Oja Representational Objects in Yewaland, Ogun State, Nigeria Ayedun Matthew Kolawole Ab
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African Scholar VOL. 18 NO. 6 Publications & ISSN: 2110-2086 Research SEPTEMBER, 2020 International African Scholar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences (JHSS-6) Study of Forms and Functions of Esu – Oja Representational Objects in Yewaland, Ogun State, Nigeria Ayedun Matthew Kolawole Fine and Applied Arts Department, School of Vocational and Technical Education, Tai Solarin College of Education, Omu – Ijebu Abstract The representational images such as pots, rattles, bracelets, stones, cutlasses, wooden combs, staffs, mortals, brooms, etc. are religious and its significance for the worshippers were that they had faith in it. The denominator in the worship of all gods and spirits everywhere is faith. The power of an image was believed to be more real than that of a living being. The Yoruba appear to be satisfied with the gods with whom they are in immediate touch because they believe that when the Orisa have been worshipped, they will transmit what is necessary to Olodumare. This paper examines the traditional practices of the people of Yewa and discovers why Esu is market appellate. It focuses on the classifications of the forms and functions of Esu-Oja representational objects in selected towns in Yewaland. Keywords: appellate, classifications, divinities, fragment, forms, images, libations, mystical powers, Olodumare, representational, sacred, sacrifices, shrine, spirit archetype, transmission and transformation. Introduction Yewa which was formally called there are issues of intra-regional “Egbado” is located on Nigeria’s border conflicts that call for urgent attention. with the Republic of Benin. Yewa claim The popular decision to change the common origin from Ile-Ife, Oyo, ketu, Egbado name according to Asiwaju and Benin. Quite apart from a quest for (1995) indicate clearly that the Yewa a more authoritative history of the area, have the capacity to be united and to 281 [email protected] 2020 find solutions to common developmental problems. The name “Yewa” was adopted both as a specific reference to the group traditionally known as Egbado proper, Egbado ketu, Egbado Ifonyin and Awori/ Anogo Egbado. Yewaland presently constitutes five local government areas out of the twenty local governments in Ogun state. The dialects spoken in Yewaland are Ketu, Oyo, and Awori. Traditionally, festivals constitute the live wire of the socio-religious practices in Yewaland. Prominent among these festivals are Egungun, Sangbeto, Gelede, Oro, Efe, Ogun, Obatala, Sango, Elegbara (Esu), Gagalo, Itagun, Eyo, Yemoja etc. They collectively give the Yewa people a group identity and uniqueness. The emergence of Christianity and Islam relegates the traditional religious practices, which reduced the number of the traditional worshippers to about 10%. Asiwaju (1976), stresses that violators of anti-religious regulations were strictly punished by the British colonial government. Between 1923 and 1937, for example, the culprits punished for offences against the anti-smallpox ordinance include Oba Oyekan of Imeko, Oba Adeola of Ipokia, Oba Bankole Aminlu of Ado, the Oba of Iboro and the Olu of Ilaro, all are Yewa Obas. Each of these traditional rulers was tried in the provincial court and fined £50 . The adamant attitude of Oba Adeola of Ipokia, in worshiping soponna was one of the causes of his deposition in 1924” The focus of this paper therefore is to study the forms and functions of Esu-Oja representational objects in Yewaland. Yoruba generally value their cultural beliefs in which Yewa is not exempted. The selection of the representation for the study is determined by their artistic relevance. METHODOLOGY OF STUDY In attempt to have an in-depth study of the work oral interviews with Cult worshippers and market chiefs (Baba and Iya Oja) of village / town was conducted. Personal observations appropriate photographs were to buttress this report. ESU IN YORUBA TRADITIONAL RELIGION Esu worship originated with the Yoruba people of South West of Nigeria. They worship Esu as one of their principal deities. In his study of West African religions in the nineteen-century, Mckenzie identifies several locations of Esu in Yorubaland. Among these are Awori – Yewa, Ibadan, Egba, Badagry, Ketu-Yewa and Ondo. He cites a sacred grove in Aworo in Yewaland as the most famous site of Esu worship. He noted that the shrine at Aworo was destroyed in 1863 under Governor Glover marking a decline in Esu statue cult there. Mckenzie(1997), 282 [email protected] 2020 identifies Elegbara as another name for Esu, Thompson(1993), identifies Esu as Aje-Ogunguniso, while Femi Euba(1989), identifies specific descriptive names for Esu as Esu – Orita (Esu of the cross road) Esu-Ona ( Esu of the way ) and Esu – Oja ( Esu of the market ). It is very difficult for a casual observer of traditional religion to understand Esu in Yoruba belief. According to Idowu(1977), Esu is neither the “devil” of the Christian concept nor the “Shaitan” by the Muslim faith. The ‘devil’ or ‘shaitan’ in these two religions is out right evil, but this is not Esu in Yoruba belief. Esu is the special relations officer between heaven and earth. Esu is the inspector – general who reports regularly to Olodumare the deeds of the divinities and man. He checks and makes reports on the correctness of worship in general and sacrifices in particular. Esu is regarded as the divine messenger, facilitator, transformer and trickster who mediate between gods and humans; and who honours and treat man well. The statue of Aje-Ogungunniso, the god of money is decorated with cowries shell is commonly appears on shrines (see plate 1). ESU-OJA IN YEWALAND Williams (1974), says that the multi spiritual functions of Esu has lead to linkages with its place of abode . Femi Euba (1989) confirms William’s assertion above by identifying some specific descriptive names attached to Esu, like Esu – Orita (Esu of the cross road), Esu – ona (Esu of the path-way), and Esu-Oja (Esu of the market) . With regards to the functions and description of Esu, in the view of some informants, Esu–Oja as the name implies refers to Esu that lives in the market place. This is for easy transmission and transformation to support the business and transaction in the markets. In support of this view Awolalu (1979), assert that Esu- Oja can provide good bargaining power for the market women. Markets, according to Ogunremi and Adediran (1998), are an open space where commerce is transacted which could be attended by as many people as possible and which could contract or expand depending on circumstances. It has been discovered that all markets in Yorubaland, Southwest of Nigeria have Esu-Oja shrine located or mounted at the centre. Most of the Esu-Oja shrines in Yewaland, the Western part of Ogun State are represented by different images. According to an informant, images symbolizing sacrificial objects representing Esu-Oja, such as human beings, dog or goats are buried at certain spots. This depends on the directive given by the Ifa priest of each town after consulting with the Ifa. It is at the spot that the spirit of the sacrificed being buried was invoked into the erected image. 283 [email protected] 2020 Williams (1974), confirms that the forms of the religious objects have their functions in the spirit archetype. The archetype itself determines the forms in which it is spatially represented whether they are human or animals. In Esu-Oja shrines in Yewaland, the images are made of different materials. Segy (1975), submits that in an inquiry into the forms of African images, one must concern him with the knowledge of the materials used, which determines the nature of the image. The oldest, commonest and most fundamental, physical representations are mounds or heaps of earth found at Ipokia and Ilara markets. Also erected at Iyana- Agbede, and Iwoye- Ketu markets are mud piles, which were without any sensitive features. Apart from the mounds, there are representative symbols made into wooden pillars that carry ironstone such as those erected at Gelete market in Imeko. In some cases, pots of different forms and sizes are also to represent Esu-Oja which could be found at Oja-Odan market. Another intresting represention of Esu-Oja in Yewaland is sacred trees called “Awuin” or Peregun with its trunks wrapped with white fabric. This is found at Igbogila market and Akoko tree found at Ibara-Orile market. CLASSIFICATION BY FORMS OF ESU-OJA IN YEWA TOWNS As stated earlier of this study, Esu-Oja in Yewaland is represented by different images. These representations are made out of different materials. The Esu-Oja representations in Yewa towns vary from town to town. Ifa has influenced the varieties of the representation. The Esu-Oja representations are generally believed to be as old as the markets where their images are installed. Having discussed Esu and Esu-Oja respectively earlier of this study, the need for classification of Esu-Oja representation becomes imperative. The discussion will concentrate on the Esu-Oja representation, the materials in which they are made in their respective shrines in selected towns of Yewaland. These towns are Ilara, Imeko, Ipokia, Iwoye-Ketu, Iyana-Agbede, Igbogila, Koko-Ifonyin, Oja-Odan, Tobolo, Tube, Ibara-Orile and Ikolaje-Idiroko. The materials used in erecting or representing them classifies these Esu-Oja representations.They are as follows; (1) Man-made mounds of piled up earth (Okiti) (2) Mystically formed mounds (3) Ironstone (Yangi) (4) Combination of ironstone and wooden pillars (5) Traditional clay pots (6) Trees believed to be sacred. MAN MADE MOUND The Esu-Oja classified under the man-made mounds consists of earth piled up in the middle or center of the shrine. They are usually made up of mud and loam soil. Usually it is the attribute attached to the mud that gave the mystical power 284 [email protected] 2020 associated with it.