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Accountability and the Promise of Performance: in Search of The
Accountability and the Promise of Performance: In Search of the Mechanisms Melvin J. Dubnick Professor of Political Science & Public Administration Rutgers University – Newark & Visiting Professor Institute of Governance, Public Policy and Social Research Queen’s University, Belfast [email protected] Prepared for delivery at the 2003 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 28-31, Philadelphia, PA & Conference of the European Group of Public Administration (EGPA) September 3-6, 2003, Lisbon, Portugal ver: 8/29/03 Self-evident truths are frequently invoked when scholars and policymakers propose political reforms. We often hear: "It is obvious that X is true, therefore we need to do Y." The implication of this assertion is that common sense dictates our understanding of the problem and the solution. But is it really the case that X is true? And is Y really the best response? The fact that something is widely believed does not make it correct. (Ostrom 2000) Introduction: The Promise of Performance Among the pervasive notions characterizing contemporary public administration rhetoric and scholarship is the idea of accountability as the solution to a wide range of problems. According to proponents of accountability-centered reforms, enhanced accountability will (among other things) result in · greater transparency and openness in a world threatened by the powerful forces of hierarchy and bureaucratization (the promise of democracy) (O'Donnell 1998; Schedler, Diamond, and Plattner 1999); · access to impartial arenas where abuses of authority can be challenged and judged (the promise of justice) (Borneman 1997; Miller 1998; Ambos 2000); · pressures and oversight that will promote appropriate behavior on the part of public officials (the promise of ethical behavior) (Gray and Jenkins 1993; Anechiarico and Jacobs 1994; Morgan and Reynolds 1997; Dubnick 2003c); and · improvements in the quality of government services (the promise of performance). -
Chapter 4: Answers and Comments
Chapter 4: Answers and Comments Answers: I. True or False 1. See textbook. 2. False. One of the most common mistakes. The focus should be even if the premise is true, the reasoning is weak. 3. See textbook. 4. True. We could criticize the truth of the premise as well, but this would not be relevant to the focus of a fallacy of relevance. 5. True. There is nothing inherently wrong with loyalty as a behavior or an emotion. The point is there should be good reasons, which we have thought about, for our loyalty commitments. 6. FALSE! Two Wrongs is a fallacy of relevance, so the focus is not on the truth of the premise. The focus should be on the reasoning. Usually the premise is true, but irrelevant to why either item compared should be considered good. 7. See textbook. 8. False. The name-calling is always in the premise. 9. False. In our age many in-group appeals are aimed at sub-cultural groups. People who believe they are more intelligent than most, more cool, more modern, etc. 10. True. 11. True. For a complete argument analysis, these two points must be made. 12. False. It was used as an example for structuring arguments. It will be covered in Chapter 5. We will see that it is a fallacy of relevance and it always has a premise that is relevant to the conclusion. 13. False. There could be very good reasons for a particular act of loyalty. 14. True. In this chapter there will be situations where the difference between one label and another is inconsequential. -
The Arab Lefts: Histories and Legacies, 1950S-1970S (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2020), 313P
Hespéris-Tamuda LVI (1) (2021): 529-532 Laure Guirguis (editor).- The Arab Lefts: Histories and Legacies, 1950s-1970s (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2020), 313p. Scholarship on Arab left-wing trends has remained scanty. Published in 2020, The Arab Lefts: Histories and Legacies, 1950s-1970s is an interesting volume which undertakes the study of the Arab Lefts as a milieu of meanings and values regarding the discursive structure of the period under study. Interestingly, ‘Left,’ in this book, portrays a standpoint adopted in a particular condition, as well as the principles and values considered socialist or Marxist, of which the involved politicians, intellectuals and militants spoke during that circumstance; it is a field that comprises various trends in Marxism, socialism and anarchism. The book is composed of thirteen chapters, a constellation of studies beyond the ‘isms’ and a re-engagement with a dynamically built universe of joint positions. In ‘Unforgettable Radicalism: Al-Ittihad’s Words in Hebrew Novels,’ Orit Bashkin studies the significant role the League for Combatting Zionism played in conceptualising a radical Jewish-Arab identity. Iraqi Jews’ movement to Israel met a ‘painful welcome.ʼ The newcomers, however, actively protested against this unwelcome situation; they fought for preserving the Arab culture. Prominent leftist authors, like Shim‘on Ballas and Sami Michael, accentuated the pains the discriminated people experienced by emphasising the mistreatment of the Palestinian people’s rights in addition to other issues, including oppression, gender and ethnicity. As many Iraqi Jews, Muslims and Christians joined the Israeli Communist Party, MAKI, in the 1950s, voices against the Palestinian land seizure and the Israeli involvement in the Franco-British war against Egypt preoccupied the al-Ittihad’s writers. -
Chapter 4: INFORMAL FALLACIES I
Essential Logic Ronald C. Pine Chapter 4: INFORMAL FALLACIES I All effective propaganda must be confined to a few bare necessities and then must be expressed in a few stereotyped formulas. Adolf Hitler Until the habit of thinking is well formed, facing the situation to discover the facts requires an effort. For the mind tends to dislike what is unpleasant and so to sheer off from an adequate notice of that which is especially annoying. John Dewey, How We Think Introduction In everyday speech you may have heard someone refer to a commonly accepted belief as a fallacy. What is usually meant is that the belief is false, although widely accepted. In logic, a fallacy refers to logically weak argument appeal (not a belief or statement) that is widely used and successful. Here is our definition: A logical fallacy is an argument that is usually psychologically persuasive but logically weak. By this definition we mean that fallacious arguments work in getting many people to accept conclusions, that they make bad arguments appear good even though a little commonsense reflection will reveal that people ought not to accept the conclusions of these arguments as strongly supported. Although logicians distinguish between formal and informal fallacies, our focus in this chapter and the next one will be on traditional informal fallacies.1 For our purposes, we can think of these fallacies as "informal" because they are most often found in the everyday exchanges of ideas, such as newspaper editorials, letters to the editor, political speeches, advertisements, conversational disagreements between people in social networking sites and Internet discussion boards, and so on. -
1 Sha'ath, Nabil. Interviewed 2010. Translated by the Palestinian Revolution, 2016 (Pp. 54-62).1 I Became Seriously Involved W
Sha’ath, Nabil. Interviewed 2010. Translated by The Palestinian Revolution, 2016 (pp. 54-62).1 I became seriously involved with the Fatah movement while I was studying for a doctorate in the United States. I recall that my liaison with the Fatah movement at that time was Dr Zuhair Alelmy. Dr Zuhair was one of the founders of the Fatah movement, along with the late President Abu Ammar (Yasser Arafat) and his brothers; he had a major role in the foundation of the Fatah movement with Abu Jihad (Khalil al-Wazir), Abu Iyad (Walid Ahmad Nimer al-Nasser) among other well-known names. Zuhair Alelmy is a relative and an old friend of mine, from my youth in Gaza and later in Cairo. Therefore, when I went to complete my Masters and doctoral degrees in the United States at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, my first contact was Zuhair. At the time, he was studying at the University of Texas in Austin. He was studying engineering while I studied Economics and Business Administration in early 1960. I arrived in the United States on 9 October 1959, but our first meeting there probably took place sometime in 1960; the debate was always about Palestine, as were our previous discussions in Cairo and Alexandria. However, this time the debate took a more structured approach towards the issue of Palestine, by which I mean: what is the organisation, who is the leader, what is the formula that can be used to build a national liberation movement to regain Palestine? The union between Egypt and Syria (UAR) disintegrated towards the end of 1960 and with it the hope for Arab Unity. -
SYRIA: CIA-MI6 Intel Ops and Sabotage
SYRIA: CIA-MI6 Intel Ops and Sabotage By Felicity Arbuthnot Region: Middle East & North Africa Global Research, April 19, 2018 Theme: Intelligence Global Research 7 February 2012 In-depth Report: SYRIA This incisive article by veteran war correspondent Felicity Arbuthnot was published by Global Research more than six years ago, on February 2, 2012. You will not read it in the New York Times. At a time of mounting media fabrications –when “objective truths are fading” and “lies are passing into history”– this analysis reveals the diabolical modus operandi of US-NATO terrorism and how covert intelligence ops are applied to trigger conditions which are conducive to the collapse of nation states. One of these “conditions” is the outright killing of innocent civilians as part of a cover operation and then blaming president Bashar Al Assad of having committed atrocities against his own people Michel Chossudovsky, Global Research , January 27, 2012, updated April 19, 2018 “In order to facilitate the action of liberative (sic) forces, …a special effort should be made to eliminate certain key individuals. …[to] be accomplished early in the course of the uprising and intervention, … Once a political decision has been reached to proceed with internal disturbances in Syria, CIA is prepared, and SIS (MI6) will attempt to mount minor sabotage and coup de main (sic) incidents within Syria, working through contacts with individuals. …Incidents should not be concentrated in Damascus … Further : a “necessary degree of fear .. frontier incidents and (staged) border clashes”, would “provide a pretext for intervention… the CIA and SIS [MI6 should use … capabilitites in both psychological and action fields to augment tension.”(Joint US-UK leaked Intelligence Document, London and Washington, 1957) “’The very concept of objective truth is fading out of the world. -
THE SOCIALIST PARTIES in SYRIA and LEBANON. the American
62-3996 EL-KHALIL, AH Yusif, 1933- THE SOCIALIST PARTIES IN SYRIA AND LEBANON. The American University, Ph.D., 1962 Political Science, international law and relations University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Copyright by Ali Yusif El-Khalil 1962 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE SOCIALIST PARTIES IN SYRIA- AND LEBANON by Ali Yusif El-Khalil Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School o f The American U niversity in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in In tern a tio n a l R elation s and Organization Signaturess ofof^Committeq Committee; >. Chairman Graduate Dean: eys. A . J i s Z ' i Date: AMERICAN UNIVERSITY March 1962 \ • P ' » '• MAY 1 1 1962 The American U niversity Washington, D. C. WASHINGTON, a a THE 3 \S Ig'oij- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PREFACE The purpose of this inquiry is to study the two socialist parties in Syria and Lebanon, The Arab Resurrection Socialist Party (the Ba'th) and the Progressive Socialist Party (the P.S.P.), to examine their programs and accomplishments, determine their place in the Arab socialist movement, and ascertain the distinguishing features of that movement as w ell as the ro le i t p la y s. A brief sketch of the historical background of and political condi tions in Syria and Lebanon, the basic characteristics of their economy, and the structural pattern of their society reveal the need for the social and economic reforms manifested by the socialist parties under study. -
Daughter of Babylon
www.hwarmstrong.com Preface & Introduction 1. The Mystery of The Church 2. Where Is The True Church? 3. Which Old Testament Laws Are In Force Today? 4. A World Held Captive 5. Elijah Shall Truly Come 6.The Church They Couldn't Destroy 7. Is Christ Divided? 8. And He Gave Some Apostles 9. Sardis...Thou Livest, and Art Dead 10. Ye Shall Know Them By Their Fruit 11. This Generation Shall Not Pass Away 12. The Third Angels Message 13. The Former and Latter Rain 14. Contending For The Faith Once Delivered 15. I Will Build My Church 16. The Church of Brotherly Love 17. The Daughter of Babylon Conclusion Bibliography The American Waldensian Society Letter Seventh Day Baptist Historical Society Letter Pearls From The Past: Research Reveals The Plain Truth (page 1) Pearls From The Past: Research Reveals The Plain Truth (page 2) Pearls From The Past: The Plain Truth Responds The Remnant Of Israel PT Article: Now It Can Be Told! PT Article: Hitler Did Not Die PT Article: USA Riding to Total Collapse in 20 Short Years (Feb 1956) PT Article: Amazing 2000 Year History Of The Church Of God Preface In 1993, I finished the first edition of DAUGHTER OF BABYLON with the hope that it might help a few people sort out the confusion and anguish that had been created in them by their membership in the Worldwide Church of God. How can I be so certain that there are so many people who have been confused by the Worldwide Church of God? Because I too was a dedicated member of that group for a very long time. -
Searching for Salvation: Yassin Al-Haj Saleh and the Writing of Modern Syria
Searching for Salvation Yassin al-Haj Saleh and the Writing of Modern Syria FIRAS MASSOUH Student Number 147481 A Thesis submitted to the School of Social and Political Sciences in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Masters by Research School of Social and Political Sciences The University of Melbourne Australia Produced on Archival Quality Paper October 2015 Abstract Name : Firas Massouh Title : Searching for Salvation: Yassin al-Haj Saleh and the Writing of Modern Syria Department : School of Social and Political Sciences This thesis introduces the English reader to Syrian dissident intellectual Yassin al-Haj Saleh (b. 1961). Saleh spent 16 years in prison between 1980 and 1996 and since 2000 has been an active agent in redefining the role of the public intellectual within the oppressive environment of contemporary Syria. He has been audacious in tackling the themes of civil society, political and religious reform, modernity, the relationship between state and religion, secularism, and revolution. Saleh upholds a humanistic ideal of critique as a form of agency and social responsibility, maintains that ideology is the principle obstacle to human liberation, and argues for active discursive intervention as a primary way to incite social change. A prolific writer on intellectual and political questions of the Arab world and Syria in particular, he showed unwavering support for the Arab Spring revolts, particularly the Syrian one. When Syrian protestors eager for change challenged the Assad dictatorship, Saleh promptly followed suit and became one of the protest movement’s most astute participant- observers and critical chroniclers. By examining some of his major writings on the Assad dictatorship, the Syrian Revolution, and the subsequent war in Syria, this thesis positions his work as a product of his intellectual background and life experience. -
An Analysis of the Syrian Left Realities
AN ANALYSIS OF THE SYRIAN LEFT REALITIES VON AKRAM AL-BUNNI PREFACE Syria is one of the countries that have followed the Soviet model and centralized ruling systems in its state- building and in leading the society. This was reflected in the dominant role played by ideology, the guardi- anship of a leading party, which fully monopolizes the political life and tries to derive its legitimacy from national and pan-Arab rhetoric, and the severity of repression instead of formulating healthy relations with the society based on gaining peoples' trust by guaranteeing their political and economic rights as well as advancing development. It was also reflected in the concentration of wealth, national resources and capital in the hands of a totalitarian authority dependent on a large bureaucratic civil and military mass which mo- nopolizes most of the economic activity, presents itself as the single space for social mobility, controls the various health and educational services, pursues the acquisition of weapons and military technology and builds what could be described as a "police state" which derives its strength from intelligence agencies which interfere in the details of citizens' lives using three methods: violence, ideology and directed media to ensure hegemony over the society, the monopoly of power and wealth, the stifling of the political space and intimidating the opposition. P1B rivatization, market liberalization and decline in the social role of the state have led to deep political, eco- nomic and social crisis reflected in blatant discrimination between citizens, diminishing values of efficiency, integrity, fairness and equality and in the encouragement of family ties and values of favoritism. -
The State and Civil Society in the Arab Middle East
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Dissertations Graduate College 8-2014 The State and Civil Society in the Arab Middle East Stacey E. Pollard Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations Part of the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Pollard, Stacey E., "The State and Civil Society in the Arab Middle East" (2014). Dissertations. 311. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations/311 This Dissertation-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE ARAB MIDDLE EAST by Stacey E. Pollard A dissertation submitted to the Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science Western Michigan University June 2014 Doctoral Committee: James Butterfield, Ph.D., Chair Mahendra Lawoti, Ph.D. Mustafa Kemal Mirzeler, Ph.D. THE STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE ARAB MIDDLE EAST Stacey E. Pollard, PhD. Western Michigan University, 2014 While the notion that civil society organizations can democratize authoritarian regimes from below has become an article of faith among many policy makers and democracy promoters, some area experts warn that practitioners and advocates should not overestimate civil society's democratizing role. This dissertation challenges a large body of scholarship on civil society by arguing that while civil society may constitute a democratic force in any given polity it may also be comprised of less democratic, even radically undemocratic forces as well. -
GLOBAL SOUTH STUDIES the Communist University for Toilers Of
GLOBAL SOUTH STUDIES The Communist University for Toilers of the East (KUTV) Rossen Djagalov The following account of the Moscow-based Communist University for Toilers of the East in Moscow (1921-1938) seeks to counter the prevailing tendency among scholars of the Global South to foreshorten the history of their subject. For a long while, Edward Said’s magisterial Orientalism (1978) was regarded as the point of origin of postcolonial thought. More recently, it has been replaced in this capacity by the 1955 Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung. Indeed, there is much to recommend these moments: Said’s text brought into existence a whole generation of postcolonial scholars in humanities and social science departments at Anglo-American universities. Bandung’s resonance was of course much broader: it was there that politicians from twenty-nine newly decolonized states, representing half of the world’s population, announced their unity in the struggle against colonialism and their aspiration for a world free of imperial domination, racial injustice, and global inequality. The quarter of a century that followed saw the flourishing of transnational anti-colonial formations “in the spirit of Bandung,” whether among states (Non-Aligned Movement and G77) or cultural producers (the Afro-Asian Writers Association, the Third World Filmmakers, etc.) from the Global South. Anti-colonial internationalism, however, predated the Bandung moment. Its earliest history has already been charted in the pioneering works of Vijay Prashad (2007, 2017), Robert J.C. Young (2001), and Timothy Brennan (2002). At the center of these accounts lies the international Marxist movement, which by the first decades of the twentieth century had developed a powerful analysis of imperialism as a key logic in the workings of global capitalism (Karl Kautsky, Rosa Luxemburg, Rudolf Hilferding, Nikolai Bukharin, Vladimir Lenin, and Leon Trotsky).