, which has continued to be the standard source, especially among Anglophone scholars, despite much more recent original-language reproductions. The author makes a point of using as a primary source the Monumenta Nova Franciae, compiled by Lucien Campeau SJ, and published in nine volumes between 1967 and 2003. However, the author still cites Thwaites’s English translations, making corrections as needed based on Campeau’s French edition; but he relies solely on Thwaites’s translation for material after 1661 (not covered by Campeau), a translation which he states is «often incorrect» (pp. xiv–xv). One might ask why the author did not continue to offer his own translations when citing the later French texts, since these too are provided in Thwaites’s edition. While it may be difficult to overcome the limitations of both modern editions—setting aside a direct analysis of the original Relations, which did not fall within the scope of this study—a more updated look at the Relations is still possible. The second problem identified by the author relates to the use of texts such as the Relations for modern ethnographical study. True maintains the use of the Relations as a valid source for comparative anthropological study, while keeping in sight «the two seemingly conflicting textual projects» (p. 20) present in the Relations. For the author, the texts appear to manipulate the descriptions of Amerindian cultures for a greater appeal to readers in France, while at the same time serving as an early attempt at ethnographical analysis. True presents this double function through the triumphs and difficulties that are recounted in the Relations. One of the triumphs into which the author delves in great detail is found in the Jesuit missionaries’ talent for learning the languages of the nations in their mission territory and in the Jesuit readiness and skill in Book Reviews 467 exploiting the power that language acquisition gave them toward furthering their ends, not only in New France, but in Europe as well. The missionaries’ interest in acquiring the local languages went beyond just facilitating practical communication between the colonists and native peoples and also served as «the means of obtaining the power to effect change» (p. 64) in the societies that they encountered. The ability to communicate deeper theological and philosophical ideas, rather than just simple phrases for the purpose of trade, was a power that not all groups present in New France possessed, but one that the Jesuits appeared to have harnessed rather fruitfully. To illustrate his point, the author makes an excellent and succinct theological summary of the link between Christianity and the power of the spoken word and how this link factors into the notion of the Christian mission of evangelizing. However, the triumph of harnessing the power of language on the part of the Jesuits also serves to further the author’s assessment of the Relations as a dubious ethnographical source because it brings our attention to the way that the missionary-students eventually became masters of the language and culture with which they were interacting. While the Jesuits in New France were indeed students in so far as they were learning the languages of those around them, they eventually became masters to the extent that the preservation of these languages today depends mostly on their records. Thus, what we have today are but remnants of the languages of the First Nations that have been filtered through seventeenth- century European thought, secular and religious. Yet the difficulties that the Jesuit missionaries encountered in learning the languages from native teachers, who at times were not very reliable, and the Jesuits’ occasional inability to find in the languages being acquired expressions equivalent to European statements of some complex theological notions, in the author’s view, were spun to the missionaries’ advantage when these things were communicated abroad, as were the stories of the harsh treatment that some suffered, including those of the martyrs to come from this region. In a chapter that could be difficult reading because of the graphic depictions of torture and cruelty that were witnessed by the missionaries, True explains how these accounts eventually shaped the perception of readers across the Atlantic of the native peoples of New France, readers who then encouraged the Jesuit missionary efforts from abroad. By taking into consideration the parallels between the passion narratives in the Gospel and the accounts of torture that were inflicted among warring Amerindian peoples, the reader is reminded again to look at the Relations as a 468 Book Reviews tool to further the missionary ends, and the accounts contained in them are colored with the aim of appealing to an overseas audience in order to solicit support. By the end of True’s study, then, the Relations are disqualified as a worthy ethnographical source due to the religious aims underlying their composition. For the author, the missionary and evangelical aspects that motivated the Jesuit missionaries unduly tainted their observations. True further contends that bias was unavoidable in their depiction of native peoples, in that the Jesuits sought to highlight only those aspects that appeared to make the native peoples seem both compatible with Christianity and identifiable with Christian readers in France. The bias was compounded through the editorial process to which these accounts were subjected later in Europe. The concluding chapter of this monograph, “The End(s) of Jesuit Mission Ethnography”, renders a final critique of mission literature, such as the Relations, in light of the historical and political circumstances that eventually brought about their end. The author concludes that the goal of these accounts by the Jesuits primarily was to serve missionary ends and that any scientific potential the accounts might have offered was subordinated to these ends. While True’s final judgment regarding the modern ethnographical value of the Relations may be negative, his exposition of how they were composed and the intent behind certain narratives does offer fresh and revealing observations in regards to Jesuit missiology. The author’s insight into the power of language and how this power was utilized in the Jesuit missionary enterprise provides another angle from which to read and to understand the significance of the Relations.

Rome Christian A. Sáenz SJ

Miguel de Asúa, Science in the Vanished Arcadia: Knowledge of Nature in the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay and Río de la Plata, Boston, Brill, 2014, xvi+385 p.,18 ill., €140.00 ($192.00), ISBN 9789004256767

Miguel de Asúa’s Science in the Vanished Arcadia is a detailed and illustrated history of Jesuit scientific production during the seventeenth- and eighteenth centuries in Paraguay and along the River Plate shores. The Jesuit Province of Paraquaria was established during the generalship of Claudio Acquaviva in 1604 and it included the Southern cone of South America, present- day Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Southern Brazil and Chile. Book Reviews 469

The branches of learning examined in the book are cartography, astronomy and experimental electricity; writings of lexica, grammars and dictionaries of Indian tongues also are considered. However, the main focus is on such disciplines as medicine, botany and herbal pharmacy. Miguel de Asúa introduces these themes from the Renaissance period of Humanist medicine (sixteenth century) to the period encompassed by Baroque Jesuit culture (seventeenth- and eighteenth centuries). In the Introduction, Asúa describes the history of the Jesuit province of Paraquaria, and through the use of maps illustrates the geography of their landscapes. The author outlines how life in the reductions was highly organized, integrating the Indian hierarchies and privileges granted to the caciques, but excluding the death penalty and other traditional forms of administering justice. Asúa’s historical narrative is brief and lacks reference to the history of the Iberian Kingdoms; this would have helped explain better the evolution of such regions as the Tape (present-day Southern Brazil, now the state of Rio Grande do Sul). Chapter One refers to the “Natural Histories” written about Paraquaria by Jesuit priests, and is connected to Chapter Two, whose focus is their “Herbals”. Both chapters give us fascinating and comparative details about literary production over roughly three hundred years concerning the Lost Arcadia. The first manuscript of its kind was the Natural and Moral History of the Indies by José de Acosta (1541–1600). Asúa considers the work «strongly argumentative in style and Aristotelian in outlook» (p. 31). From Acosta, Miguel de Asúa leaps into the eighteenth century, then only a dozen pages later he briefly introduces the earlier work,Conquista Espiritual hecha por los religiosos de la Compañía de Jesus, by Ruiz de Montoya (1639). Miguel de Asúa goes on to consider Pedro Lozano (1697–1752), the first important Jesuit writer about the region selected for his study. Lozano’s Natural and Civic Histories «deals with geography» (p. 36), with two chapters assigned to plants and animals (p. 41). Pedro Lozano also wrote the Chorographic Description of the Great Chaco and a History of the Conquest of Paraguay (1733), a natural history with a strongly utilitarian approach, in line with other Jesuit writings in the genre. The fourth Jesuit author examined by Miguel de Asúa is José Guevara (1719–1806), who wrote the History of Paraguay, Río de la Plata and Tucumán. This work follows in the footsteps of Lozano: the auhor opens his narrative with the geography and aboriginal nations of the places he visited in South America, then provides a long list of trees and plants that give way to a «list of eighty- 470 Book Reviews five healing herbs» (p. 37). Guevara «arranged alphabetically the section of medical botany of his work» because it was «intended to be consulted and used» (p. 46). Next comes a reference to the Bohemian Martin Dobrizhoffer (1718–91). He wrote De Abiponibus (1784), published in an English translation in 1822, as «an account of the Abipones». Also a natural history, the text’s aim was to disseminate information concerning, not only the «geography, history and the ‘Indians’» (p. 37), but also a number of animals (quadrupeds, cattle, amphibians, fish, birds), medicinal plants, and fruit trees, totalling about 100 plants (p. 44). Like some others in this study, he was «neither a botanist nor a naturalist», but rather belonged to a group of botanical amateurs that the Swedish Linnaeus considered “botanophili”, as opposed to “botanici” or botanists (p. 52). The Silesian, Florian Paucke (1719–79), wrote To and Fro, an autobiographical account of his sixteen years among the Mocoví in a reduction of Santa Fé (Argentina). As with the previous Jesuit missionary, Paucke’s work is ethnographic and includes «sections on natural history» (p. 32). His writings consisted of text and pictures, an innovation compared to the previous Jesuit natural histories: the text included «more than 100 pages of pen and pencil drawings illustrating seventy plants and 130 animals» (p. 67). The next author mentioned in the book was a trained surgeon, the English Jesuit Thomas Falkner (1707–84), «who travelled extensively and lived among the Indians of the pampas» (p. 33). He wrote the Description of Patagonia in 1774. As Asúa notes, Falkner’s writings were «the first reliable account on Patagonia», and were quoted by «travel naturalists such as Charles Darwin (1809–82) and Alcide d’ Orbigny (1802–57)» (p. 85). The eighth Jesuit studied is the Spanish José Sánchez Labrador (1717–98), who wrote Paraguay Natural. According to the author, he was «the most enlightened of the Jesuit writers of natural histories» (p. 102), and was capable of providing a medical account of the epidemics of smallpox in the missions. He wrote an encyclopedia of «ten manuscript volumes divided in three parts: (a) Catholic Paraguay; (b) Natural Paraguay; (c) Cultivated Paraguay. The work included four volumes devoted to agriculture, forestry, orchards and gardens» (p. 33). The next text under consideration was by José Jolis (1728–90), with his Saggio sulla storia natural della provincia del Gran Chaco. It was intended as the introduction to a larger work (in four volumes) that was never completed (p. 38). In the second book, Jolis «enumerates and describes around 100 plants» and in the third, about 50 birds and 10 species of ducks are described (p. Book Reviews 471

44). He was not a botanist and his aim was to impart «that in a given place or country grows a plant which has this or that virtue and is known there by a certain name» (p. 52). Like Jolis, Ramón Maria Termeyer (1737–1814) was engaged in «a defense of the aboriginal names of beasts and birds» (p. 53): criticisms were levelled at contemporary French scientists, Georges Louis Leclerc, conde de Buffon, and Felix Azara, as well as the Dutch Cornelius de Pauw (1739–99), for their disregard of autochthonous names in identifying creatures. He wrote Opuscoli scientifici d’entomologia, di fisica e d’agricoltura in five volumes, which included a natural history book (p. 34). This followed «the usual pattern of combining descriptive» work about nature with «properly historical narrative» (p. 34). Another figure was the Spanish Pedro Montenegro (1663–1728), an infirmariusin one of the reductions along the Uruguay River (1710) and in mission towns of the Paraná River (1720–24). As the author notes, «Sánchez Labrador affirms that he excelled in Botany, Pharmaceutics, Medicine, and Surgery» (p. 114). In fact, between 1704 and 1705, he acted as military surgeon «with the Guaraní militia that took part in the Spanish siege of Colonia del Sacramento» (p. 114). We learn, too, that Montenegro had read Huerta,1 referring to the Portuguese-Jew, Garcia de Orta (p. 127), who studied the healing barks, fruits, and roots of the East Indies.2 The Jesuit Sigismund Aperger (1678–1772), instead, was from Innsbruck and died in Buenos Aires, because after the expulsion of the Society from the region he was too sick and old to travel back to Europe (p. 116). Even though he published eighty-eight “medical recipes”, a sort of medical handbook, and Tratado Breve de Materia Medica, Asúa claims that he borrowed most of his findings from Pedro Montenegro (p. 113). Chapter Three is concerned with the “Maps” designed in the seventeenth- and eighteenth centuries, and is based on colonial cartographical texts by Guillermo Furlong, who studied the subject in detail. Asúa begins this chapter with the observation made by the «father of modern geography», Alexander von Humboldt, that missionaries «were the only geographers of most inland parts» of the Americas. The cartographic drawings frequently enlisted the

1 Garcia de Orta, Colóquios dos simples e drogas e cousas medicinais da India, Lisboa, Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, 1963 (Reproduction of the edition printed in Goa, 10 April 1563).

2 Isabel Maria Madaleno, “Plantas Medicinais Consumidas em Cochim, no séc. XVI e na Atualidade”, Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi 10/1 (2015), pp. 597–630. 472 Book Reviews

Natural Histories of Paraquaria; some examples include «the map of Great Chaco region», by the Jesuit Joaquín Camaño (1737–1820), included in the book by José Jolis, published in Italy in 1789. These cartographers used telescopes, precision clocks, astrolabes, and spyglasses (p. 178) sent from England and Portugal by the Jesuit cosmographer Manuel de Campos (1681–1758): since the «Lisbon School» (Colégio de Santo Antão) was then the most advanced in Europe (p. 177). Chapter Four is named “The Heavens”, and gives us a glimpse into the «astronomical lore» of South America’s indigenous peoples (p. 211). In this respect, Jesuits had a valuable role as educators and scientists. Miguel de Asúa mentions Jesuit astronomers such as: a) beginning in the seventeenth century, Nicolò Mascardi (1624–74), an Italian missionary who lived in Chile and Patagonia and observed lunar eclipses (p. 218); b) Francisco Ruiz de Lozano (1607–77), an expert astronomer, born in Peru and educated in the University of Mexico; c) the Czech Valentin Stansel (1621–1705), who studied at the University of Prague and later in the well-known “Portuguese School”, in Lisbon. He spent half his life observing the skies in Brazil; d) the famous Jesuit missionary and explorer, Eusebius Franz Kuhn (1645–1711), known for his observations of comets (p. 216); e) the Flemish Jean Raymond Koenig (1627–1709), who lived in Peru and observed meteors (p. 218); f) the Italian Giovanni Battista Riccioli (1598–1671), responsible for the measurement of the latitude and longitude of Santiago de Chile; g) then, in the eighteenth century, Buenaventura Suárez, born in Río de la Plata (1679), became a renowned mathematician and astronomer, including through his work observing «a series of eclipses» (p. 224). Chapter Five describes the activity of the Jesuits in exile, following «the 1767 decree of Charles III that ordered the expulsion of the members of the Society of Jesus from Spain and its domains» (p. 259). Roughly 2200 Jesuit priests were deported to the Pontifical States. They continued their work in Europe, either writing or simply publishing the findings of the observations and experiments carried out in South America. For example: 1) Gaspar Juárez (1731– 1804), from Cordoba (present-day Argentina), introduced around 600 plants from the “Indies” into the Vatican Gardens, subsequently named “Orto Vaticano Indico” (p. 265). Juárez used «the microscope to demonstrate that the seminal matter is analogous in plants and animals» (p. 271). 2) Ramón Maria Termeyer (or Wittermeyer) was of Dutch descent, and already mentioned as the tenth naturalist that studied the Paraquaria. He developed experiments with electric eels and spiders, in the mission of San Javier. Back in Europe, and Book Reviews 473 exiled in Faenza and Milan, he published a series of memoirs in five large volumes, theOpuscoli scientifici(1807–10), fully illustrated with his own drawings. 3) Alonso Frías (1745–1824), from Santiago del Estero (Argentina), studied astronomy in Milan under the guidance of Roger Boscovich (1711–87), a famous mathematician and astronomer (p. 296–97). Miguel de Asúa’s Science in the Vanished Arcadia concludes with Chapter Six, containing final reflections about: a) Jesuit Paraguayan empirical writings b) the identification of a clear link between the scientific and educational endeavours of the Jesuits, and their religious motivations and activities; c) bi-directional influences, with the observation that «the exchanges between Jesuits and aboriginal peoples run along a two-way avenue», as the original inhabitants took «Western theoretical and technical skills» and used them for their own benefit (p. 317).

University of Lisbon Isabel Maria Madaleno

Stephen J. C. Andes, The Vatican and Catholic Activism in Mexico and Chile: The Politics of Transnational Catholicism, 1920–1940, New York, Oxford University Press, 2014, xii+250 p., £63.00, ISBN 9780199688487

Sono almeno due i primati che può vantare il recente volume di Stephen Andes, The Vatican and Catholic Activism in Mexico and Chile. The Politics of Transnational Catholicism, 1920–1940, pubblicato nel 2014 per i tipi della Oxford University Press. Innanzitutto si tratta della prima monografia scientifica sul conflitto religioso messicano basata sulla documentazione vaticana di Pio XI, documentazione che è stata aperta alla consultazione degli studiosi nel settembre del 2006. In secondo luogo, il libro rappresenta il primo tentativo di approfondire la dimensione transnazionale della storia politica e religiosa dei due Paesi – Messico e Cile – esaminandone le interconnessioni. Il volume si inserisce in un filone di studi che nel 2010 ha portato alla pubblicazione di un’importante raccolta di saggi curata da Jean Meyer – a cui ha partecipato lo stesso Andes – che ha mirato ad approfondire la ricezione del conflitto religioso messicano in diversi Paesi, sia americani sia europei, provando ad illuminarne le implicazioni di lungo periodo. La vicenda messicana negli anni di Pio XI è indubbiamente un campo assai fertile per gli storici, dato che, come ha scritto recentemente Gianni La Bella, «è solo con la crociata controrivoluzionaria dei Cristeros, la grave persecuzione dei cattolici 474 Book Reviews e con gli avvenimenti legati alla violenza della questione religiosa in Messico, tra il 1926 e il 1929, che il cattolicesimo sudamericano esce dal suo secolare isolamento e assume un ruolo da protagonista nello scenario del cattolicesimo universale». In questa prospettiva il legame tra il Messico e il Cile appare particolarmente fecondo. È significativo, in proposito, che uno dei protagonisti del discusso modus vivendi che nel giugno del 1929 pone fine alla guerra cristera messicana sia il giurista e diplomatico cileno Miguel Cruchaga Tocornal, esponente di spicco del Partido Conservador nonché futuro ministro degli Esteri nel governo di Arturo Alessandri. Altrettanto significativo è il fatto che nello stesso periodo incuiil Vaticano cerca di intavolare dei negoziati con il governo messicano per la soluzione del conflitto religioso, il governo del Cile presenti alla Santa Sede un progetto di concordato, accolto con una certa freddezza Oltretevere. Andes evidenzia a questo riguardo il fatto che in Cile, dal 1925, vige un regime di separazione «amichevole» tra la Chiesa e lo Stato, ritenuto sia dal partito conservatore ‒ vicino alle posizioni della Chiesa ‒ sia dal Vaticano (e da parte della gerarchia ecclesiastica) il meglio che si sia potuto ottenere date le circostanze. Proprio per questo, insieme agli Stati Uniti, vera e propria “patria” del separatismo nell’emisfero occidentale, il Cile rappresenta un modello a cui nella seconda metà degli anni Venti guardano con interesse alcuni dei policymakers impegnati nella soluzione del conflitto tra Stato e Chiesa in Messico. È lecito per altro verso chiedersi se l’intervento della diplomazia cilena nel conflitto messicano sia in qualche modo legato alla politica ecclesiastica del governo di Santiago. Tutti questi elementi aiutano a comprendere la dimensione intrinsecamente transnazionale che caratterizza il processo decisionale degli attori istituzionali coinvolti nella guerra cristera, a cominciare dal Vaticano. Accanto a questa dimensione “di vertice” vi è anche una transnazionalità “di base”, che vede a più riprese singoli esponenti o settori più ampii del cattolicesimo sia messicano sia cileno prendere spunto dalle vicende estere per portare avanti determinate strategie politiche ed ecclesiali all’interno. Andes sottolinea bene, a questo proposito, come la Cristiada rappresenti un importantissimo fattore identitario e di mobilitazione per molti cattolici cileni lungo il pontificato di Achille Ratti. Sul fronte messicano appare invece emblematico un episodio risalente all’agosto del 1923, quando alcuni periodici cattolici (nella capitale messicana e non solo) pubblicano una lettera inviata dalla Segreteria di Stato al cileno mons. Gilberto Fuenzalida, vescovo di Concepción, il quale nell’aprile dell’anno precedente aveva chiesto lumi in Vaticano su come dovesse comportarsi il clero cileno nella contesa che opponeva il partito radicale anticlericale a quello conservatore. Book Reviews 475

La pubblicazione della missiva, dove il cardinale segretario di Stato Pietro Gasparri invitava a non disgiungere l’azione politica da quella religiosa, ha il chiaro obiettivo di legittimare l’attivismo politico del clero messicano in una congiuntura delicatissima, ovvero l’inizio della campagna elettorale per le elezioni politiche, che nel 1924 vedranno uscire eletto presidente il candidato governativo Plutarco Elías Calles. A conferma dell’ottica transnazionale adottata da questo studio, per Andes la politica del Vaticano in Messico e in Cile non può essere interpretata che in riferimento alla più generale attitudine della Santa Sede nei riguardi del cattolicesimo politico negli anni tra le due guerre mondiali. Per quanto riguarda più specificamente il Messico, l’autore individua due domande rimaste fino ad oggi senza risposta: la prima è se la Santa Sede durante la Cristiada abbia seguito una linea di intransigenza o di conciliazione, la seconda è se essa abbia svolto un ruolo attivo o passivo nella conclusione del conflitto armato. Sotto il primo profilo l’autore rileva come la politica vaticana sia stata interpretata dai contemporanei e dalla storiografia successiva per lo più secondo tre paradigmi: quello della “conciliazione” (secondo cui Roma mantiene lungo tutto il conflitto un atteggiamento incline al compromesso con il governo anticlericale), quello del “tradimento” (secondo cui il movimento cristero viene inizialmente sostenuto dal Vaticano e successivamente “tradito” da alcuni vescovi messicani che avrebbero convinto la Santa Sede a opporsi alla lotta armata) e quello dell’“incoerenza” (che lega l’assenza di una politica coerente della Santa Sede nei confronti dei cristeros alla scarsa affidabilità delle informazioni sull’andamento del conflitto – spesso false o parziali – giunte in Vaticano). A partire da una critica di queste diverse prospettive Andes afferma l’esistenza di una linea politica coerente e razionale, improntata a un pragmatismo di fondo che spinge Roma, in un primo momento, a rifiutare un compromesso sulla legislazione anticlericale messicana e, in seguito, a favorire una soluzione diplomatica della guerra cristera. Il contributo offerto dalla Santa Sede alla fine del conflitto armato, per venire al secondo quesito posto da Andes, sarebbe tuttavia marginale: per lo studioso americano infatti i veri protagonisti dell’accordo tra la Chiesa e lo Stato raggiunto nel 1929 sono l’episcopato messicano e il governo di Washington, spinto anche dalle pressioni dei cattolici statunitensi a favorire la pacificazione religiosa del Messico. In questo quadro il Vaticano rimane sullo sfondo, limitandosi più che altro a seguire gli eventi – Andes parla a più riprese di una «‘wait and see’ attitude» – senza poterne influenzare il corso. Una posizione, quella espressa dall’autore, sulla quale si può avanzare qualche riserva, in considerazione del ruolo centrale giocato dalla Santa Sede – e da Pio 476 Book Reviews

XI in modo particolare – nei momenti più significativi del conflitto religioso, a cominciare dalla sospensione del culto pubblico nel 1926, per arrivare alla discussa conclusione del conflitto nel giugno del 1929, che vede i protagonisti dei negoziati impegnati fino all’ultimo in un teso e febbrile scambio di telegrammi con la Segreteria di Stato – reso possibile (non casualmente) grazie al contributo della diplomazia cilena – per definire i dettagli più controversi dell’accordo. Più in generale si può dire che il rapporto tra cattolicesimo e politica in contesti di forte conflittualità (come il Messico callista) o comunque di avanzata secolarizzazione (come il Cile) sia l’asse portante della ricerca di Andes, il quale fin dall’introduzione del volume sottolinea il fatto che questo tema è stato finora studiato – anche ampiamente – solo in riferimento al contesto europeo e nordamericano. Una considerazione, questa, che accresce ulteriormente l’interesse per questo saggio. Un altro leitmotiv del volume è la dialettica tra la varietà delle posizioni esistenti sia nel cattolicesimo messicano sia in quello cileno e la tendenza di alcuni settori a considerare determinate forme di «cattolicesimo politico» come le uniche possibili. È il caso, per esempio, dell’Asociación Católica de la Juventud Mexicana e della Liga Nacional Defensora de la Libertad Religiosa in Messico, e del Partido Conservador in Cile. Lo studioso americano non manca inoltre di evidenziare i problemi connessi all’introduzione da parte della Santa Sede di un modello unitario e apolitico di Azione Cattolica nel contesto messicano ‒ lacerato da tensioni e contrapposizioni seguite alla conclusione della Cristiada, che coinvolgono da vicino la provincia messicana della Compagnia di Gesù – e in quello cileno, segnato da un’alleanza quasi organica tra la gerarchia ecclesiastica e il partito conservatore. In questa fase di passaggio le organizzazioni cattoliche degli studenti universitari, più o meno organiche all’Azione Cattolica (come l’ANEC in Cile e l’UNEC in Messico), assumono una rilevanza crescente, rappresentando in molti casi il laboratorio di un nuovo tipo di attivismo, in sintonia con il magistero sociale della Chiesa. Nell’alveo di queste realtà associative si viene formando una vera e propria classe dirigente, destinata ad animare la vita politica ed ecclesiale di molti Paesi latinoamericani negli anni del secondo dopoguerra fino ad arrivare al Concilio Vaticano II. In questa prospettiva il Congresso Iberoamericano degli studenti cattolici, che si tiene a Roma nel dicembre del 1933, rappresenta per Andes un momento chiave nella storia dei movimenti democratico-cristiani in Sudamerica. Nell’insieme il quadro delineato da Andes, frutto di ricerche svolte presso diversi archivi (non ultimo l’Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu) appare solido e documentato, il che fa della sua opera un’eccezione di rilievo ‒ certamente non l’unica – in un panorama storiografico come Book Reviews 477 quello nordamericano, che nell’affrontare tematiche legate alla politica della Santa Sede negli anni di Pio XI è stato spesso viziato da un certo sensazionalismo. Per questo il volume di Andes rappresenta un’utile lettura per gli storici del pontificato rattiano e del cattolicesimo nel Novecento, e allo stesso tempo un valido punto di partenza per future ricerche.

Milano, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore Paolo Valvo

Orsolya Száraz, Paolo Segneri (1624–1694) és magyarországi recepciója (Paolo Segneri (1624–1694) and his Reception in Hungary), Debrecen, Debreceni Egyetemi Kiadó, 2012, 367 p., (Csokonai Könyvtár 49), Ft. 5.580, ISBN 9789633181980

Orsolya Száraz is a researcher of the University of Debrecen, a talented member of the young Italianist generation in Hungary whose doctoral thesis, defended in 2010, investigated the life, missionary work and preaching activity of Paolo Segneri, a famous seventeenth-century Italian missionary whose influence on Hungary is the principal focus of the study. The subject of the present review is the monograph-length study of this subject, published in 2012. Although the subject chosen by the author may seem unusual or rather exotic at first sight, this is not the case. Paolo Segneri is one of the forgotten protagonists of Italian Baroque literature; or, to be more precise, he has been a particularly negatively evaluated seventeenth-century Jesuit missionary and preacher since Benedetto Croce’s famous criticism of the Baroque. However, Segneri was one of the most significant preachers and ecclesiastical writers of his age: he reformed the genre of popular missions, and his famous method of penitential missions was used by Jesuit and other missionaries throughout Europe, while his Latin sermons and devotional works were among the most widely circulated in the eighteenth century. Orsolya Száraz’s study thus fits extremely well within the field of Italian Baroque literary and missionary history that saw a renewal in the 1970s, as well as belonging to the tradition of scholarly interest in Hungarian Church history, revived in the 1990s. The first chapter of the book provides a parallel summary of Italian and Hungarian research, thus helpfully contextualizing this volume in both nations’ historiography in the fields of literary studies and Church history. The author goes on to identify 478 Book Reviews

Segneri’s rightful central position in the study of rhetoric in the eighteenth century; it outlines why he was left out of the literary canon in the nineteenth century (caused by anti-Jesuitism, and anti-Baroque views); and finally it shows his partial rehabilitation in the second half of the twentieth century. Száraz subsequently discusses the (few) relevant scholarly treatments of the subject by Hungarian Italianists to date, as well as the most important works and research directions concerning Church history and mission history. The reviews undertaken here reveal that historical research of the missions, based on methodologies in social history and Church history, have produced significant results in the past two decades, both in Italy and Hungary; at the same time, however, the author argues that several aspects of literary history in this period have not been given sufficient emphasis. The second chapter describes Segneri as a missionary and outlines the nature of his influence in Central Europe. First, an overall picture of the Italian missions is provided by enlisting the most important Italian and French scholarly literature (especially Louis Châtellier, Jean Delumeau, Luigi Mezzadri, Elisa Novi Chavarria, Giuseppe Orlandi, Adriano Prosperi et al.); second, the analysis of the development and dissemination of Paolo Segneri’s mission methods are located within this historiographical framework. Even though this part of Orsolya Száraz’s study includes aspects that are well-known in international literature, the author’s summary is significant, because, to date, these studies have played only a minor part in Hungarian historiography. Shifting attention to the figure of Segneri, the author rightfully claims that «the Segnerian method is nothing else than the most effective usage of other methods known before» (p. 60). Like his predecessors, Segneri viewed penitence as the most important goal of popular missions, and in order to achieve his aim, he developed a mission method based on striking choreography, spectacular theatrical elements, strong rhetoric and emotional impact, thus improving and bringing to full fruition the methods and means employed by earlier missionaries, mainly from Southern Italy. The author describes the influence of Segneri and his collaborators in Italy in the seventeenth century, then the expansion of the Segnerian penitential missions in the Austrian province of the Society of Jesus into the eighteenth century. In the opinion of this reviewer, this constitutes the most valuable chapter of the book: it describes the history of penitential missions in Hungary from their origins (1714) until the Society’s suppression (1773); it does this by way of analysis of original documents located at the Jesuit Roman Archives (Archivum Book Reviews 479

Romanum Societatis Iesu), which have not been used previously in a scholarly study. Száraz outlines the history of this mission in each of the dioceses in the Hungarian Kingdom and in Croatia; she explains how the penitential missions were introduced, their rapid expansion, and how their popularity decreased in the second half of the eighteenth century when their predominance was overshadowed by the catechetical missions. In evaluating the material to hand, the author also explores the limitations of the missions in Hungary: the method developed in the homogeneous Catholic society of Italy could be applied in the mixed-religion societies of Central Europe only after appropriate modifications. The third chapter evaluates Segneri, the preacher. Italian literary history is not unanimous in its evaluation of Segneri, so taking into account the field’s many mixed assessments, the author proceeds to explain the possible sources of the Jesuit missionary’s preaching practice, and gives a detailed analysis of his three homiletic collections: Panegirici Sacri (1664), Quaresimale (1679), Prediche dette nel Palazzo Apostolico (1694), focusing in particular on the purpose and structure of the sermons. The last part of the book concentrates on the circulation and influence of Segneri’s literary work in Hungary. First, a list of the Hungarian editions of Segneri’s works is provided, revealing that pastoral guides predominated in Hungary, whereas only a few of the sermons were published. The author goes on to examine the presence of Segneri’s works in Hungarian Church libraries. In conducting this research, Száraz studied the catalogues of eight diocesan libraries, as well as the manuscript catalogues of religious orders and parish book lists. By enlisting this complex source-base, the author has been able to provide a panorama of Segneri’s reception throughout the Catholic sphere in Hungary. Száraz demonstrated, for example, that during the eighteenth century Segneri’s works consistently were included in the library collections of the Hungarian clergy, and that these libraries also held a significant number of his practical, pastoral works. A number of appendices are included in this study: there are summaries of the book helpfully provided in Hungarian, English and Italian (pp. 265–93), followed by a list of the topics of sermons delivered during the Segneri missions in Hungary. These are provided in two tables (pp. 295–302), which also include the number of copies in each diocesan library relating to Segneri’s works. At the end of the book, there is a list of consulted sources, a bibliography (303–49) and an index of names (pp. 351–61). In conclusion, Orsolya Száraz’s study is a pioneer work in the 480 Book Reviews history of the Jesuit presence in Hungary. The work’s greatest merit is the author’s simultaneous engagement with aspects of Church history and literary history, together with the very assured treatment of both archival documents and literary sources. The monograph, then, not only represents an important contribution to research in Hungarian Church history and cultural history more broadly, but it also helps furnish more information on the nature and processes of denominational organization in Hungary in this period.

Rome, Hungarian Academy Antal Molnár

Regine Schneider, Kirche und Kolleg der Jesuiten in Dillingen an der Donau. Studien zu den spätbarocken Bildprogrammen „Ut In Nomine Iesu Omne Genu Flectatur“, Regensburg, Schnell & Steiner, 2014, 432 p., (Jesuitica. Quellen und Studien zu Geschichte, Kunst und Literatur der Gesellschaft Jesu im deutschsprachigen Raum. Band 19.), €86.00, ISBN 978-3-7954-2731-3

Das mit 432 Seiten sehr umfangreiche Buch beinhaltet die leicht überarbeitete, an der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität in Freiburg im Breisgau verfasste kunsthistorische Dissertation der Autorin. Mit 91 Textabbildungen und einem Tafelteil mit 165 Farbabbildungen ist es vom Verlag aufwändig, ja nahezu opulent ausgestattet. Dass einer Dissertation solche Ehren zuteilwerden, ist dem spezifischen Interesse des Verlages an jesuitischen, zumal süddeutschen Themen zu verdanken. Aus wissenschaftlicher Sicht erhebt sich allerdings die grundsätzliche Frage, ob jede Dissertation, so bemüht und engagiert sie auch verfasst sein mag, einen derart aufwändigen publikatorischen Rahmen benötigt (verdient), wie ihn vielfach wichtige Ergebnisse jahrelanger postdoktoraler Forschungsarbeit nicht bekommen. Solcherart entsteht ein Ungleichgewicht in der Dissemination von relevanten und weniger relevanten wissenschaftlichen Ergebnissen. Gegenstand der Arbeit ist die spätbarocke Bildausstattung von Kirche und Kollegium, in dem auch die Universität untergebracht war. Die Jesuitenkirche in Dillingen spielt für die Entwicklung der barocken mitteleuropäischen Sakralarchitektur bekanntermaßen eine wichtige Rolle. Der Umstand, dass die frühbarocke Wandpfeilerkirche 1750/51 eine spätbarocke Deckenausstattung durch Christoph Thomas Scheffler erhielt, macht sie kunsthistorisch zu einem spannenden und komplexen Objekt, dem bislang Book Reviews 481 weder in der architekturhistorischen noch in der ikonographisch orientierten Deckenmalerei-Forschung ausreichend Rechnung getragen wurde. Unabhängig von dieser Besonderheit zeichnet sich die Jesuitenniederlassung in Dillingen durch weitere, gleichfalls spätbarocke Bildausstattungen im Gebäude des Kollegiums aus: Neben dem Eingangsraum, zwei Treppenhäusern und der Hauskapelle wurde vor allem die (im Nordtrakt situierte) Trias von Refektorium, Rekreationssaal und Bibliothek zwischen 1737 und 1756 mit Fresken, Ölgemälden und Stuckreliefs ausgestattet. Von wissenschafts- und universitätsgeschichtlich herausragender Bedeutung ist die Stucksausstattung eines weiteren Raumes, der das „Museum experimentale“ beherbergt und den Prozessen und Instrumenten naturwissenschaftlicher Forschung gewidmet ist. Ausführliche Deskription und Zusammenfassung des Wissens über den jeweiligen Forschungsgegenstand ist eine den Leser bisweilen ermüdende Eigenschaft von Doktorarbeiten, was auch für den hier zu besprechenden Fall gilt. Auf den ersten 70 Seiten, vor Beginn der eigentlichen Untersuchung, werden zunächst Baugeschichte und Geschichte der Auftraggeber referiert; weiters werden die Raumtypen (Wandpfeilerkirche!) und Dekorationssysteme rekapituliert, letztere allerdings ohne die reichhaltig vorhandene internationale Literatur zu verarbeiten. So bekommt man über die Forschungsprobleme, etwa mit dem Wandpfeilertypus oder mit jesuitischen Spezifika der Architekturproduktion, lediglich standardisierte Zusammenfassungen zu lesen. Den Hauptteil des Buches nimmt die Beschreibung und Klärung der marianischen Ikonographien der Bildausstattungen in Kirche und Kollegium ein. Die Deckenmalerei der Kirche wird auf gut 100 Seiten (SS. 77–179) abgehandelt. Das zentrale Gewölbefeld im Laienraum und jenes im Chor wurden vom jesuitischen Maler Christoph Thomas Scheffler 1750/51 mit den Themen „Maria Himmelskönigin“ bzw. „Krönung Mariens im Himmel“ freskiert. Ersteres ist von den Darstellungen der Missionen der Jesuiten in Europa, Asien, Afrika und Amerika flankiert. Die Krönung Mariens im Chor wird in den Quertonnen der Kapellen typologisch begleitet von Sarah, Rebekka, Judith und Esther; die Fresken an den Quertonnen der acht Seitenkapellen des Laienraums hingegen sind der Universität gewidmet: Hieronymus, Thomas von Aquin, Augustinus, Antonin von Florenz, Ivo Hélory, Cosmas und Damian, Albertus Magnus, Cyprian von Karthago. Durchaus verständnisvolle und kenntnisreiche Beschreibungen – in Weiterführung etablierter Literatur zur jesuitischen Ikonographie – von Aufbau und Inhalten dieser Bilder prägen die Darstellungen 482 Book Reviews von Regine Schneider. Kontextuelle oder komparatistische Spuren werden aber von ihr kaum gelegt. Beispielhaft sei auf ein Detail der Analyse der Kanzel (SS. 174–175) hingewiesen: Der große Engel auf dem Schalldeckel hält einen Hohlspiegel mit dem vorgeblendeten IHS-Zeichen in der Hand. Dies wird von der Autorin lediglich als „auffällige Parallele“ zum berühmten Pendant in Andrea Pozzos Deckenfresko der römischen Kirche San Ignazio wahrgenommen, ohne auch nur im Geringsten die Interpretationen anzusprechen, die dieses physikalische und hier metaphorisch verwendete, weil der Verbreitung des Glaubens dienende Instrument in der Literatur bereits erfahren hat. Eine zwingende Kontextualisierung hätte sich auch mit einer weiteren, hier stuckierten Darstellung eines Hohlspiegels im Dillinger Museum experimentale (siehe unten) angeboten. Im Anschluss an das Kirchen-Kapitel widmet sich die Autorin den im Kollegium befindlichen Raumausstattungen (SS. 180–287). Die heute nicht mehr komplett in situ gegebene Bildausstattung des Refektoriums erschließt sie über die Beschreibung in den Litterae Annuae: Vita atque mysteria augustissimae Coeli Reginae, wobei mit den Mysterien die Immaculata conceptio und die Assumptio corporalis angesprochen sind – zwei Mysterien, die im 18. Jahrhundert noch nicht den Status von Dogmen erreicht hatten. Den unterschiedlichen Inhalten (Glaubenswahrheiten – Marienleben) wurde mit divergenten Darstellungsmodi (allegorisch – narrativ) entsprochen, ergänzt mit zumeist typologisch agierenden Stuckreliefs. Doch auch in diesem Abschnitt belasten (zu) ausführliche Beschreibungen von jedem noch so kleinem Detail den Lesefluss, erhebliche Redundanzen bringen ihn ins Stottern. Die Ausstattungen der Bibliothek (SS. 209–233) und des “Museum experimentale“ (SS. 266–287) sind zwei sehr unterschiedlichen Wegen der Gotteserkenntnis gewidmet. In der Bibliothek wird – so die Autorin – eine „akademische Auseinandersetzung mit dem von der Divina Sapientia vorgegebenen Heilsplan gesucht“, Basis dafür ist die Offenbarung Gottes in der Heiligen Schrift. Der zwölfteilige Emblemzyklus an der Decke des Museums hingegen demonstriert die Gotteserkenntnis auf Basis der Offenbarung in der Schöpfung, was eine beachtenswerte Konzession an den zeitspezifischen, von der Aufklärung geprägten erkenntnistheoretischen Diskurs Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts darstellt. Der kunsthistorisch relevante Mehrwert dieses Prozesses ist die Tatsache, dass die Lehrinhalte der mittlerweile an der Universität etablierten experimentellen Naturphilosophie Eingang „in das Repertoire der Repräsentationsformen der Hochschule“ finden konnten. Diese Etablierung war wichtiger als die künstlerische Book Reviews 483

Qualität der Stuckembleme, deren Mangel teilweise an der fehlenden Tradition in der Darstellung der physikalischen Instrumente (und mit ihnen durchgeführten Versuche) zusammenhängen mag: Elektrizität, Hohlspiegel, Luftpumpe, Astronomisches Fernrohr etc. Das letzte Kapitel des Buchs, „Bildinvention und Bildgebrauch“, führt anregend in das Innere des aktuellen Jesuiten-Diskurses, es wird allerdings auf 15 Seiten (SS. 299–314) zusammenpresst. Eine Verknappung der teilweise viel zu langen Deskriptionen auf den knapp 300 Seiten davor hätte diesem finalen Exkurs den Raum gegeben, den er verdient hätte, Denn mit ihm versucht die Autorin an einzelnen Szenen der Bildausstattungen etwa Bedeutung und Funktion der „applicatio sensuum“, eines Zentralbegriffs der ignatianischen „Exercitia spiritualia“, für die jesuitische Bildfindung darzulegen. Es handelt sich dabei um ein fürdie barocke Bildgeschichte kaum zu überschätzendes Element, dem in der Fachliteratur erst in Ansätzen Kontur gegeben ist. Auch thematisiert die Autorin kurz im Kontext der Freskodarstellungen der jesuitischen Missionstätigkeiten die Importanz des Bildes für die Gottfindung: Dem Einsatz von Bildern bei der Mission wurde von der Gesellschaft Jesu größte Bedeutung beigemessen, womit sie (viel zu) kurz die Brücke zum Themenkomplex „Bild und Kult“ schlägt. Und schließlich erkennt sie im kompositionellen Aufbau der Missionsdarstellungen in der Kirche und der „Immaculata Conceptio“ im Refektorium Argumentationsstrukturen der Rhetorik, einem zentralen Bereich jesuitischer Ausbildung. Das sind große Themen der (jesuitischen) Bildforschung, die von der Autorin zwar animierend und verständnisvoll angeschlagen, aber leider zu wenig in die Tiefe geführt wurden. Das Dillinger Bild- material hätte sich als ideale Grundlage dafür angeboten.

Wien, Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Herbert Karner

Tobias Appl, Die Kirchenpolitik Herzog Wilhelms V. von Bayern. Der Ausbau der bayerischen Hauptstädte zu geistlichen Zentren München, Beck, 2011, geb. S. lxxxiii+415 p., (Schriftenreihe zur bayerischen Landesgeschichte 162), € 46.00, ISBN 978-3-406-10777-1

Als Landesherr wusste sich Herzog Wilhelm V. verantwortlich für das Seelenheil seiner Untertanen und hatte klare Vorstellungen, wie die Kirche und das religiöse Leben in Bayern auszusehen haben. Obwohl die Bevölkerung treu zum katholischen Glauben 484 Book Reviews stand und sein Vater Albrecht V. „das Herzogtum an die Spitze der Gegenreformation im Reich gestellt hatte“ (S. 18), „gab es zuwenig gut ausgebildete und vorbildliche Geistliche“ (S. 378), um dessen Politik flächendeckend fortsetzen zu können. Deshalb beschloss Wilhelm V., dessen Leben und Werk in der Einleitung der Dissertation vorgestellt werden, München, Ingolstadt, Altötting, Straubing und Landshut zu geistlichen Zentren auszubauen. Nach diesem „Kernstück seiner Kirchenpolitik“ (S. 31) gliedert sich die fundierte Arbeit, die am Lehrstuhl für Bayerische Landesgeschichte der Universität Regensburg bei Professor Dr. Peter Schmid entstanden ist. In der Kirchenpolitik des Herzogs verbindet sich dessen persönliche Frömmigkeit mit fürstlicher Repräsentation und öffentlichem Bekenntnis zum katholischen Glauben. Sehr deutlich zeigte sich dies bei der Münchener Fronleichsnamsprozession, auf deren prachtvolle Gestaltung er besonderen Wert legte und dafür sorgte, dass sich die ganze Stadt und die dort weilenden ausländischen Würdenträger daran beteiligten. Die Residenz München sollte als „Roma secunda und potentielle Kaiserstadt“ (S. 34) Richtschnur und Vorbild für das religiöse Leben des ganzen Landes sein. Dabei ging Wilhelm V. selbst mit gutem Beispiel voran und machte „seinen Hof zu einem kirchlichen Reformzentrum, indem er neue oder wiederbelebte Formen der religiösen Spiritualität betonte und in der Hofkirche besonderen Wert auf römische Liturgie und Kirchenmusik legte,“ (S. 47) um seine Treue zum Papst zu zeigen. Die Frauenkirche baute er zu einem „geistlichen und dynastischen Zentrum für Stadt und Land“ (S. 58) aus. Dazu ließ er die Reliquien des heiligen Benno von Meißen dorthin überführen, gründete die „Erzbruderschaft Unserer Lieben Frau von Altötting in München“ (S. 68) und plante, sie zur „Kathedrale eines Münchener Hof- und Landesbistums“ (S. 71) zu machen. Den Jesuiten eröffnete er durch den Bau der Kirche Sankt Michael sowie eines Kollegs mit Gymnasium ein weites Betätigungsfeld und förderte ihre Arbeit durch die Errichtung der „Domus Gregoriana“ (S. 140) und des „Konviktes ad S. Michaelem“ (S. 143). Ebenso unterstützte er die von ihnen gegründete Marianische Kongregation (S. 145) und ihr seelsorgerliches Wirken in Stadt und Land (S. 151). Damit drückte der Herzog nicht nur dem Orden seine Wertschätzung aus, sondern realisierte auch seine Vorstellung eines frühabsolutistischen Staatskirchentums. „St. Michael sollte die Einheit von Kirche und Staat, von Wissenschaft und Religion symbolisieren und war gedacht als Staatskirchenbau und hofnahe Herrschaftskirche.“ (S. 158) An ihrem Gymnasium „sollten die Jesuiten dafür sorgen, dass die künftige geistliche und weltliche Elite Bayerns nicht nur sehr gut, sondern auch konfessionell eindeutig Book Reviews 485 katholisch ausgebildet werden.“ (S. 159) Bei seinem Bemühen, den Katholizismus in der Landeshauptstadt zu beleben, setzte der Herzog jedoch nicht nur auf die Gesellschaft Jesu, sondern betraute damit auch andere Orden (S. 162). Das Bestreben, „Ingolstadt zum katholischen Bildungszentrum Bayerns“ (S. 174) zu machen, bildet den zweiten Schwerpunkt seiner Kirchenpolitik. Dazu dienten die tiefgreifenden Reformen der Universität und die Übergabe der Artistenfakultät an die Jesuiten, die damit „das gesamte höhere Bildungswesen in Bayern bis zum philosophischen Magister in ihrer Hand hatten“ (S. 206). Wie sehr sie der Herzog schätzte, zeigen die fundierten Ausführungen über die Niederlassungen und das Wirken des Ordens in der Universitätsstadt und deren Umgebung. Da er die gesamte akademische Bildung dort konzentrieren wollte, ließ Wilhelm V. „weitere Kollegien und Seminare“ (231) für Studenten und Ordensleute in der Stadt errichten. Ingolstadt wurde „zu einem katholischen Bildungszentrum von europäischem Rang“ (S. 267), an dem seine eigenen Söhne und hohe Adelige aus dem Ausland studierten. Die Absicht, Altötting zum bayerischen Staatsheiligtum zu erheben (S. 272), war der dritte Schwerpunkt der herzoglichen Kirchenpolitik. Wie in München und Ingolstadt konnte er die Jesuiten dafür gewinnen und die Wallfahrt dadurch neu beleben. Als sie sich weigerten, diese Aufgabe zu übernehmen, zeigte sich, „dass Wilhelm V. nicht die in der Literatur immer wieder beschriebene Marionette des Ordens war“ (S. 292), sondern als der Fordernde und Bestimmende aufgetreten ist. Durch die Verlegung des Kollegiatstifts St. Tiburtius von Pfaffmünster nach Straubing und die Neuordnung der dortigen Pfarrverhältnisse schuf Wilhelm V. ein „geistliches Zentrum im Norden des Herzogtums“ (S. 295). Nach Überwindung heftiger Widerstände gelang es ihm schließlich durch „die Translation des Kollegiatstifts St. Kastulus von Moosburg nach Landshut“ (S. 331) auch in Niederbayern ein „bischofsstadtähnliches Zentrum“ (S. 323) zu errichten. Dass seine Kirchenpolitik über die Landesgren- zen Bayerns hinaus reichte, zeigt die Einflussnahme des Herzogs bei der Gründung der Jesuitenkollegien in den Reichsstädten Augsburg und Regensburg. Die hier erwähnten Schwerpunkte der Kirchenpolitik Wilhelms V. werden in der lesenswerten Arbeit ausführlich behandelt und mit zahlreichen Quellen- und Literaturangaben belegt. Eine Bereicherung sind die Zusammenfassungen der Untersuchungsergebnisse am Ende der einzelnen Kapitel und am 486 Book Reviews

Schluss des Buches, ebenso das Orts- und Personenregister und das umfangreiche Quellen- und Literasturverzeichnis. Das gelungene Werk ist allen zu empfehlen, die sich für die Geschichte der Jesuiten in Bayern interessieren.

München Julius Oswald SJ

Joep van Gennip, Controversen in context. Een comparatief onderzoek naar de Nederlandstalige controversepublicaties van de jezuïeten in de zeventiende-eeuwse Republiek, Verloren, Hilversum, 2014, 800 p., €49.00, ISBN 978-90-8704-439-8.

This study explores the controversial literature written in the seventeenth century by nine Jesuits of the Flemish-Belgium Province. The main body of the monograph runs for 549 pages, with an introduction of seventy-four pages and a thirty-five page conclusion. As the Author points out, very little has been written on the topic in the past fifty years: for the Low Countries he mentions only one unpublished dissertation; in France and the German-speaking countries more attention has been given to religious polemics, especially with Heidi Buch’s 1993 book, Sic adeunt clerici bellum. But this lacuna now has been filled. With the lauded inculturation strategies of Matteo Ricci, and the communicative genius of that other world-famous Jesuit, Pope Francis, in one’s mind, one cannot be but hopeful when setting out to read a study of Jesuit missionary activities among the Protestants: the efforts they must have made in search of the «lost sheep», and the effectiveness of their pastoral work. Could it have been any different from the success stories of their great predecessors, St. Pierre Favre and St. Peter Canisius, or their contemporary companions in the East and West Indies? The conclusions of this most thorough study, however, are quite sobering. When arguing their themes, the nine authors hardly ever took the social and religious context into account; they used a fairly classical, dialectical discourse, combining serious theology with a whole gamut of rhetorical devices, including ad hominem arguments; and the results of their efforts seem to have been fairly limited. In Gorinchem in 1659, Father Paulus van den Berge converted the wife of the commander of the local fortress to Catholicism (p. 510), while Father Franciscus Mijleman, working in a vast territory in the Province of Groningen, between 1639 and 1657, convinced no fewer than 400 persons to abjure their «errors» (p. 541), which amounts to Book Reviews 487 about twenty a year; similar low numbers are given for the city of Haarlem. (p. 599). Whether, and if so to what extent, the few cases of conversion can actually be attributed to the controversial literature written by these Jesuits will probably never be known, as the author rightly concludes. In fact, according to him, surprisingly, the first purpose of these publications was not to instruct and convert the Protestants, but to consolidate the faith of the Catholics. The limited success of the so-called “conversion work” does beg the question why the Jesuits continued to dedicate considerable resources to it, publishing and republishing works with seemingly unhelpful titles such as Father Joannes van Gouda’s The Catholic Cult of the Saints … against Henricus Boxhorn, Joannes Bogaert, Wilhelmus Perkins his translator, heretics, liars, in Brabant, England, Holland (the Protestant pastor Boxhorn was no less eloquent in his offensive language against his Jesuit opponent). The reason given, namely that the authors themselves must have thought that their work was useful, might not entirely explain the prolonged existence of this major apostolate. Could there have been a certain lack of sustained critical reflection on the apostolic means and goals within the seventeenth-century Society of Jesus (accused of self-congratulatory triumphalism by its enemies)? Here, an interesting comparison could be made with L.M. Brockey’s The Visitor: André Palmeiro and the Jesuits in Asia (2014). He states that the missionary methods pioneered by Matteo Ricci and others in the East were controversial among the Jesuits themselves, not so much because of their high level of inculturation (“the gentle way”), but because their effectiveness in communicating the Christian message seemingly was meagre.

Rome Marc Lindeijer SJ

Giuliana De Simone, La Biblioteca del Collegium Goritiense Societatis Iesu nella Biblioteca Statale Isontina di Gorizia. Vol. 1: A-Bzowski, Baden- Baden, Valentin Koerner, 2015, 348 p., (Bibliotheca Bibliographica Aureliana 238), €114.00, ISBN 9783873207387

Nel 1749 fu pubblicato a Roma il Catalogus Provinciarum, Domorum, Collegiorum, Residentiarum, Seminariorum, & Missionum Societatis Jesu Anno MDCCXLIX (Ex Typographia Komarek, [1749]). Si trattava di un elenco di tutte le case che l’Ordine ignaziano possedeva allora nel mondo intero. Da quel piccolo libro si apprende che nella prima metà del Settecento la Compagnia di Gesù annoverava oltre settecento 488 Book Reviews case tra collegi e seminari di varie dimensioni: dalle grandi istituzioni di lunga e celebre tradizione che godevano della stima perfino dei nemici dei gesuiti (pensiamo al Collegio Romano, a Louis-le-Grand di Parigi, o al Clementinum di Praga…), fino alle più modeste scuole nelle città di provincia. Tutte queste residenze ebbero una propria biblioteca, seguendo le prescrizioni delle Costituzioni gesuitiche che nel paragrafo 372 recitano: «Nei collegi vi sia possibilmente una biblioteca comune, di cui terranno la chiave quelli che, a giudizio del rettore, devono averla. Oltre a ciò, i singoli devono avere i libri loro necessari». Tutto quel patrimonio bibliografico fu perduto durante la soppressione del 1773 diventando in molte biblioteche, nei migliori dei casi, un semplice “Fondo Gesuitico” o addirittura il nucleo fondante di alcune biblioteche pubbliche o statali. Data l’estensione dell’Ordine e la complessità delle sue vicende storiche, è difficile fare una stima del patrimonio librario dell’intera Compagnia e valutarne di conseguenza le perdite e i danni subiti fra la seconda metà del Settecento e la fine dell’Ottocento (oltre alla soppressione Clementina, dobbiamo aggiungere le espulsioni locali che i gesuiti subirono nell’Ottocento). Questo arduo compito risulta però più facile se condotto a livello locale. Sono diversi gli studi a nostra disposizione – molti di essi recenti – che gettano luce sulle vicende della Compagnia e le sue biblioteche in ambito locale. A quanto pare anche nel campo della storia del libro e delle biblioteche si sta verificando lo stesso fenomeno a cui stiamo assistendo da qualche decennio nel mondo degli studi “gesuitici”: un crescente e rinnovato interesse da parte degli studiosi a temi legati alla storia della Compagnia di Gesù. Infatti, solo per citare gli ultimi anni, hanno visto la luce i lavori di Noël Golvers sulle biblioteche dei gesuiti in Cina: Libraries of Western Learning for China. Circulation of Western Books between Europe and China in the Jesuit Mission (ca. 1650 – ca. 1750) (3 vols. Leuven, Ferdinand Verbiest Institute KUL, 2012–15) e la seconda edizione dell’opera del gesuita polacco Ludwik Grzebień sull’organizzazione delle biblioteche gesuitiche in Polonia del Sei e Settecento (Organizacja bibliotek jezuickich w Polsce od XVI do XVIII wieku. 2 ed. Kraków, Wydawnictow WAM/Akademia Ignatianum, 2013). C’è da notare che fra i tanti lavori non mancano i cataloghi. Pensiamo ai lavori di Miriam Vigliobe e Irene Pedretti che hanno curato il Catalogo degli incunaboli della biblioteca della Pontificia Università Gregoriana (Roma, Edizioni Homo Legens, 2008), a Józef Trypućko che ha pubblicato The Catalogue of the Book Collection of the Jesuit College in Braniewo Held in the University Library in Uppsala (3 Book Reviews 489 vols. Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, 2007) e a Claudio Fedele, Italo Franceschini e Andrea Paolini autori de La Biblioteca del Collegio dei Gesuiti di Trento (2 vols. Trento, Provincia Autonoma di Trento, 2007). D’ora in poi gli storici del libro e tutti quelli interessati alla storia della Compagnia non potranno ignorare l’opera di Giuliana De Simone dedicata alla biblioteca di Gorizia. La presenza dei gesuiti nella città friulana è documentata dal 1615 fino alla soppressione dell’Ordine. Il collegio ivi fondato nel 1621 dall’Imperatore Ferdinando II possedeva ovviamente una biblioteca che dopo il 1773 andò incontro a diverse vicissitudini e proprietari diventando una delle tante collezioni librarie che testimoniano l’esattezza del notissimo adagio Habent fata sua libelli. Giuliana De Simone, offrendo al pubblico il catalogo di quella biblioteca perduta (oggi in parte custodita nella Biblioteca Statale Isontina di Gorizia) aggiunge a questi fata un elemento più che felice. Secondo i calcoli proposti dall’Autrice (pp. XIV–XV), il collegio di Gorizia dovrebbe aver posseduto circa 4 mila volumi. Il catalogo pubblicato nella collana Bibliotheca Bibliographica Aureliana ne contiene “soltanto” 1271. Le opere sono state individuate grazie al paziente lavoro di ricostruzione del posseduto della biblioteca di cui mancava un qualsiasi catalogo o inventario completo. Il volume si apre con una breve prefazione di Marco Menato, direttore della Biblioteca Statale Isontina di Gorizia, che ricorda la genesi del progetto di cui la pubblicazione è il frutto. Segue un’introduzione di Giuliana De Simone in cui viene presentato il lavoro ricordando brevemente la storia dei gesuiti a Gorizia. L’Autrice spiega i criteri della selezione dei libri catalogati, nonché le difficoltà legate al difficile compito di ricostruire il contenuto di una biblioteca di cui il posseduto in parte si è perso e di cui i libri superstiti si trovano oggi sparsi in varie serie della Biblioteca Isontina. Tutto il resto del volume è dedicato alle schede bibliografiche con la descrizione dettagliata di ogni opera, secondo i principi esposti nell’introduzione. De Simone ha organizzato il suo catalogo in ordine alfabetico e questo primo volume dei sei previsti, contiene 186 schede relative alle opere di alcune decine di scrittori, cominciando da Claudio Acquaviva e arrivando ad Abraham Bzowski. Le schede seguono normalmente l’ordine dei cognomi degli autori, fra i quali vengono comunque inseriti alcuni titoli collettivi, ad esempio Acta Sanctorum (pp. 8–84) o Bibbia (pp. 269–79). Quando la biblioteca possedeva più opere dello stesso autore, a ciascuna di queste corrisponde una scheda, come nel caso di Aristotele (pp. 137–56) o Daniele Bartoli (pp. 210–21). Occorre notare che la descrizione di ciascuna opera è di tipo analitico. L’Autrice infatti non si limita ai soli dati standard 490 Book Reviews prescritti dal Servizio Bibliotecario Nazionale (SBN) e dalle norme di catalogazione, ma aggiunge delle osservazioni di carattere bibliologico, riportando notizie e caratteristiche materiali dettagliate sui libri catalogati. Ogni scheda si chiude con la collocazione attuale del volume catalogato. È troppo presto ancora per avere uno sguardo complessivo sull’insieme dell’ampio lavoro di Giuliana De Simone. Infatti, il presente volume, come abbiamo già ricordato, è soltanto il primo di sei, il che ci obbliga ad aspettare la fine del progetto – tanto più che alla p. XXI la stessa Autrice promette di fornire gli strumenti che aiuteranno l’utilizzo del suo catalogo: una serie di indici (degli autori, dei luoghi di pubblicazione etc.). Questo primo volume si rivela assai promettente e induce il lettore a ben sperare che non sarà deluso con quelli successivi.

Roma Robert Danieluk SJ

Paul Begheyn, Jesuit Books in the Dutch Republic and its Generality Lands 1567–1773, Leiden, Brill, 2014, xvi+454 p., (Library of Written Word 35), €150.00 ($194.00), ISBN 9789004270602

Come oramai noto, la Compagnia di Gesù costituisce l’istituzione religiosa che più di ogni altra, in età moderna, ha fondato la propria esistenza sull’utilizzo dei libri come strumento imprescindibile di supporto per le proprie molteplici attività pastorali. Il virtuoso rapporto esistente fra i gesuiti e il libro può essere rintracciato già nell’esperienza personale di Ignazio di Loyola. Proprio in virtù del suo percorso di formazione, che lo aveva visto maturare una sempre più concreta coscienza circa l’importanza della preparazione culturale lungo la strada dell’apostolato cristiano, il santo fondatore aveva concepito come indispensabile l’utilizzo di materiale librario e la creazione di funzionali biblioteche all’interno delle sedi della Compagnia. Fin dai primordi della loro storia, dunque, i gesuiti furono legati indissolubilmente al mondo del libro e delle biblioteche, la cui normativa disciplinare si dimostrò perciò all’avanguardia fin dalle origini rispetto a tutti gli altri ordinamenti bibliotecari religiosi dell’età moderna. L’avvicinamento dei gesuiti al mondo della stampa fu dovuto fondamentalmente alla volontà, da parte di Ignazio, di voler sfruttare le proprietà filologiche dello strumento tipografico. Più nel particolare, il fondatore della Compagnia di Gesù era interessato Book Reviews 491 alla capacità biologica del libro stampato di conservare e riproporre l’esatta lectio di un testo, in modo da poter sfruttare tale qualità al fine di divulgare, all’interno degli istituti gesuitici, testi che fossero il più possibile corretti e uniformi. Col passare del tempo, tuttavia, lo stretto legame tra il mondo della cultura e laSocietas , portò i religiosi a creare una serie sempre più copiosa di testi collegati alla propria variegata missione di apostolato. Non più soltanto libri gesuiti per i gesuiti, quindi, ma per tutte le realtà, territoriali e sociali, in cui l’impronta della Compagnia era presente. Ciò, di rimando, fece dei padri uno dei più ricchi gruppi di “produttori” di testi a stampa dell’Europa moderna. L’elegante volume pubblicato dalla casa editrice olandese Brill come trentacinquesimo della sua collana “Library of Written Word”, costituisce una delle poche opere di carattere peculiarmente bibliografico dedicate, negli ultimi decenni, alla produzione libraria gesuitica europea. Cosa vuol dire però “libro gesuitico”? Nella sua accezione più generica può voler intendere un testo composto da un membro della Compagnia di sant’Ignazio dato alle stampe in uno o più determinati momenti storici. Questo, naturalmente, a livello puramente semantico. Nella realtà pratica dei fatti, tuttavia, i libri di matrice gesuitica risultano essere ben altra cosa, potendo essere suddivisi, de facto, in due tipologie bibliografiche principali. Nella prima, collegata peculiarmente alla Bibliografia “pura”, rientrano, a un livello più generale, le opere scritte, curate e tradotte da esponenti dell’Ordine e pubblicate lungo tutto l’arco della storia ignaziana. Della seconda tipologia, che si lega propriamente alla Bibliografia “istituzionale”, fanno parte invece quei volumi prodotti direttamente dalla Compagnia, che, per realizzare un proprio programma editoriale, poteva (e può tuttora) servirsi di stabilimenti tipografici pertinenti agli istituti della Societas (ex. tipografia del Collegio Romano) oppure di tipografie esterne (ex. Officina Plantiniana). Il lavoro di Begheyn, uno dei massimi esperti viventi di bibliografia ignaziana, rientra a pieno titolo all’interno della prima tipologia, non senza però ricondursi, per certi aspetti, alla seconda. Gli studi bibliografici moderni dedicati all’ordine gesuitico sono, a conti fatti, davvero pochi, riducendosi di fatto al monumentali lavori di Sommervogel e Polgar, nonché alla Boston College Jesuit Bibliography, di prossima pubblicazione online (http://bibliographies.brillonline. com/browse/nso). In un’ottica di analisi storico-bibliografica, l’opera del gesuita olandese rappresenta di fatto ununicum nella produzione libraria contemporanea di ispirazione gesuitica. Non sarà a questo punto inutile una breve descrizione del lavoro. Il volume si apre con una serie di capitoli introduttivi dedicati 492 Book Reviews rispettivamente al metodo bibliografico utilizzato (pp. 1–16), all’analisi dello stato dell’arte in materia di bibliografia ignaziana in relazione all’antica Repubblica olandese (pp. 17–24) e alla storia del libro gesuitico nei territori della medesima repubblica (pp. 25– 54). La parte relativa alla sezione bibliografica oggetto di questo volume è costituita dall’intero quarto capitolo, il quale rappresenta il cuore della ricerca di Begheyn. Frutto di oltre vent’anni di studio, questo lavoro offre agli studiosi non solo la bibliografia completa delle edizioni “gesuitiche” pubblicate nei Paesi Bassi indipendenti dall’arrivo dei padri fino alla soppressione clementina del 1773, ma anche una vasta panoramica dell’attività culturale legata alla Compagnia all’interno di una delle più complesse realtà politico- religiose dell’Europa moderna. Ogni singola scheda è realizzata a seguito di un’analisi autoptica dei volumi individuati dallo studioso all’interno di numerose biblioteche dei Paesi Bassi. Per ogni edizione, l’autore ha creato una scheda bibliografica costituita da: 1) nome dell’autore normalizzato, 2) trascrizione diplomatica del frontespizio e 3) dei dati di edizione, 4) descrizione fisica, 5) localizzazione degli esemplari analizzati, 6) riferimenti bibliografici. Il prodotto finale è risultato essere un ponderoso elenco ragionato di quasi milletrecento edizioni prodotte nei Paesi Bassi olandesi tra XVI e XVIII secolo che hanno avuto come curatore, traduttore o autore un membro della Societas. Lodevole è naturalmente un termine ristretto per aggettivare il lavoro di Begheyn, ma d’altra parte esso è l’unico che possa riassumere la valenza di una simile impresa, condotta con metodo solido e rigoroso, non solo per quanto riguarda la creazione delle singole schede, ma anche per ciò che attiene l’organizzazione strutturale di un tale strumento, corredato da una serie di otto utilissimi indici che rendono snella e agevole un’opera per sua natura altamente complessa. Dotato di una interessante appendice documentaria, costituita da una serie di epistole di argomento editoriale scritte da editori ed eminenti autori olandesi della Compagnia (Elzevier, Oldenburg, Kircher), il volume di Begheyn risulta, in definitiva, uno strumento fondamentale per gli studi culturali sull’antica Compagnia di Gesù, utile non solo a chi si occupa di bibliografia e storia del libro, ma anche agli studiosi di storia culturale e di storia della Chiesa. In ultima analisi, una pietra miliare per la cultura bibliografica ignaziana, che spinge gli studiosi e i cultori della materia ad approfondire un segmento ancora poco studiato della storia intellettuale europea.

Milano, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore Natale Vacalebre Notes and News in Jesuit History

Personnel changes

As successor to Norman Tanner SJ (Editor, 2012–15), in September 2015, Dr Camilla Russell assumed the position of Editor of Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, along with the various book series published under the imprint, Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, and located at Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI). Originally from Australia, Dr Russell was educated at the University of Melbourne, and in 2003 she obtained her PhD in History from Royal Holloway, University of London. She has studied at the University of Pisa, Italy, and held lectureships in England at Queen Mary University of London, and the University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. In 2008–09, she was Fellow at Villa I Tatti, the Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies in Florence, and between 2009 and 2015, was Tenured Lecturer, and now Conjoint Fellow, in Early-Modern European History at the University of Newcastle, Australia. Dr Russell’s publications focus on the religious and cultural history of the Renaissance and early-modern periods, especially in Italy and the Jesuit missions to the “Indies”. She is the author of the monograph, Giulia Gonzaga and the Religious Controversies of Sixteenth-Century Italy (Brepols, 2006), as well as a number of articles and a forthcoming monograph on Italian Jesuits during the first century after the founding of the Society of Jesus. Currently based in Rome, she holds teaching roles at Roma Tre University and the Gregorian Pontifical University. 494 Notes and News in Jesuit History Notes and News in Jesuit History

Il Sole 24 Ore racconta i Gesuiti

Nel corso dell’autunno 2014, il quotidiano economico e finanziario italiano Il Sole 24 Ore ha presentato in edicola una collana di dodici volumi, usciti con cadenza settimanale, dedicati a figure centrali della storia della Compagnia di Gesù. La collana è edita dal Gruppo 24 Ore, cui fa capo il quotidiano, uno dei principali gruppi editoriali multimediali operanti in Italia, con all’attivo numerose iniziative nel campo della pubblicistica culturale. La collana, curata da Michela Catto, ricercatrice presso la Fondazione Bruno Kessler di Trento (attualmente all’Università Cattolica di Milano), veniva così presentata dal giornale:

La serie “La Compagnia di Gesù” racconta in 12 volumi monografici la storia dell‘ordine attraverso i suoi più illustri protagonisti; un ordine religioso che ha attirato l‘interesse non solo degli studiosi, ma anche di moltissimi intellettuali laici e filosofi della scienza. Con la collana Il Sole 24 Ore ha voluto creare un percorso storico- letterario che raccontasse la storia della Compagnia come un vero e proprio specchio della società contemporanea: conoscenza del ruolo direttamente e indirettamente svolto nella globalizzazione attraverso l‘attività missionaria, giungendo ai giorni nostri e a Papa Bergoglio, primo gesuita Pontefice della Chiesa Romana.

Questi i volumi pubblicati:

1. Guido Mongini, Ignazio di Loyola: un illuminato al servizio della Chiesa 2. Flavio Rurale, Juan de Mariana: un intellettuale contro 3. Franco Motta,Roberto Bellarmino: teologia e potere nella Controriforma 4. Claudio Ferlan, José de Acosta: missionario, scienziato, umanista 5. Francesco D‘Arelli, Matteo Ricci: l‘altro e diverso mondo della Cina 6. Martín M. Morales, Antonio Ruiz de Montoya: vita da favola di un missionario tra i Guaranì 7. Marco Passavanti, Ippolito Desideri : un gesuita tra i lama del Tibet 8. Nicola Gasbarro, Joseph-François Lafitau: il viaggio della vita 9. Niccolò Guasti, Juan Andrés y Morell: un gesuita spagnolo nell‘Italia dei Lumi 10. Emanuele Colombo, Marina Massimi, In viaggio: gesuiti italiani candidati alle missioni tra Antica e Nuova Compagnia 11. Lucia Pozzi, I gesuiti e il Novecento: dall‘intransigenza alla terza Compagnia di Pedro Arrupe 12. Camilla Tagliabue, Jorge Mario Bergoglio: intervista con Antonio Spadaro Notes and News in Jesuit History Notes and News in Jesuit History 495

In memoriam

Rev. Gerald L. McKevitt, Professor Emeritus of History at Santa Clara University, died September 18, 2015 at Sacred Heart Jesuit Center, Los Gatos. He was 76 years of age.

Jerry was born in Longview, Washington, July 3, 1939. His family relocated to Quincy in northern California’s gold country. He graduated from the University of San Francisco in 1961 with a history major and philosophy minor and began graduate studies in history at the University of Southern California, earning an MA. In 1963 he entered the Jesuit novitiate at Los Gatos to begin training for the priesthood. His studies took him to Gonzaga University, Spokane, and in 1967 he started doctoral studies in history at the University of California at Los Angeles, where he received his Ph.D. in 1972. Theological studies were taken in Rome, where he received his degree in Sacred Theology from the Pontifical Gregorian University. Jerry was ordained a priest in San Francisco in June 1975 and began a lifetime association with Santa Clara University. As research professor and archivist, he was given the task of writing the history of the university. Expanding on his doctoral dissertation, his The University of Santa Clara, a History, 1851-1977, was published by Stanford University Press in 1979. Through the years Jerry rose to the rank of full professor and in 2004 was named the Ignacio Ellacuria University Professor for Jesuit Studies at Santa Clara. In addition to teaching a variety of courses, he continued his research in Jesuit history in the U.S. and published numerous articles and book reviews in scholarly journals and contributed to scholarly reference works. His award winning book, Brokers of Culture: Italian Jesuits in the American West, 1848-1919, was published by Stanford University Press in 2007. His other academic experiences included visiting professorships at Fordham University and Seattle University, memberships on the editorial board of Studies 496 Notes and News in Jesuit History Notes and News in Jesuit History in Jesuit Spirituality, and board membership on the National Seminar on Jesuit Higher Education. He also served on the Board of Trustees of Santa Clara and Gonzaga Universities, served a term as Rector of the Santa Clara Jesuit community, and was active in professional organizations. He curated an extensive collection of Jesuits in fiction, now part of the university’s special collections, and cultivated his hobby of watercolor painting. Health considerations brought his retirement from the classroom, but his research continued as did his lectures to a variety of audiences. At the time of his death he was working on a book-length history of Jesuit higher education in the United States.

Daniel Peterson, SJ California Jesuit Province Archives