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The Future of Turkish-Western Relations: Toward a Strategic Plan
The Future of Turkish-Western Relations Toward a Strategic Plan Zalmay Khalilzad Ian O. Lesser F. Stephen Larrabee R Center for Middle East Public Policy • National Security Research Division Prepared for the Smith Richardson Foundation The research described in this report was sponsored by the Smith Richardson Foundation and RAND’s Center for Middle East Public Policy (CMEPP). The research was conducted within the Inter- national Security and Defense Policy Center of RAND’s National Security Research Division. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Khalilzad, Zalmay. The future of Turkish-Western relations : toward a strategic plan / Zalmay Khalilzad, Ian Lesser, F. Stephen Larrabee. p. cm. “MR-1241-SRF.” ISBN 0-8330-2875-8 1. Turkey—Foreign relations—Europe. 2. Europe—Foreign relations—Turkey. 3. Turkey—Foreign relations—United States. 4. United States—Foreign relations—Turkey. I. Lesser, Ian O., 1957– II. Larrabee, F. Stephen. III. Title. DR479.E85 K47 2000 327.5610171'3—dc21 00-059051 RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. © Copyright 2000 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 2000 by RAND 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1200 South Hayes Street, Arlington, VA 22202-5050 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Internet: [email protected] PREFACE At the dawn of a new century, Turkish-Western relations have also entered a new era. -
The Issue of Cyprus in the EU Accession of Turkey
Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union Volume 2011 2011 Article 4 April 2013 The sI sue of Cyprus in the EU Accession of Turkey Melike Baştürk Pitzer College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.claremont.edu/urceu Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Baştürk, Melike (2011) "The sI sue of Cyprus in the EU Accession of Turkey," Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union: Vol. 2011, Article 4. DOI: 10.5642/urceu.201101.04 Available at: http://scholarship.claremont.edu/urceu/vol2011/iss1/4 This Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Claremont at Scholarship @ Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union by an authorized administrator of Scholarship @ Claremont. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont–UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union 15 2 The Issue of Cyprus in the EU Accession of Turkey Melike Basturk A Divided Island: Cyprus It has always been hard to draw the map of Europe due to incomplete depictions of its geography. The borders of Europe include the states settled in Asia such as the Russian Federation, Azerbaijan and Armenia in the Council of Europe and even Israel in the song contest of Europe, Eurovision. However, the Europeanness of states like Turkey and Ukraine are always in question when it comes to the European Union (and the EC, its pre-1993 pre- decessor), even if both are in the Council of Europe simultaneously. -
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: the Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States © 2021 IAI in the Eastern Mediterranean by Adel Abdel Ghafar ABSTRACT The role played by countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Eastern Mediterranean is becoming increasingly ISSN 2610-9603 | ISBN 978-88-9368-177-3 important. This calls for an assessment of their evolving relationship with countries in the region, as well as their involvement in the Libyan conflict. Increased involvement by Gulf actors may inflame existing regional rivalries and geopolitical tensions. The interests of GCC countries in the Eastern Mediterranean are first analysed in the broader context of regional rivalries. Special attention is then devoted to Egypt, Libya, Lebanon, Greece and Cyprus, while considering the role of other key regional actors such as Turkey and Israel. Recommendations on why and how the new US administration should intervene to decrease regional tensions are provided. Gulf countries | Eastern Mediterranean | Turkish foreign policy | Egypt | keywords Libya | Lebanon | Greece | Cyprus | Israel IAI PAPERS 21 | 06 - FEBRUARY 2021 21 | 06 - FEBRUARY IAI PAPERS Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean © 2021 IAI by Adel Abdel Ghafar* Introduction In August 2020, United Arab Emirates (UAE) Minister of State Anwar Gargash tweeted: “the signing of the maritime boundary demarcation agreement between Egypt and Greece is a victory for international law over the law of the jungle”.1 This thinly veiled insult, directed at Turkey, was the latest salvo in the growing competition in the Eastern Mediterranean. -
The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO. -
U.S.-Turkish Relations: a Review at the Beginning of the Third Decade of the Post-Cold War
U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-759-6 Ë|xHSKITCy067596zv*:+:!:+:! Blank U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive officer in 2000. -
Foreign Policy Concepts Conjuncture, Freedom of Action, Equality
Foreign Policy Concepts Conjuncture, Freedom of Action, Equality Reşat Arım Ambassador (Rtd.) Dış Politika Enstitüsü – Foreign Policy Institute Ankara, 2001 CONTENTS Introduction 3 The Study of Some Concepts: Conjuncture, Freedom of Action, Equality 3 Conjuncture 5 A Historical Application Of The Concept Of Conjuncture: The Ottoman Capitulations 6 Application Of The Concept To Actual Problems 8 Relations with Greece 8 The Question of Cyprus 18 The Reunification of Germany 21 The Palestine Question 22 Freedom Of Action 29 A Historical Application: The Ottoman Capitulations 29 Application in Contemporary Circumstances 30 Neighbours: Russia, Syria and Iraq 30 Geopolitics 33 Some Geopolitical Concepts: Roads, Railroads, Pipelines 35 Agreements 41 Equality 44 A Historical Application: The Capitulations 45 Equality in Bilateral Relations 47 Equality in the Context of Agreements 48 International Conferences and Organizations 51 The Method Of Equality Line 52 Conclusions 54 2 INTRODUCTION Turkey’s foreign policy problems are becoming more numerous, and they are being exam- ined by a wider range of people. In order to help promote a systematic analysis of our interna- tional problems in various institutions, the formulation of concepts would be of great use. When we debate foreign policy problems, we want to find answers to some questions: 1. How can we find solutions to problems with our neighbours? 2. What would be the best way to tackle issues with the European Union? 3. Which is the determining factor in our relations with the United States? 4. To which aspect of our relations with Russia should we pay more attention? 5. What are Turkey’s priorities in her relations with the Central Asian republics? 6. -
The EU As an Actor in the Solution of the Cyprus Dispute: the Questions of ‘How’?
The EU as an Actor in the Solution of the Cyprus Dispute: The Questions of ‘How’? H. TARIK OĞ UZLU Department of International Relations, Bilkent University, Turkey Issue 2/2002 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany ( +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de 1 The EU as an Actor in the Solution of the Cyprus Dispute: The Questions of ‘How?” H. TARIK OĞ UZLU Department of International Relations, Bilkent University, Turkey This article argues that, despite the optimistic expectations of the international community, the accession process of the Republic of Cyprus with the European Union (EU) has so far only contributed to further ‘securitization’ and ‘perpetuation’ of the conflict. It is argued that the dangers of EU membership of a divided Cyprus would far outweigh the expected benefits. As a consequence, the paper contends that if the EU wants to make a constructive contribution to the resolution of the Cyprus dispute, it should adopt a new approach – one that foresees the active support of the European countries to the EU membership of a loosely-centralized federal Cyprus. Compared to the traditional sovereign sensitive approaches, the author argues that neither the confederal approach of the Turkish Cypriots nor the tightly -centralized federal approach of the Greek Cypriots could find a niche within the post -modern and post-Westphalian environment of the European Union. Given that the EU is the only institution that could affect the incentive-matrixes of the interested parties in the conflict, the author concludes that a change of mind is required by the EU for a breakthrough to come about. -
The Greek-Turkish Aegean Sea Dispute and Ideas for Resolution
Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review Volume 33 Number 3 Spring 2011 Article 2 3-1-2011 Rough Seas: The Greek-Turkish Aegean Sea Dispute and Ideas for Resolution Julia Vassalotti Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft LLP Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Julia Vassalotti, Rough Seas: The Greek-Turkish Aegean Sea Dispute and Ideas for Resolution, 33 Loy. L.A. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 387 (2011). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr/vol33/iss3/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rough Seas: The Greek-Turkish Aegean Sea Dispute and Ideas for Resolution * JULIA VASSALOTTI I. INTRODUCTION The Aegean Sea (Aegean) dispute between Greece and Turkey is complex and long-standing.1 Both nations disagree on: (1) the sovereignty of certain Greek islands, islets, and rocks;2 (2) the demilitarization of particular islands;3 (3) the continental shelf delimitation;4 (4) the territorial sea breadth;5 and (5) the extent of territorial airspace.6 This paper explores the Greek-Turkish conflict concerning the continental shelf delimitation and the territorial sea breadth in the Aegean. Part II discusses the historical and legal background of the Aegean dispute. Part III describes the current Greek-Turkish conflict regarding the delimitation of the continental shelf and the territorial sea in the Aegean, including the nations’ arguments. -
The Macedonian Question: a Historical Overview
Ivanka Vasilevska THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW There it is that simple land of seizures and expectations / That taught the stars to whisper in Macedonian / But nobody knows it! Ante Popovski Abstract In the second half of the XIX century on the Balkan political stage the Macedonian question was separated as a special phase from the great Eastern question. Without the serious support by the Western powers and without Macedonian millet in the borders of the Empire, this question became a real Gordian knot in which, until the present times, will entangle and leave their impact the irredentist aspirations for domination over Macedonia and its population by the Balkan countries – Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia. The consequence of the Balkan wars and the World War I was the territorial dividing of ethnic Macedonia. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the territory of Macedonia was divided among Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria, an act of the Balkan countries which, instead of being sanctioned has received an approval, with the confirmation of their legitimacy made with the treaties introduced by the Versailles world order. Divided with the state borders, after 1919 the Macedonian nation was submitted to a severe economic exploitation, political deprivation, national non-recognition and oppression, with a final goal - to be ethnically liquidated. In essence, the Macedonian question was not recognized as an ethnic problem because the conditions from the past and the powerful propaganda machines of the three neighboring countries - Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria, made the efforts to make the impression before the world public that the Macedonian ethnicity did not exist, while Macedonia was mainly treated as a geographical term, and the ethnic origin of the population on the Macedonian territory was considered exclusively as a “lost herd”, i.e. -
Reunification of Cyprus: the Op Ssibility of Peace in the Wake of Past Failure Benjamin M
Cornell International Law Journal Volume 34 Article 5 Issue 2 2001 Reunification of Cyprus: The oP ssibility of Peace in the Wake of Past Failure Benjamin M. Meier Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Meier, Benjamin M. (2001) "Reunification of Cyprus: The osP sibility of Peace in the Wake of Past Failure," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 34: Iss. 2, Article 5. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol34/iss2/5 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reunification of Cyprus: The Possibility of Peace in the Wake of Past Failure Benjamin M. Meier* Introduction ..................................................... 455 I. Background .............................................. 457 A. Establishment of the Republic of Cyprus ............... 457 B. Failure of the Republic ................................ 460 C. Turkish Invasion of Cyprus ............................ 463 1. The Invasion ...................................... 463 2. Justificationsfor the Invasion ....................... 464 D. Attempts at Reunification ............................. 465 II. Current State of the Republic of Cyprus ................... 468 III. Possibilities for Peace .................................... -
The Aegean Sea Dispute: Options and Avenues
MariM PoUcy, Vol. 20, No. S, pp. 397-404, 1996 Copyright @ 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd Pergamon Printed in Oreat Britain. All rights reserved ~ 0308-S97X196 SIS.00 + 0.00 S0308-S97X(96)OOOlS-S The Aegean Sea dispute: options and avenues Jon M Van Dyke The principles governing maritime The geographical configuration of the islands in the Aegean Sea.' boundary delimitation have been de particularly when combined with the historical tension between Greece veloped sufficiently by the International 2 Court of Justice and other tribunals to and Turkey, presents an extremely difficult challenge to those sea! provide some predictability regarding ching for an equitable solution3 to the maritime boundary dispute of this the resolution of tho remaining dis region.4 Nonetheless, recent judicial and arbitral decisions have putes. The complicated geography of the Aegean presents a challenge. but adopted a common approach, confirmed certain principl,es. and identi oven this conflict should be re~olvable. fied certain relevant factors that have the promise to provide the The median line Is usually a starting, pathway to resolve this controversy. point, adjusted by the proportionality of tho coasts. Islands have only a limited role In marltlmo boundary disputes. and In the Aegean the Islands should prob Delimiting the maritime boundary ably be considered In clusters rather than Individually. The principles of non The common approach encroachment and maximum reach are particularly Important In the Aegean. The International Court of Justice' (ICJ) and arbitral tribunals adjudi because they are designed to protect cating maritime boundary disputes now follow a standard sequence in the security Interests of each state and to ensure that each country Is allocated approaching the controversy. -
Treaty of Lausanne: the Tool of Minority Protection for the Cham Albanians of Greece
PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences ISSN 2454-5899 Gözübenli & Çavuşoğlu, 2018 Volume 4 Issue 3, pp.474-481 Date of Publication: 23rd November 2018 DOI-https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2018.43.474481 This paper can be cited as: Gözübenli, A. S. & Çavuşoğlu, H. (2018). Treaty of Lausanne: The Tool of Minority Protection for the Cham Albanians of Greece. PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences, 4(3), 474-481. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA. TREATY OF LAUSANNE: THE TOOL OF MINORITY PROTECTION FOR THE CHAM ALBANIANS OF GREECE Abdullah Sencer Gözübenli, MA Mother Teresa University, Skopje, Republic of Macedonia [email protected] Halim Çavuşoğlu, Ph.D Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey [email protected] Abstract Cham Albanians, a predominantly Muslim sub-group of Albanians who originally reside in the coastal region of Southern Epirus in Greece’s border region with Albania, had been expelled from Greece twice.As the majority of Cham Albanians were Muslim, they were treated with the same contempt as ethnic Turks living in Greece. According to official data, 3.000 of them were transferred to Turkey as part of the Greek-Turkish population exchange according to the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations signed at Lausanne on 30 January 1923. Articles 37 to 44 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty attribute substantive rights for exempted Muslims in Greece and non-Muslims in Turkey from the Greek-Turkish population exchange and 17,008 of them wereexempted from the exchange.