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Introduction: Technology, Science and Culture in the Long Nineteenth Century

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Introduction: Technology, Science and Culture in the Long Nineteenth Century Notes Introduction: technology, science and culture in the long nineteenth century 1. Bright 1911: xiii. 2. Wiener 1981; Edgerton 1996. 3. Singer 1954–58; and for a parallel in the history of science, Gunther 1923–67. 4. Ross 1962 (‘scientist’); Cantor 1991 (Faraday). 5. Wilson 1855; Anderson 1992. 6. See esp. Schaffer 1991. 7. See esp. Brooke 1991: 16–51 (‘science and religion’). 8. Layton 1971; 1974. 9. Channell 1989 (for a bibliography of ‘engineering science’ following Layton); and for a critique see Marsden’s article ‘engineering science’ in Heilbron et al. 2002. 10. Ashplant and Smyth 2001; for alternative ‘varieties of cultural history’ see Burke 1997; for the ‘new cultural history’, which adopts ideas from semiotics and deconstruction, see Hunt 1989; for a perceptive critique of the not always happy relationship between anthropological and cultural studies of science, and the new orthodoxy of social constructivist history of science, see Golinski 1998: 162–72. 11. Cooter and Pumfrey 1994. 12. Burke 2000. 13. See, for example, Briggs 1988; Lindqvist et al. 2000; Finn et al. 2000; Divall and Scott 2001; Macdonald 2002; Jardine et al. 1996. 14. For a recent histriographic manual open to both cultural history and history of science see Jordanova 2000b; for a recent attempt at ‘big picture’ history of science, technology and medicine – or STM – see Pickstone 2000. 15. Pacey 1999. 16. Bijker and Law 1992; Bijker et al. 1987; Staudenmaier 1989a. 17. Pinch and Bijker 1987: esp. 40–44. 18. Petroski 1993. 19. See Cowan 1983: 128–50. 20. Kirsch 2000. 21. See, for example, Gooday 1998. 22. Smiles 2002 [1866]: 3–4. Plutarch was the author of exemplary ‘lives’ of Greek heroes. 23. Winter 1994: 69–98. 24. Marsden 1998a. 25. Buchanan 2002a: 103–12 on Brunel’s ‘Disasters’. 26. Schaffer 1983; Morus 1992; 1993. 27. Shapin 1994: 16–22. On trust in economic action see Granovetter 1985. 28. Shapin 1994: 7–8. See also Smith et al. 2003b: 383–85 for further discussion. 29. Babbage 1846: 218–20. Middle-men is Babbage’s term. 30. Bijker et al. 1987. Headrick 1981 does not explicitly address the issues raised by technological systems. 259 260 Notes 31. Gooday 2004; Wise 1995. 32. Headrick 1981 does not talk about the role of the sciences using history of science literature and historiography. 1 ‘Objects of national importance’: exploration, mapping and measurement 1. Murchison 1838: xxxiii. 2. For example, Shapin 1996; Henry 2002a; Dear 2001 (‘Scientific Revolution’); Hankins 1985; Outram 1995; Gascoigne 1994 (‘Enlightenment’); Sorrenson 1996: 221–36 (Cook’s scientific voyages); Schofield 1963 (Lunar Society of Birming- ham); Thackray 1974: 672–709 (Manchester Lit. & Phil. Society). 3. For example, Shapin and Schaffer 1985 (on experimental culture surrounding the early Royal Society); Shapin 1994 (on trust and gentlemanly culture in seventeenth- century science); Howse 1980: 19–44 (on the early history of the Royal Observatory). 4. For example, Henry 2002b (on Bacon); Jacob 1976; Jacob and Jacob 1980: 251–67; Shapin 1981: 187–215 (on latitudinarian Anglicanism). 5. Hankins 1985: 2 (on Kant and ‘Enlightenment’); Heilbron 1979 (on measurement in eighteenth-century electrical science); 1990: 207–42 (measurement and Enlightenment). 6. Foucault 1980: 69. 7. Beaune 1985; Revel 1991: 133. 8. Revel 1991: 139–40. Compare, on field operations, Livingstone 2003: 40–48. 9. Revel 1991: 141–43; Alder 1995: 39–71. 10. Revel 1991: 150–53. See especially Livingstone 2003: 153–63 (‘Mapping territory), 124–26 (maps and cartography). See also Harley 1988: 277–312 for a discussion of cartography and power. 11. Livingstone 2003: 124–25 shows how topographical maps in France, especially of Paris, produced the Cassini dynasty of astronomers. 12. Howse 1980: esp. 116–71; Morus 2000: 455–75. 13. Howse 1980: 141–42. 14. Conrad 1947 [1907]: 30–35. 15. Howse 1980: 21–27. 16. Quoted in Howse 1980: 27. 17. Howse 1980: 28–29. 18. Howse 1980: 45–56. Howse cites a range of early eighteenth-century British satirists (including Jonathan Swift) who regarded the quest for the longitude as akin to squaring the circle or the quest for perpetual motion. 19. Howse 1980: 45–79; Stewart 1992: esp. 183–211 (‘The Longitudinarians’). See also Sobel 1996 (on Harrison). Howse 1980: 72 notes that Harrison received in total the huge sum of £22,550 under the 1714 Act. 20. Ginn 1991: 1–26 (eighteenth-century London instrument makers). 21. See Carter 1988; Sorrenson 1996 (on Cook and navigational calculations in relation to the charting of coasts). 22. Nautical Magazine, 28 October 1833 (quoted in Howse 1980: 80). 23. Howse 1980: 79–80 (‘Time-balls’). 24. Airy 1896: 40 (quoted in Ginn 1991: 208). 25. Schaffer 1988: 115–26. Airy’s papers are included in the RGO Collection, Cambridge University Library. For wider cultural contexts on ‘time discipline’ and industrial Notes 261 capitalism see Thompson 1967: 56–97. For the archiving mentality in imperial contexts see Richards 1993. 26. For example, Chapman 1998: 40–59. 27. Booth 1847: 4, 16 (quoted in Howse 1980: 87–88). 28. Anon 1851: 392–95; Howse 1980: 107. 29. Howse 1980: 94–105; Chapman 1998: 40–59; Morus 2000: 464–70. 30. Quoted in Howse 1980: 112, 99. 31. Howse 1980: 113–15, 138–51; Morus 2000: 469–70. Compare Bartsky 1989: 25–56 (standard time in the USA). 32. Although Thompson 1967 conveys a sense of an inexorable march of clock time in capitalist society, his article cites a rich range of alternative cultures of time, especially those – such as farming and fishing – which were ‘task-orientated’ (completion of a task like the harvest) rather than involving timed labour (paid according to hours worked). The former tended to regulate the work by natural cycles such as the length of day, the seasons or the tides while the latter was well suited to factory discipline and the mechanisation of society. 33. Esp. Ashworth 1994: 409–41. 34. Morrell and Thackray 1981: esp. 36–63; 1984: 299 (on the Marquis of North- ampton’s characterisation of the Royal Society and the BAAS as the ‘two parliaments’ of science. Northampton had been BAAS President in 1836 and was Royal Society President from 1838 until 1848, in which year he became BAAS President again). 35. Morrell and Thackray 1981: esp. 21–29, 63–94. 36. Morrell and Thackray 1984: 299. 37. Morrell and Thackray 1981: esp. 96–109, 396–411. The various seaports included: the commercial rivals of Liverpool (1837 and 1854) and Bristol (1836), the historic and naval town of Plymouth (1841), the industrially growing centres of Glasgow (1840 and 1855) and Newcastle (1839), and the more remote port city of Cork in southern Ireland (1843). These choices also reflected concern with ease of travel by rail and sea (chs 3, 4). 38. Morrell and Thackray 1981: esp. 267–75 (hierarchy of the sciences), 451–512 (the sections), 256–66 (Section G), 276–86 (the fringe sciences, excluded as unwelcome to the centralising ideology of the gentlemen of science with their programmes of mathematisation, measurement and standardisation). 39. BAAS Report 1 (1831): 11. 40. Morrell and Thackray 1981: esp. 372–447. On the geographical union promoted by the BAAS see Livingstone 2003: 108–09. On the origin of the term ‘scientist’ see Ross 1962: 65–85. 41. Ritchie 1995: 219–40 (Beagle); Reingold 1975: 51 (on Herschel’s ‘chartism’). 42. On Enlightenment goals of quantification see Heilbron 1990: 207–42. 43. Herschel 1830: 122–23; Smith 1989: 28. 44. Ritchie 1967: esp. 208–18; Friendly 1977 (Beaufort); James 1997: 288–98; 1998–99: 53–60; 2000: 92–104 (Faraday and the lighthouses of Trinity House). 45. BAAS Report 3 (1833): xxxvi, 471, cited in Sedgwick 1833; Morrell and Thackray 1981: 515. 46. Morrell and Thackray 1981: 425–27, 515–17. See also Smith and Wise 1989: 583 (empire-wide tide gauges), 370–71 (William Thomson’s tide predictor). 47. Forbes 1832: 199–201; Smith 1989: 30–31. 48. Morrell and Thackray 1981: 348–49, 517–23; Smith 1989: 31. See also Anderson 1999: 179–216; 2003: 301–33. 49. Cawood 1979: 493–518; Morrell and Thackray 1981: 353–70, 523–31. 262 Notes 50. For the earlier history of terrestrial magnetism and the problems of long-distance navigation see Pumfrey 2002. 51. Murchison 1838. On Murchison’s Silurian fieldwork see esp. Secord 1981–82: 413–42; 1986a; Stafford 1989: 8–17. 52. Murchison 1838: xxxii. 53. Cawood 1979: 493–518; Morrell and Thackray 1981: 369, 523–31, esp. 524 (Sabine’s ‘magnetic empire’). 54. Smith and Wise 1989: 755–63. 55. For example, Headrick 1981: 17–79. 56. Airy 1896: 134–36. 57. Thomas Jevons to John Laird, 1 December 1842, Laird Family Papers (microfilm), Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool. Thomas was father of William Stanley Jevons, later famous as a leading economist and author of The Coal Question (ch. 3). 58. Winter 1994: 69–98, esp. 82. 59. Smith and Wise 1989: 765–66; Winter 1994: 82–83. 60. Harrowby 1854: lxxi. See Harrowby, DNB. A reform-mined aristocrat, Harrowby had strong geographical and statistical interests. 61. Liverpool Mercury, 29 September 1854; The Times, 30 September 1854. 62. Winter 1994: 83–87. 63. Henderson 1854. 64. Russell 1854; Smith et al. 2003b: esp. 381. In their faith, Unitarians denied the centrality of the doctrine of the trinity. 65. Liverpool Mercury, 29 September 1854. This advice did not appear in the BAAS Report which contained Scoresby’s published versions as Scoresby 1854a,b,c. 66. Liverpool Mercury, 29 September 1854. Our italics. 67. Liverpool Mercury, 29 September 1854. 68. Liverpool Mercury, 29 September 1854. 69. James Joule to William Thomson, 30 January 1855 and 1 January 1858, J191 and J248, Kelvin Collection, University Library, Cambridge; Smith and Wise 1989: 766, 730.
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