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The John F. Kennedy National Security Files, 1961–1963
A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of National Security Files General Editor George C. Herring The John F. Kennedy National Security Files, 1961–1963 Middle East First Supplement A UPA Collection from Cover: Map of the Middle East. Illustration courtesy of the Central Intelligence Agency, World Factbook. National Security Files General Editor George C. Herring The John F. Kennedy National Security Files, 1961–1963 Middle East First Supplement Microfilmed from the Holdings of The John F. Kennedy Library, Boston, Massachusetts Guide by Dan Elasky A UPA Collection from 7500 Old Georgetown Road ● Bethesda, MD 20814-6126 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The John F. Kennedy national security files, 1961–1963. Middle East, First supplement [microform] / project coordinator, Robert E. Lester. microfilm reels. –– (National security files) “Microfilmed from the John F. Kennedy Library, Boston, Massachusetts.” Accompanied by a printed guide compiled by Dan Elasky, entitled: A guide to the microfilm edition of the John F. Kennedy national security files, 1961–1963. Middle East, First supplement. ISBN 1-55655-925-9 1. Middle East––Politics and government––1945–1979––Sources. 2. United States–– Foreign relations––Middle East. 3. Middle East––Foreign relations––United States. 4. John F. Kennedy Library––Archives. I. Title: Guide to the microfilm edition of the John F. Kennedy national security files, 1961–1963. Middle East, First supplement. II. Series. DS63.1 956.04––dc22 2007061516 Copyright © 2007 LexisNexis, a division of Reed Elsevier -
The Terrorism Trap: the Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2019 The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror John Akins University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation Akins, John, "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5624 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by John Akins entitled "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Political Science. Krista Wiegand, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Brandon Prins, Gary Uzonyi, Candace White Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America’s War on Terror A Dissertation Presented for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville John Harrison Akins August 2019 Copyright © 2019 by John Harrison Akins All rights reserved. -
The Muslim 500 2011
The Muslim 500 � 2011 The Muslim The 500 The Muslim 500 � 2011 The Muslim The 500 The Muslim 500The The Muslim � 2011 500———————�——————— THE 500 MOST INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS ———————�——————— � 2 011 � � THE 500 MOST � INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · All rights reserved. No part of this book may be repro- The Muslim 500: The 500 Most Influential Muslims duced or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic 2011 (First Edition) or mechanic, inclding photocopying or recording or by any ISBN: 978-9975-428-37-2 information storage and retrieval system, without the prior · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · written permission of the publisher. Views expressed in The Muslim 500 do not necessarily re- Chief Editor: Prof. S. Abdallah Schleifer flect those of RISSC or its advisory board. Researchers: Aftab Ahmed, Samir Ahmed, Zeinab Asfour, Photo of Abdul Hakim Murad provided courtesy of Aiysha Besim Bruncaj, Sulmaan Hanif, Lamya Al-Khraisha, and Malik. Mai Al-Khraisha Image Copyrights: #29 Bazuki Muhammad / Reuters (Page Designed & typeset by: Besim Bruncaj 75); #47 Wang zhou bj / AP (Page 84) Technical consultant: Simon Hart Calligraphy and ornaments throughout the book used courtesy of Irada (http://www.IradaArts.com). Special thanks to: Dr Joseph Lumbard, Amer Hamid, Sun- dus Kelani, Mohammad Husni Naghawai, and Basim Salim. English set in Garamond Premiere -
The Legal Status of Tiran and Sanafir Islands Rajab, 1438 - April 2017
22 Dirasat The Legal Status of Tiran and Sanafir Islands Rajab, 1438 - April 2017 Askar H. Enazy The Legal Status of Tiran and Sanafir Islands Askar H. Enazy 4 Dirasat No. 22 Rajab, 1438 - April 2017 © King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, 2017 King Fahd National Library Cataloging-In-Publication Data Enazy, Askar H. The Legal Status of Tiran and Sanafir Island. / Askar H. Enazy, - Riyadh, 2017 76 p ; 16.5 x 23 cm ISBN: 978-603-8206-26-3 1 - Islands - Saudi Arabia - History 2- Tiran, Strait of - Inter- national status I - Title 341.44 dc 1438/8202 L.D. no. 1438/8202 ISBN: 978-603-8206-26-3 Table of Content Introduction 7 Legal History of the Tiran-Sanafir Islands Dispute 11 1928 Tiran-Sanafir Incident 14 The 1950 Saudi-Egyptian Accord on Egyptian Occupation of Tiran and Sanafir 17 The 1954 Egyptian Claim to Tiran and Sanafir Islands 24 Aftermath of the 1956 Suez Crisis: Egyptian Abandonment of the Claim to the Islands and Saudi Assertion of Its Sovereignty over Them 26 March–April 1957: Saudi Press Statement and Diplomatic Note Reasserting Saudi Sovereignty over Tiran and Sanafir 29 The April 1957 Memorandum on Saudi Arabia’s “Legal and Historical Rights in the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba” 30 The June 1967 War and Israeli Reoccupation of Tiran and Sanafir Islands 33 The Status of Tiran and Sanafir Islands in the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty of 1979 39 The 1988–1990 Egyptian-Saudi Exchange of Letters, the 1990 Egyptian Decree 27 Establishing the Egyptian Territorial Sea, and 2016 Statements by the Egyptian President -
The Thistle and the Drone
AKBAR AHMED HOW AMERICA’S WAR ON TERROR BECAME A GLOBAL WAR ON TRIBAL ISLAM n the wake of the 9/11 attacks, the United States declared war on terrorism. More than ten years later, the results are decidedly mixed. Here world-renowned author, diplomat, and scholar Akbar Ahmed reveals an important yet largely ignored result of this war: in many nations it has exacerbated the already broken relationship between central I governments and the largely rural Muslim tribal societies on the peripheries of both Muslim and non-Muslim nations. The center and the periphery are engaged in a mutually destructive civil war across the globe, a conflict that has been intensified by the war on terror. Conflicts between governments and tribal societies predate the war on terror in many regions, from South Asia to the Middle East to North Africa, pitting those in the centers of power against those who live in the outlying provinces. Akbar Ahmed’s unique study demonstrates that this conflict between the center and the periphery has entered a new and dangerous stage with U.S. involvement after 9/11 and the deployment of drones, in the hunt for al Qaeda, threatening the very existence of many tribal societies. American firepower and its vast anti-terror network have turned the war on terror into a global war on tribal Islam. And too often the victims are innocent children at school, women in their homes, workers simply trying to earn a living, and worshipers in their mosques. Bat- tered by military attacks or drone strikes one day and suicide bombers the next, the tribes bemoan, “Every day is like 9/11 for us.” In The Thistle and the Drone, the third vol- ume in Ahmed’s groundbreaking trilogy examin- ing relations between America and the Muslim world, the author draws on forty case studies representing the global span of Islam to demon- strate how the U.S. -
The Interface of Religious and Political Conflict in Egyptian Theatre
The Interface of Religious and Political Conflict in Egyptian Theatre Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Amany Youssef Seleem, Stage Directing Diploma Graduate Program in Theatre The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Lesley Ferris, Advisor Nena Couch Beth Kattelman Copyright by Amany Seleem 2013 Abstract Using religion to achieve political power is a thematic subject used by a number of Egyptian playwrights. This dissertation documents and analyzes eleven plays by five prominent Egyptian playwrights: Tawfiq Al-Hakim (1898- 1987), Ali Ahmed Bakathir (1910- 1969), Samir Sarhan (1938- 2006), Mohamed Abul Ela Al-Salamouni (1941- ), and Mohamed Salmawi (1945- ). Through their plays they call attention to the dangers of blind obedience. The primary methodological approach will be a close literary analysis grounded in historical considerations underscored by a chronology of Egyptian leadership. Thus the interface of religious conflict and politics is linked to the four heads of government under which the playwrights wrote their works: the eras of King Farouk I (1920-1965), President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1918-1970), President Anwar Sadat (1918-1981), and President Hosni Mubarak (1928- ). While this study ends with Mubarak’s regime, it briefly considers the way in which such conflict ended in the recent reunion between religion and politics with the election of Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, as president following the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. This research also investigates how these scripts were written— particularly in terms of their adaptation from existing canonical work or historical events and the use of metaphor—and how they were staged. -
Middle Eastern Politics & Culture
Middle Eastern Politics & Culture: TODAY & YESTERDAY By Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective origins.osu.edu Table of Contents Page Chapter 1: Middle Eastern Politics 1 The Secular Roots of a Religious Divide in Contemporary Iraq 2 A New View on the Israeli-Palestine Conflict: From Needs to Narrative to Negotiation 15 Erdoğan’s Presidential Dreams, Turkey’s Constitutional Politics 28 Clampdown and Blowback: How State Repression Has Radicalized Islamist Groups in Egypt 40 A Fresh Start for Pakistan? 51 Alawites and the Fate of Syria 63 Syria's Islamic Movement and the 2011-12 Uprising 75 From Gaza to Jerusalem: Is the Two State Solution under Siege? 88 The Long, Long Struggle for Women's Rights in Afghanistan 101 Egypt Once Again Bans the Muslim Brotherhood, Sixty Years Later 112 Understanding the Middle East 115 Afghanistan: Past and Prospects 116 Ataturk: An Intellectual Biography 117 A History of Iran: Empire of the Mind 120 Chapter 2: Water and the Middle East 123 Baptized in the Jordan: Restoring a Holy River 124 Who Owns the Nile? Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia’s History-Changing Dam 139 Outdoing Panama: Turkey’s ‘Crazy’ Plan to Build an Istanbul Canal 150 Chapter 3: Islam, Christianity, and Culture in the Middle East 163 Two Popes and a Primate: The Changing Face of Global Christianity 164 What's in a Name?: The Meaning of “Muslim Fundamentalist” 177 Tradition vs Charisma: The Sunni-Shi'i Divide in the Muslim World 185 The Dangers of Being a Humorist: Charlie Hebdo Is Not Alone 192 Civilizations of Ancient Iraq 196 Chapter 4: Maps and Charts 200 About Origins 222 Chapter 1 Middle Eastern Politics (Image: Siria Bosra by Jose Javier Martin Esparto, Flickr.com (CC BY-NC- SA 2.0)) Section 1 The Secular Roots of a Religious Divide in Contemporary Iraq EDITOR’S NOTE: By STACY E. -
United Arab Republic 1 United Arab Republic
United Arab Republic 1 United Arab Republic ةدحتملا ةيبرعلا ةيروهمجلا Al-Gumhuriyah al-Arabiyah al-Muttahidah Al-Jumhuriyah al-Arabiyah al-MuttahidahUnited Arab Republic ← → 1958–1961 ← (1971) → ← → Flag Coat of arms Anthem Oh My Weapon[1] Capital Cairo Language(s) Arabic [2] Religion Secular (1958–1962) Islam (1962–1971) Government Confederation President - 1958–1970 Gamal Abdel Nasser United Arab Republic 2 Historical era Cold War - Established February 22, 1958 - Secession of Syria September 28, 1961 - Renamed to Egypt 1971 Area - 1961 1166049 km2 (450214 sq mi) Population - 1961 est. 32203000 Density 27.6 /km2 (71.5 /sq mi) Currency United Arab Republic pound Calling code +20 Al-Gumhuriyah al-Arabiyahةدحتملا ةيبرعلا ةيروهمجلا :The United Arab Republic (Arabic al-Muttahidah/Al-Jumhuriyah al-Arabiyah al-Muttahidah), often abbreviated as the U.A.R., was a sovereign union between Egypt and Syria. The union began in 1958 and existed until 1961, when Syria seceded from the union. Egypt continued to be known officially as the "United Arab Republic" until 1971. The President was Gamal Abdel Nasser. During most of its existence (1958–1961) it was a member of the United Arab States, a confederation with North Yemen. The UAR adopted a flag based on the Arab Liberation Flag of the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, but with two stars to represent the two parts. This continues to be the flag of Syria. In 1963, Iraq adopted a flag that was similar but with three stars, representing the hope that Iraq would join the UAR. The current flags of Egypt, Sudan, and Yemen are also based on Arab Liberation Flag of horizontal red, white, and black bands. -
179 1 Proper Nouns Are Not Transliterated in This Book Unless
Notes 1 Proper nouns are not transliterated in this book unless they form part of a longer phrase or sentence in Arabic. Place names follow contemporary media usage, while personal and organisational names use either the stan- dard Egyptian spelling or, if known, the preferred spelling of the individual or body in question. Unavoidably, there are sometimes variations in the spelling of names in quoted material. 2 The ambiguous role of Nasser’s friend and rival Marshal Abdel Hakim Amer is discussed at length in later chapters. 3 On the composition of this core elite, see Hinnebusch, R. Egyptian Politics under Sadat (Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 15–16; Auda, G. ‘The State of Political Control: The Case of Nasser 1960–1967’, The Arab Journal of the Social Sciences, 2.1 (1987), p. 102. 4 Amin Howeidy Interview. 5 Heikal, M. H. Autumn of Fury (London: Andre Deutsch, 1983), pp. 37–8; Dia al-Din Dawud Interview; Frankel, N. ‘Interviews with Ismail Fahmy, Ashraf Ghorbal and Mohamed Riad’, American Arab Affairs, 31 (1990), p. 99. 6 Kenneth Boulding predicts that images will diverge farther from reality under authoritarianism, because feedback from lower levels of the elite is indirect and largely controlled by the upper levels. Boulding, K. E. The Image (University of Michigan: Ann Arbor, 1956), p. 100. 7 McLaurin, R. D., Mughisuddin, M. and Wagner, A. A. Foreign Policy Making in the Middle East (New York: Praeger, 1977), p. 42; Dabous, S. ‘Nasser and the Egyptian Press’, In Tripp, C. (ed.) Contemporary Egypt: Through Egyptian Eyes (London: Routledge, 1993); Ahmed Said Interview. -
Rethinking the Six Day War: an Analysis of Counterfactual Explanations Limor Bordoley
Limor Bordoley Rethinking the Six Day War: An Analysis of Counterfactual Explanations Limor Bordoley Abstract The Six Day War of June 1967 transformed the political and physical landscape of the Middle East. The war established Israel as a major regional power in the region, while the Israeli territorial acquisitions resulting from the war have permanently marred Israel’s relationship with its Arab neighbors. The May crisis that preceded the war quickly spiraled out of control, leading many to believe that the war was unavoidable. In this paper, I construct three counterfactuals that consider how May and June 1967 might have unfolded differently if a particular event or person in the May crisis had been different. Ultimately, the counterfactuals show that war could have been avoided in three different ways, demonstrating that the Six Day War was certainly avoidable. In the latter half of the paper, I construct a framework to compare the effectiveness of multiple counterfactual. Thus, the objective of this paper is twofold: first, to determine whether war was unavoidable given the political climate and set of relations present in May and June 1967 and second, to create a framework with which one can compare the relative persuasiveness of multiple counterfactuals. Introduction The Six Day War of June 1967 transformed the political and physical landscape of the Middle East. The war established Israel as a major regional power, expanding its territorial boundaries and affirming its military supremacy in the region. The Israeli territorial acquisitions resulting from the war have been a major source of contention in peace talks with the Palestinians, and has permanently marred Israel’s relationship with its Arab neighbors. -
The 1967 Arab-Israeli War Origins and Consequences
The 1967 Arab-Israeli War Origins and Consequences The June 1967 War was a watershed moment in the history of the mod- ern Middle East. In six days, the Israelis defeated the Arab armies of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan and seized large portions of territory includ- ing the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights. With the hindsight of four decades and access to recently declassified documents, two veteran scholars of the Middle East bring together some of the most knowledgeable experts in their fields to reassess the origins of the war and its regional reverberations. Each chapter takes a different perspective from the vantage point of a different participant, those that actually took part in the war, and the world powers – the United States, Soviet Union, Britain, and France – that played important roles behind the scenes. Their conclusions make for sober reading. At the heart of the story was the incompetence of the Egyptian high command under the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the rivalry between various Arab players who were deeply suspi- cious of each other’s motives. Israel, on the other side, gained a resound- ing victory for which, despite previous assessments to the contrary, there was no master plan. Wm. Roger Louis is the Kerr Professor of English History and Cul- ture at the University of Texas at Austin and Honorary Fellow of St. Antony’s College, Oxford. A past President of the American His- torical Association, he is the editor-in-chief of The Oxford History of the British Empire. -
The Emergence of Egyptian Radio 12 3
1 2018 Issue Edited by Grammargal 2 The Voice of the Arabs The Radio Station That Brought Down Colonialism Abbas Metwalli 3 Contents 1. Introduction, by Ahmed Said 6 2. The Emergence of Egyptian Radio 12 3. The Founding of the Voice of the Arabs 18 4. Mohamed Fathi Al-Deeb 27 5. The Voice of the Arabs during Nasser’s Era 34 6. The Influence of the Arab parameter 37 7. The Call for Arab Nationalism 58 8. Arabic Broadcasts from Cairo 62 9. The June 1967 War 66 10. A Commentary by Ahmed Said 68 11. The Maligned Ahmed Said 73 12. Ahmed Said, by Sayed Al-Ghadhban 76 13. The 60th Anniversary, by Fahmy Omar 79 14. The Voice in the Eyes of Foreigners 81 15. Whose Voice 85 16. Nasser’s Rule & The role of Radio 91 17. Nasser’s Other Voice, by William S. Ellis 93 18. The Voice of the Arabs during Sadat’s Era 97 19. The Broadcasters’ Massacre of 1971 99 20. Mohamed Orouq 112 21. May 15,1971 in the Memory of Egyptians 117 22. The Voice of the Arabs, a school of Innovators 118 23. The Voice of the Arabs During Mubarak’s Era 140 24. The Voice During the Muslim Brotherhood Era 145 25. The Voice of the Arabs Female Stars 156 26. The Age of Radio Networks 161 27. The Voice of the Arabs Network 163 28. The Radio Syle of the Voice of the Arabs 166 29. Chiefs of the Voice of the Arabs 172 30. The Voice of the Arabs today 186 31.