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Concordia Journal CONCORDIA JOURNAL Volume 28 July 2002 Number 3 CONTENTS ARTICLES The 1676 Engraving for Heinrich Schütz’s Becker Psalter: A Theological Perspective on Liturgical Song, Not a Picture of Courtly Performers James L. Brauer ......................................................................... 234 Luther on Call and Ordination: A Look at Luther and the Ministry Markus Wriedt ...................................................................... 254 Bridging the Gap: Sharing the Gospel with Muslims Scott Yakimow ....................................................................... 270 SHORT STUDIES Just Where Was Jonah Going?: The Location of Tarshish in the Old Testament Reed Lessing .......................................................................... 291 The Gospel of the Kingdom of God Paul R. Raabe ......................................................................... 294 HOMILETICAL HELPS ..................................................................... 297 BOOK REVIEWS ............................................................................... 326 BOOKS RECEIVED ........................................................................... 352 CONCORDIA JOURNAL/JULY 2002 233 Articles The 1676 Engraving for Heinrich Schütz’s Becker Psalter: A Theological Perspective on Liturgical Song, Not a Picture of Courtly Performers James L. Brauer The engraving at the front of Christoph Bernhard’s Geistreiches Gesang- Buch, 1676,1 (see PLATE 1) is often reproduced as an example of musical PLATE 1 in miniature 1Geistreiches | Gesang-Buch/ | An | D. Cornelij Beckers Psalmen | und |Lutherischen Kirchen-Liedern/ |mit ihren | Melodeyen unter Discant und Basso, sammt einem |Kirchen-Gebeth-Buche/ | Auf | Chur-Fürstl. Durchl. zu Sachsen &c | Hertzog Johann Georgens des Anderen/ | gnädigste Verordnung und Kosten/ | für die | Churfl. Häuser und Capellen | aufgelegt und ausgegeben/ | im Jahre | 1676. [I:] Der | Psalter Davids/ | nach | bekannten Kirchen-Melodeien | Durch | D. CORNELIUM Beckern | verfasset/ | aufs neue aber/ | mit | Heinrich Schützens/ | Churfl: Sächs: Capell-Meisters | eigenen Gesang-Weisen/ | aufgeleget. | M DC LXXVI. | DRESDEN/ | Druckts Paul August Hamann. This is volume 1 of a multi-volume resource, containing only the psalter in hymnic form; volume 2 provides hymns of the church and volume 3 has prayers. Dr. James L. Brauer is Professor of Practical Theology and Dean of the Chapel at Concordia Seminary in St. Louis, MO. 234 performance in the elector of Saxony’s chapel,2 but it may yield more insight into a theology of liturgical song than into seventeenth-century performance practice. While most modern reproductions seem to ignore the paraphrase of Psalm 150 that originally accompanied the engraving,3 the numbers that appear in both the psalm and the engraving link and interpret what is going on in the music-making shown in the engraving. It is not so much a snapshot of a “performance” but a statement about what is happening when Saxon Christians use the worship resources in the three volumes of hymnal resources for which the engraving serves as a frontispiece. To explore this meaning, we need (1) to recall the origins of the Becker Psalter, (2) to observe how Schütz’s music served this psalter in the devotional life of Lutherans in Saxony, and (3) to identify the theological insights offered in the engraving and its accompanying psalm paraphrase in Christoph Bernhard’s edition of Heinrich Schütz’s music for the Becker Psalter. Origins of the Becker Psalter The Becker Psalter was a replacement for an earlier German translation of the Genevan Psalter. Among staunch Lutherans Becker’s collection found some favor, but in territories where the Reformed tradition dominated it saw little use. The collection of paraphrased psalms was meant to give a stronger expression of the Lutheran faith and was also designed to feature hymn tunes of German origin. Cornelius Becker (1561-1604) designed his hymnic version of psalms to be a Lutheran counterpart to the Lobwasser Psalter (1573), a German version of the Genevan Psalter. Becker, a German theologian and poet, had been a pastor at St. Nicholas Church in Leipzig (1594) and later a professor at the University of Leipzig (1599). He was an opponent of crypto- Calvinism (a name given to a theological position of Philip Melanchthon and his followers seeking to suppress Luther’s views on the Lord’s Supper and replace them with Calvin’s views while declaring loyalty to 2Both the engraving and the psalm paraphrase are reproduced in Heinrich Schütz, Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke, Der Psalter in vierstimmigen Liedsätzen nach Cornelius Beckers Dichtungen, ed. by Walter Blankenburg (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1955), volume 6, between pages xiv and 2. Perhaps because it is the same editor, this engraving and psalm paraphrase are also given as a frontispiece to Leiturgia: Handbuch des evangelischen Gottesdiensts: Vol. 4, Die Musik des evangelisch Gottesdienstes, ed. by Karl Ferdinand Müller and Walter Blankenburg (Kassel: Johannes Stauda Verlag, 1961). 3For example, one of the most popular histories of classical music for college courses in the 1960s-80s was Donald Jay Grout’s A History of Western Music, Third edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1980). It supplies a reproduction of this very image with the following caption: “Heinrich Schütz surrounded by his singers in the chapel of the Elector of Saxony in Dresden; he was master of the chapel from 1617 until his death” (243). Similarly, Allen B. Skei’s Heinrich Schütz: A Guide to Research (New York: Garland Publishing, 1981) offers this engraving as an illustration (192) with this caption: “Schütz directing his choir at the Dresden court chapel.” Typically, such a caption plants the suggestion that this is an actual “performance,” but the combination of engraving and psalm paraphrase hardly supports this view. CONCORDIA JOURNAL/JULY 2002 235 Lutheranism), and he sought to reduce the influence of the poetry of Ambrosius Lobwasser (1515-1585) who had modeled his German versions of the psalms after the French metrical versions of Clement Marot (1497- 1544) and Theodore Beza (1519-1605), which formed the Genevan Psalter of 1562 and were widely circulated in musical settings by Claude Goudimel (ca. 1505-1572). Reformed Geneva had made French paraphrases of the psalms the congregation’s song. Rejecting Latin hymns and other hymns not derived from psalms, the Genevan worship tradition employed only psalms4 and New Testament canticles for congregational singing. In Reformed services psalms were to be sung in the vernacular (French) and to use the hymn form (a series of stanzas fit to a repeated melody). The work of paraphrasing the psalms had begun with Marot, briefly imprisoned in Paris for “Lutheran” views in 1526 and 1527. As he began to put some psalms into metrical form and to fit them to “old French tunes and popular secular songs,”5 they soon became fashionable with the French royal family and with courtiers. When theologians at the Sorbonne raised objections to connections with Protestant doctrine, Marot was forced to flee to Geneva in 1543. By 1543 Calvin had assembled a collection of fifty of Marot’s psalm texts for congregational use. The work of versifying the other hundred psalms was done by Beza so that in 1562 all 150 psalms could be published. In Geneva’s worship the congregational singing was done with unison voices in these French psalms; there was no harmony and no instrumental sound. When performed outside the Reformed services these texts and tunes might be done with both harmony and with instruments. At home amateur musicians desired harmonies, perhaps even instruments, and publishers provided various settings. Claude Goudimel, a celebrated French composer, theorist, and publisher known for his chansons, prepared four-part, note- against-note settings of the Genevan Psalter. His settings were published in Geneva (1565), not long after the whole French psalter was available. Friedrich Blume identifies this as “the first complete Psalter in a strictly homophonic setting”6 though the traditional melodies were in the tenor (being in the tenor was not unique since this was the usual placement of a quoted melody for several centuries before 1600) and only occasionally in the highest voice. Paul-André Gaillard summarizes the influence of Goudimel’s homophonic arrangements as follows: 4According to John Calvin’s “The Form of Church Prayers Strassburg, 1545, & Geneva, 1542” in Bard Thompson’s Liturgies of the Western Church (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1961), 185-210, the only non-psalm texts that were sung were the Ten Commandments and a New Testament canticle like that of Simeon in Luke 2. A summary of the development of this Reformed psalm tradition can be found in Friedrich Blume, Protestant Church Music: A History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974), 133ff. and 507ff. 5Fred L. Precht, Lutheran Worship: Hymnal Companion (St. Louis: Concordia, 1992), 693. 6Blume, 535. 236 These note-against-note settings were originally intended for domestic use, but they quickly supplanted the monodic psalmody that until then had been used in the services of the Reformed Church. The appearance in Leipzig in 1573 of a German edition by Ambrosius Lobwasser did much to speed this process and greatly helped to fuse the Lutheran and Genevan musical traditions.7 Goudimel had also launched a more artistic series of psalms in motet form for three to eight voices for household or other performance.8 The Genevan Psalter soon found its way into Germany through
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