The Newly Emerging Powers and South Africa's Global Strategy
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1 Brazil's Smart Power: a New Way to Influence International Politics Danielle Jacon Ayres Pinto1 SUMARY the Strategy of Brazili
Brazil's Smart Power: A New Way to Influence International Politics Danielle Jacon Ayres Pinto1 SUMARY The strategy of Brazilian foreign policy in the last decade shows a latent desire to increase your international importance and regional leadership. However, the molds of this projection and leadership were grounded, reveals a change in traditional patterns of international influence, the focus of Brazilian’s foreign policy is influence others countries without coercive force, just with cooperation and multilateral relations. In that sense, this paper aims to explore the idea of a new form of leadership and international influence that can be analyzed through the conceptual prism of Smart Power created by the author Joseph Nye Jr., and how this new perspective can be applied in the current Brazilian foreign policy. Smart Power is understood as the junction of three kinds of power: military, economic and soft power, and to improve it is necessary to think develop five areas: alliances, partnerships and institutions, global development, public diplomacy; economic integration and innovation and technology. So, this paper wants to show how that new way of power, SMART POWER, can be useful to build a different kind of international influence in the twenty-first century. Keywords: Smart Power, Absolute Gains, Foreign Policy, Brazil 1. Introduction To think the Brazilian’s strategy foreign policy in the last decade, more than an exercise in analyzing the facts of reality, it is a rethinking of theories of international relations and how States, major actors on the international scene, adapted their actions to achieve their political, economic and also military objectives. -
FROM the G7 to a D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’S Challenges
FROM THE G7 TO THE D-10 : STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC COOPERATION FOR TODAY’S CHALLENGES FROM THE G7 TO A D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’s Challenges Ash Jain and Matthew Kroenig (United States) With Tobias Bunde (Germany), Sophia Gaston (United Kingdom), and Yuichi Hosoya (Japan) ATLANTIC COUNCIL A Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of nonpartisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. Democratic Order Initiative This report is a product of the Scowcroft Center’s Democratic Order Initiative, which is aimed at reenergizing American global leadership and strengthening cooperation among the world’s democracies in support of a rules-based democratic order. The authors would like to acknowledge Joel Kesselbrenner, Jeffrey Cimmino, Audrey Oien, and Paul Cormarie for their efforts and contributions to this report. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. © 2021 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. -
H-Diplo Article Review Forum Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux Published on 16 May 2016
H-Diplo Article Review 20 16 H-Diplo Article Review Editors: Thomas Maddux H-Diplo and Diane Labrosse H-Diplo Article Reviews Web and Production Editor: George Fujii No. 614 An H-Diplo Article Review Forum Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux Published on 16 May 2016 H-Diplo Forum on “Beyond and Between the Cold War Blocs,” Special Issue of The International History Review 37:5 (December 2015): 901-1013. Introduction by Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, University of Lausanne; Sandra Bott University of Lausanne; Jussi Hanhimäki, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies; and Marco Wyss, University of Chichester Reviewed by: Anne Deighton, The University of Oxford Juergen Dinkel, Justus-Liebig-University Wen-Qing Ngoei, Northwestern University Johanna Rainio-Niemi, University of Helsinki, Finland URL: http://tiny.cc/AR614 Introduction1 by Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, Sandra Bott, Jussi Hanhimäki, and Marco Wyss2 “Non-Alignment, the Third Force, or Fence-Sitting: Independent Pathways in the Cold War” n his recollection of recent events such as the Bandung Conference, the Soviet proposals for a unified and neutralised Germany, and the signing of the Austrian Treaty, veteran journalist Hanson W. Baldwin Iwrote in the New York Times in May 1955 that these ‘and half a dozen other developments in Europe and 1 H-Diplo would like to thanks Professor Andrew Williams, editor of IHR, and the four authors of this introduction, for granting us permission to publish this review. It original appeared as “Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, Sandra Bott, Jussi Hanhimäki, and Marco Wyss, “Non-Alignment, the Third Force, or Fence-Sitting: Independent Pathways in the Cold War.” The International History Review 37:5 (December 2015): 901-911. -
The IMF and the World Bank in an Evolving World
3 The IMF and the World Bank in an Evolving World This session fea tured two speakers from major countries who have played ac tive and important roles in their countries for many years. The first speaker was Manmohan Singh, the Finance Minister of India and one of the chief archi tects of lndia's recent economic reform program. He was followed by C. Fred Bergsten, the founder and Director of the Institute for International Economics and a fo nner Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Tr easury Department. After they addressed the global issues affecting the Bretton Woods institutions from their unique perspectives, the Chairman of the session-lıımberto Dini, Minister of the Tr easury of Italy-offered an overview and synthesis of the suggestions presented. The speakers then responded to a number of questions and com ments raised by other participants. Manmohan Singh When I was invited to speak at this conference, I accepted with great pleasure. Fiftieth anniversaries are festive occasions when old friends gather to relive pleasant memories, to rejoice and felicitate. I have been privileged, in various capacities in the Government of India, to dea! with the Bretton Woods institutions for almost half of the 50 years we are commemorating today. I have innumerable pleasant memories and old friends associated with these institutions and it is therefore a partic ular pleasure to be part of this celebration. Twoscore and ten years is not a very long time for historians, but it is time enough to reflect on the achievements of institutions and draw new blueprints for the future. -
A Perspective on the Debt of Developing Countries
ROBERT SOLOMON BrookingsInstitution A Perspective on the Debt of Developing Countries SINCE 1973, when the price of oil was raised very sharply,developing countrieshave incurredheavy debts. This paper looks at their abilityto carrydebt, firstby examiningthe balance of paymentsand externalbor- rowingof all developingcountries that are not oil producersin general.It then focuses on a group of ten advanceddeveloping countries that ac- count for the bulk of the borrowingfrom privatesources that has given rise to widelyexpressed concern. The analysisthat follows leads to an optimisticconclusion about the capacityof the ten countriesnot only to carrytheir presentdebt but to expand it. It does not follow that decisionmakersin private financial marketswill come to the same conclusion.Thus attentionis given also to supplementingprivate lending with resources suppliedby the Interna- tional Monetary Fund. Furthermore,questions are raised about what could go wrong-what internationaldevelopments could make the out- look less rosyfor the heavydebtors. The Enlargementof CurrentSurpluses and Deficitssince 1973 The current-accountsurplus for countriesof the Organizationof Petro- leum ExportingCountries and the correspondingdeficit of oil-importing countriesis being financedin large part by the creationof international debt. The OPEC surplus (on goods, services, and privatetransfers, the Note: I am grateful to George Henry, Goran Ohlin, Edwin Truman, the two dis- cussants, and the editors for helpful suggestions on earlier versions of this paper. 479 480 Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 2:1977 conceptused throughoutthis paper) increasedfrom $6 billion in 1973 to $67 billionin 1974;it fell to $35 billionduring the recessionof 1975, rose againto $41 billionin 1976, and is expectedto fall only slightlyin 1977.1 The membersof OPEChave been unableto sustainthe rapidincreases in importsof 1974 and 1975. -
Smart Power’ and Its Impact on the Transatlantic Security Partnership
The US Shift Towards ‘Smart Power’ and its Impact on the Transatlantic Security Partnership EU Diplomacy Papers 2 / 2010 Sophie Lecoutre Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies www.coleurope.eu Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies EU Diplomacy Papers 2/2010 The US Shift towards ‘Smart Power’ and its Impact on the Transatlantic Security Partnership Sophie Lecoutre © Sophie Lecoutre 2010 Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Sophie Lecoutre About the Author Sophie Lecoutre holds a Master’s degree in European Studies (2008) from the Institute of Political Science of Lille, France, which included an exchange year at the University of Virginia’s College of Arts and Sciences, United States (2007). In 2009, she completed the MA in EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies (Marcus Aurelius promotion) at the College of Europe in Bruges, Belgium. She is currently carrying out an internship at the French Permanent Representation to NATO in Brussels. This paper is a shortened and updated version of her Master’s thesis submitted at the College of Europe. Editorial Team: Benjamin Barton, André Ghione, Sieglinde Gstöhl, Dieter Mahncke, Jing Men, Anne- Claire Marangoni, Hugo Palma, Shannon Petry Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Views expressed in the EU Diplomacy Papers are those of the authors only and do not necessarily reflect positions of either the series editors or the College of Europe. -
The European Union Vs. the Eurasian Economic Union: “Integration Race 2.0”?
Przegląd Europejski vol. 2019, no. 3 doi: 10.5604/01.3001.0013.5846 The European Union vs. the Eurasian Economic Union: “integration race 2.0”? Andrey A. Kinyakin, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN), Universty of Potsdam ORCID ID: 0000-0003-4428-508X Svetlana Kucheriavaia, University of Warsaw ORCID ID: 0000-0002-7846-6893 Abstract One of the most remarkable features of regional development in Eurasia is the competition between the European Union (EU) and Russia within the so called “contested neighborhood”, e.g. the post- -Soviet space. Originated in the 1990s it gained the special momentum in 2000s after the beginning of the Russia-led “Eurasian integration process”, leading to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in 2015. That fact brought the competition between the EU and Russia to the new level, e.g. the “integration race”, which had the strong impact on the whole post-Soviet space. The most obvious outcome of that process is the outburst of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013, which on the one hand contributed to further exacerbation of the EU-Russia relations, on the other – it paved the way to elaboration of the new forms and tools of the integration activities. However, it failed to bring the “integration race” between the EU and the Russia-led EAEU to the standstill. Being in the latent “crystallisation” phase, this process goes further with the covert competition between the integration blocks. Its actors are not only the non-aligned post-Soviet states, but also the existing members of the integration structures. All the mentioned above factors makes the “new edition” of the “integration race” rather dangerous because further acceleration of such a competition can lead to the large-scale rivalry between the EU and the EAEU, which may cause unpredictable consequ- ences. -
China and Yemen's Forgotten
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PEACEBRIEF241 United States Institute of Peace • www.usip.org • Tel. 202.457.1700 • @usip January 2018 I-WEI JENNIFER CHANG China and Yemen’s Forgotten War Email: [email protected] Summary • China’s position on the Yemen conflict is driven primarily by its interest in maintaining close strategic relations with Saudi Arabia. As a result, Beijing has acquiesced to the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen. • Although not taking a prominent leadership role, China has supported regional and interna- tional initiatives to mitigate the conflict, including the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the National Dialogue Conference, and UN-led peace talks. • As Yemen’s major trade partner, China has an outsized economic presence in the country and can play a significant economic role in Yemen’s postwar reconstruction through its Belt and Road Initiative. Introduction China is playing a supportive, though low-key, role in international efforts to propel Yemen’s peace process in response to one of the world’s greatest humanitarian crises. The Chinese government has China’s response to the backed the political transition process led by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as well as the peace “Saudi-led airstrikes, which talks brokered by the United Nations. Beijing, however, has been unwilling to challenge the Saudi-led were militarily supported by air campaign against opposition groups that has killed civilians in a spiraling conflict that has already taken over ten thousand lives—including, in December 2017, that of former president Ali Abdullah the United States and United Saleh by the Houthi rebels.1 Kingdom, was muted. -
Distributed Energy System in Southeast Asia
Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia DISTRIBUTED ENERGY SYSTEM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA By Han Phoumin, Shigeru Kimura, Saleh Abdurrahman, Jiraporn Sirikum, Lana Rose A. Manaligod, and Zaharin Zulkifli © Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means electronic or mechanical without prior written notice to and permission from ERIA. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, its Governing Board, Academic Advisory Council, or the institutions and governments they represent. The findings, interpretations, conclusions, and views expressed in their respective chapters are entirely those of the author/s and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, its Governing Board, Academic Advisory Council, or the institutions and governments they represent. Any error in content or citation in the respective chapters is the sole responsibility of the author/s. Material in this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted with proper acknowledgement. This report was prepared by the Working Group for Distributed Energy System (DES) in ASEAN under the Energy Project of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA). Members of the Working Group, who were selected from ASEAN, discussed and agreed to certain key assumptions of DES as a basis for writing this report. This aimed to harmonise the forecasting techniques of the future growth of DES. -
Introduction
Introduction One warm evening in 1963, hundreds of Nigerian citizens crowded outside the largest theater in Lagos. They were there to cram their way into the show adver- tised on posters overhead, “The British Council brings you Macbeth!” At the same time but several streets away, a group of ten men clustered around a market stand. Inside, the owner slowly tuned a transistor set, stopping only when the BBC world news began to fill the stand. Meanwhile, a hundred miles west, the same broadcast played in the Oxford University Press office, where an editor worked late. He was finishing his notes on a manuscript by the Nigerian author Wole Soyinka, the press’s latest discovery and proof—the editor believed—that there was still a place for British publishing in Africa. Together these snapshots capture the prevalence of British culture in one of Brit- ain’s former colonies. Three years after independence, one might expect Shakespeare plays and the BBC news would be rare in Nigeria. Yet, instead of disappearing, Brit- ish plays, broadcasts, and books not only remained but drew large audiences, like the crowds and listeners described above. Was this the encore to empire—a short performance of goodwill before a graceful stage exit? Or was it meant to be another act of a play that showed no sign of ending? Whatever British promoters imagined, the answer really depended on their audience—the playgoers, readers, and listeners across cities, towns, and villages in Britain’s former colonies. Were they on their feet, clapping and calling out for more? Or perhaps they had attended out of a mixture of curiosity and habit but now wished the performance would end so they could get on to other things. -
Reforming the Global Architecture of Financial Regulation: the G20, the Imf and the Fsb
CIGI PAPERS NO. 42 — SEPTEMBER 2014 REFORMING THE GLOBAL ARCHITECTURE OF FINANCIAL REGULATION THE G20, THE IMF AND THE FSB MALCOLM D. KNIGHT REFORMING THE GLOBAL ARCHITECTURE OF FINANCIAL REGULATION THE G20, THE IMF AND THE FSB Malcolm D. Knight Copyright © 2014 by the Centre for International Governance Innovation The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Centre for International Governance Innovation or its Operating Board of Directors or International Board of Governors. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution — Non-commercial — No Derivatives License. To view this license, visit (www.creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice. 67 Erb Street West Waterloo, Ontario N2L 6C2 Canada tel +1 519 885 2444 fax + 1 519 885 5450 www.cigionline.org TABLE OF CONTENTS VI About the Author VI Acronyms 1 Executive Summary 1 Introduction 2 Post-crisis Policy Cooperation 3 The “Great Moderation” — 1985–2007 4 Economic and Financial Policy Cooperation in the Great Moderation 6 Limits on the IMF’s Authority over the Global Financial System 7 The Crisis and the First G20 Summit Meeting 9 Cooperation between the IMF and the FSB 10 The G20 and the Governance of International Cooperation in Macroeconomic and Financial Policies 11 Strengthening the Fund’s Surveillance of Member Countries’ Policies 12 Strengthening the IMF’s Analysis of How the Financial System Transmits Risks to the Macroeconomy 12 Clear Communication about Vulnerabilities and Policy Responses 13 What is the Future of the FSB? 14 The Future Role of the IMF in Financial Stability 15 Complexity and Cooperation 17 Leadership of the Global Economy — the Future of the G20 18 Conclusion 18 Works Cited 20 About CIGI 20 CIGI Masthead CIGI PAPERS NO. -
The Group of Seven
The Group of Seven We are now in the era of the G8, although the G7 still exists as a grouping for finance ministers and central bank governors. Why do G7 finance ministries and central banks co-operate? What are the implications of this for the power of the United States and the abilities of the other six states to exercise leadership? What influence do the G7 have on global financial governance? How much authority do they possess and how is that authority exercised? This is the first major work to address these fundamental questions. It argues that to understand the G7’s contribution to global financial governance it is necessary to locate the group’s activities in a context of ‘decentralized globalization’. It also provides original case study material on the G7’s contribution to macro- economic governance and to debates on the global financial architecture over the last decade. The book assesses the G7’s role in producing a system of global financial governance based on market supremacy and technocratic trans-governmental consensus and articulates normative criticisms of the G7’s exclusivity. For researchers in the fields of IR/IPE, postgraduate students in the field of international organization and global governance, policy-makers and financial journalists, this is the most comprehensive analysis of the G7 and financial governance to date. Andrew Baker is Lecturer at the School of Politics and International Studies at the Queen’s University of Belfast. He is the co-editor of Governing Financial Globalisation (Routledge, 2005) and has published in journals such as Review of International Political Economy and Global Governance.