Running Head: QUEER NEWCOMER YOUTH IN TORONTO

EXPLORING LIFE IN TORONTO FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF

QUEER NEWCOMER YOUTH

by

Heather Hunter

Master of Arts Degree, Wilfrid Laurier University, 2011

THESIS

Submitted to the Department of Psychology

in partial fulfilment of the requirements for

Master of Arts in Community Psychology

Wilfrid Laurier University

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••I Canada Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto ii

Abstract

In this study, a phenomenological approach was used to examine the experiences of queer newcomer youth (QNY) living in Toronto. The sample for this study includes eight QNY participants and one key informant. The QNY participants were between the ages of 19 and 28; four identified as male, one as one as male/queer and three as female.

The key informant is a gay-identified former refugee as well as a co-researcher and support service provider who has worked closely with QNY for over 10 years. The participants hail from various countries of origin and all but one are in the process of seeking asylum in Canada based on their sexual orientation. The purpose of this study is to gain an understanding of the participants' experiences and expectations for life in

Toronto while critically examining the social and political circumstances within which

QNY in Toronto are situated. To collect data, an initial focus group was conducted with seven QNY participants. To augment data, three focus group participants, one additional

QNY participant and the key informant were individually interviewed. A Transcendental

Phenomenological approach was used to analyze the data, with the overall approach aligning with the Transformative Paradigm. The findings are discussed in relation to relevant literature on queer asylum, and the experiences of queer newcomers and ethnic minorities. Recommendations for future research and social intervention are also discussed. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto iii

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank those who have contributed to the completion of this thesis.

This includes my supervisor, Dr. Robb Travers and internal thesis committee member,

Dr. Colleen Loomis who helped to challenge my thinking and improve my writing throughout the development of this work. I would also like to thank Chavisa Brett and

Lauren Munroe who assisted with data collection and transcription. Finally, thanks to my family, friends, and my partner who have supported and encouraged me throughout the thesis development process. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto iv

Table of Contents

Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iii

Table of Contents iv

List of Tables vi

Introduction 1

Contextualizing the Phenomenon: International Migration of Queer Youth 2

Queer newcomer youth: Possible motivations for immigration 3

Psychology, Immigration and Sexual Diversity 9

Queer Immigrants and Refugees: The Process of Arriving in Canada 10

Critiques of Canada's Immigration and Refugee Laws and Processes 12

Historic Exclusion and Discrimination in Canadian Immigration Policy. 13

Current Trends in Queer Migration 14

Settling in Canada 15

Research Objective and Questions 21

Method 21

Participants 22

Research Design 25

Procedure 28

Data Analysis 29

Transformative Paradigm 31

Phenomenological Approach 32

Transcendental Phenomenology 33 Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto v

Researcher Reflexivity 36

Dissemination Strategy 37

Findings 38

Life Prior to Canada 38

Life in Canada: Expectations and Realities 41

Expectations and Realities: Canada's Immigration and Refugee Systems. 42

Expectation and Realities: Opportunities for Upward Mobility 48

Expectations and Realities: Finding Acceptance and Diversity in Toronto 54

Discussion 65

Summary 65

Discussion with the Literature 66

Queer Asylum in Canada 66

Newcomer Economic Oppression 71

Finding Diversity and Acceptance 72

Discussion of Differences among Participants 75

Common Themes and Possible Underlying Mechanisms of Oppression 77

Limitations and Recommendations for Future Studies 78

Recommendations for Social Action 81

Conclusion 84

References 87

Appendices 95

Appendix A: Focus Group/ Interview Guide for Queer Migrant Youth 95

Appendix B: Interview Guide for Key Informant 98 Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto vi

List of Tables

Table 1: Demographic Information for QNY Participants 23 Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 1

Introduction

Immigration to large cities around the world is a phenomenon that has been happening for centuries, but now, international migration is playing a larger role than ever before (Andrew, 2004). Immigration has shaped the history of Canada, and continues to do so today as each year over 250, 000 immigrants arrive in Canada

(Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2009a) with the greatest proportions of newcomers settling in Toronto (33%), Montreal (17%) and Vancouver (14%) (Citizen and

Immigration Canada, 2009b). Now more than ever, immigrants are arriving from all areas of the globe, bringing with them culture, language and world views that enrich and alter Canadian cities. Toronto, in particular, has embraced cultural diversity as a positive selling factor to attract both visitors and possible immigrants.

Although diverse cultural representation may attract immigrants to cities such as

Toronto, there may be other forms of diversity that some immigrants seek out. For example, with the rise of the gay rights movement, some cities' neighbourhoods have gained reputations for being "queer-friendly" (Harper & Schneider, 2003). Over time, cities such as New York and San Francisco have become known as "hotbeds" for LGBT political action and places where LGBT people could live and interact without the immediate threat of persecution and discrimination. In Canada, Toronto is known as a queer-friendly city where non-heterosexual individuals have been migrating to for decades. With increasing globalization and ease of travel, this type of queer migration to

Toronto may be taking on an increasingly international flavour.

Toronto's reputation as a city that embraces cultural and sexual diversity may be attracting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered and queer immigrants from various Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 2 nations and cultural backgrounds. An important subset of these migrant individuals is queer newcomer youth (QNY), who are the focus of this study. Although some people find the term "queer" to be offensive and derogatory, and is also somewhat contested in the academic community, I will use it here for several reasons: (a) It is a term that includes all lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans-people, (b) it disrupts gender and sex binaries and deconstructs identity categories (Gamson, 1995) (c) use of the term "queer" is gaining popularity as a way to reclaim negative connotations associated with the word.

This study has aimed to gain a better understanding of the experiences of QNY living in Toronto, including their perceptions of what life would be like prior to immigrating to Canada and how this compares to lived reality. To explore this topic, one focus group and five interviews with QNY and one key informant living in Toronto were conducted. Interview and focus group transcripts underwent transcendental phenomenological analysis to gain a better understanding about how QNY describe and attribute meaning to their experiences, as well as to gain insight into the underlying structures such as sexism, racism or homophobia that may shape their experiences.

Contextualizing the Phenomenon: International Migration of Queer Youth

To gain a better understanding about the experiences of queer newcomer youth, it is important to explore factors that contextualize their lives. In many ways, international homophobia and factors that contribute to its existence such as religion, nationalism and underlying legacies of colonization, scientization of sexuality and the HIV/AIDS epidemic help shape the lives of QNY. Further, the processes of arriving in Canada through immigration or refugee processes may pose further barriers and serve to introduce QNY to "Western" versions of racism and heteronormativity. Although little is Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 3 known about QNY in Toronto, some barriers that QNY in North America may face include: racist or anti-immigrant sentiments and heterosexist attitudes in North American society (Asencio & Acosta, 2009; Chrichlow, 2004; Manalansan, 2006), racism and sexualization of racism in white gay communities, which includes the construction of some racial or ethnic groups as particularly sexually desirable and others as not (Barratt

& Pollack, 2005; Chrichlow, 2004; Han, 2008; Gopinath, 2005) and homophobia and heterosexism in cultural/ethnic communities or diasporas (Chrichlow, 2004; Fisher, 2003;

Gopinath 2005; Manalansan, 2006).

Queer newcomer youth: Possible motivations for immigration. It is known that QNY come to Toronto for multiple reasons; some may arrive to pursue employment or educational opportunities, but for many, a main motivation for coming to Toronto is to escape heterosexist and homophobic ideologies and persecution in their home countries

(Ottosson, 2010). In many places around the world homophobia and discrimination against queer people is a social norm, and in many places (76 countries) there are regulations in place which make homosexuality punishable by national law (Ottosson,

2010). Comparatively, QNY may see Canada as place with more liberties, freedoms and protection for queer people. However, before taking a one-dimensional stance and simply vilifying other nations for homophobic practises and laws, it is important to contextualize international homophobia within historic legacies such as colonialism, scientization of sexuality and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Also important to this exploration is to recognize inequalities such as racism and homophobia that continue to exist in Canada as well. Importantly, we should not take for granted the idea that Canada is a "Homo Haven" which guarantees safety and protection for all queer people - doing Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 4 so would mean turning a blind eye to systemic barriers faced by some of Canada's

(potentially) most vulnerable but resilient residents, including QNY.

Internationally, homophobic and heterosexist ideologies are widespread. In 2010 there were 76 countries around the world known to persecute citizens based on sexual orientation (Ottosson, 2010). This includes countries in Africa, Asia, Oceania, Latin

America and the Caribbean. Iran, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen (as well as some parts of Nigeria and Somalia) have laws which put people to death for engaging in same-sex sexual activities (Ottosson, 2010). In many countries, homosexuality is diagnosed as a mental illness, penalized as a crime by the law and condemned as a sin by religious institutions (LaViolette, 2004). Even when not criminalized, many countries do not offer protection from harassment and persecution against queer minorities and often, acts of violence perpetrated against queer people go unpunished (LaViolette, 2004;

Wahab & Plaza, 2009). Unfortunately in many places around the world, pursuing same sex attraction can lead to social isolation, violence or even death.

Reasons for widespread homophobia are complex. In many countries, homophobia appears to be tied into the cultural fabric in overlapping ways through religion, law and ideologies related to nationalism and "natural" sexuality (Crichlow,

2004; Gopinath 2005; Ottosson, 2010). For example, an anti-gay bill in Nigeria had the blessing of the Nigerian Anglican Church and its leader Archbishop Peter Akinola, as well as the former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, who declared that homosexual practice "is clearly unbiblical, unnatural and definitely un-African" (Ottosson, 2010, p.7).

In this quotation, anti-gay arguments were incited based on religious condemnation, violation of "natural laws" and national and continental understandings of identity. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 5

Religion in particular is an important force which often, but not always promotes homophobic views around the world. It is also important to note that the relationship between religion and homosexuality varies greatly across time and place and that not all religions or religious people uniformly condemn homosexuality (Holtzman, 2000). This fact withstanding, Abrahamic religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam usually forbid sodomy - teaching that it is a sinful act (Holtzman, 2000). These religions tend to condemn same sex relationships between men more strongly than sexual activity or relationships between women. Among the Taoic religions of East Asia, passionate homosexual expression is usually discouraged because it is not believed to lead to human fulfillment (Wawrytko, 1993). Among religions that originated in India such as

Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism, teachings regarding homosexuality are less clear. Some Hindu texts and artwork point to acceptance of same sex relationships.

Today, however, sexuality is rarely discussed in Hindu society and is largely regarded as a taboo topic (Malik, 2004). In many places, religion and politics come together to influence public opinion and create homophobic laws. For example, in many Muslim countries religiously based Sharia law promotes the death penalty for people accused of homosexuality (Ottosson, 2010). In Western countries such as Canada and the United

States, it is also common for religion and politics to come together to promote conservative agendas which condemn homosexuality (Craine, 2010; Gruending, 2008;

Holtzman, 2000). Because religion plays an important role in shaping many people's lives and world views, it has been a powerful force in perpetuating homophobic views.

Nationalism is another factor which contributes to homophobia around the world.

"Nationalism" is generally used to describe the attitude that the members of a nation have Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 6 when they care about their national identity, and it is related to a patriot's desire for their nation's self-determination (Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, 2010). In many countries, nationalism is tied to narratives of strength and masculinity, and there is an expectation that the people of the nation will behave according to such narratives. Some nationalist discourses associate homosexuality (especially for men) with femininity, weakness and sickness (Crichlow, 2004; Gopinath, 2005). Therefore some nationalist discourses tend to equate loving your nation with hating homosexuality. In addition, to reify cultural separation from the West, some nationalist discourses encourage rejection of the West's relative acceptance of "immoral sexual behaviour" such as homosexuality

(Crichlow, 2004; Fisher, 2003; Gopinath, 1996; Parker & Aggleton, 2003). While such discourses help to create a sense of national identity they also serve to restrict the performance of gender for all citizens and leave queer minorities in highly marginalized and subordinated positions.

In addition to considering broad ideology-influencing factors such as religiosity and nationalism that contribute to international homophobia, it is important to examine underlying historical phenomena such as colonization, scientization of sexuality and the

HIV/AIDS epidemic which may also contribute to international homophobia. In many countries around the world, European colonization has left deeply-rooted legacies of oppression. For example, European colonization in North America, South America,

Africa and the Caribbean, involved simultaneously racializing and sexualizing native populations (Alexander, 1994; Epps, Valens & Gonzalez, 2005) and employed technologies of violence to force submission. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970),

Paulo Freire theorizes that a natural reaction of colonized people is to strive to be like the Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 7 oppressor. Often, this means adopting the oppressor's brutality and heteropatriarchical systems in search of obtaining a piece of the power that the oppressor holds. In turn, the colonized person comes to use the same tactics of oppression to dominate those around him/her. It has been theorized that often the brutality and violence of colonial oppression is passed down from colonized men to women and minorities (Freire, 1970) such as queer people.

Creation of the "homosexual identity" through modern science (Foucault, 1990) is a factor which also contributes to homophobia. In The History of Sexuality, Volume 1,

Michel Foucault describes the scientization of sexuality wherein sex and sexuality were turned into discourse, rather than behaviours. This process has been evolving since the

Victorian era and involves making sexuality a taboo subject so that sex or sexuality could only be "properly" spoken of by certain people using specific language. One consequence of creating scientized labels was that sexual acts, which were once simply behaviours, now began to constitute identities. For example, a man who engaged in anal sex with another man suddenly inherited the label of "homosexual" which marked him as different or "lesser-than" a "normal" heterosexual man. According to Foucault, another consequence of scientizing sexuality was an "explosion of discourse" on sexuality that resulted in many forms of non-heterosexual sexuality being labelled as "abnormal".

The HIV/AIDS epidemic and "demonization" of gay men may also contribute to international homophobia (Ottosson, 2010). Because the epidemic initially affected populations whose sexuality differed from the "norm", HIV/AIDS related stigma and discrimination has reinforced discrimination against homosexuality, promiscuity, prostitution and sexual "deviance". The belief that homosexuals are to blame for the Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 8 epidemic or that they are the only ones who could be affected is still common around the world (Parker & Aggleton, 2003). In some places, people even hold the belief that AIDS is God's punishment to gay men (Kopelman, 2002). These types of beliefs can be found in the Western world, the non-Western world and also in diasporas in Canada and around the globe (Crichlow, 2004). As such, it can be difficult for QNY to escape anti-gay rhetoric regardless of their geographic location.

Due to widespread homophobia, which can be bolstered by religion, science, nationalist and other discourses and the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the social consequences for queer youth around the world can be severe. One consequence is that if they "come out" to their families or friends, they may be punished, beaten or forced to leave their home.

They may also face violence and social exclusion in the community at large, or in some cases even death (Ottosson, 2010). For example, it is common for gay men in Jamaica to worry about being attacked by organized homophobic gangs (Wahab & Plaza, 2009), and queer people in Iran, Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen as well as some parts of Nigeria and Somalia must keep their sexuality a secret or risk being sentenced to death

(Ottosson, 2010). These very real fears cause queer youth from around the world to seek refuge through immigration or refugee processes in places such as Canada where it is legal and more socially acceptable for one to live as a non-heterosexual person. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 9

Psychology, Immigration and Sexual Diversity

In North America and beyond, the discipline of psychology has played an important role in determining what is "normal". Historically it has had roles to play in determining or bolstering certain discourses on sexuality and immigration. For example, in earlier additions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) the American

Psychological Association (APA) "otherized" non-heterosexual identities by labelling homosexuality as a "mental illness". Although homosexuality as a mental illness was removed from the DSM in 1973, "psychologizing" homosexuality effectively placed social stigma associated with non-heterosexual identities within the individual - labelling them as sick or insane. In general, the process of medicalizing homosexuality as an individual pathology through research and science has left a legacy of discrimination and

"othering" that can still be felt in North America and around the world today.

Psychology has also played a role in influencing dominant attitudes regarding immigration and immigration policy. For example, Beiser (2005) makes the point that science, and psychiatry in particular, have been historical "bed mates" to political opinion about immigration. For example in Canada until well after World War II, prominent

Canadian psychiatrists (such as G.F. Bodington and C.K. Clarke,) promoted the idea that immigrants were essentially "rejects" from their countries of origin and that they were

"weak minded young persons" which could "impair the quality of the Canadian stock"

(Beiser, 2005, p. S32)

In modern psychological practise and research, Harper, Jernewall and Zea (2004) note the scarcity of research concerning lesbian, gay and bisexual people despite the mental health implications they may face due to negative reactions to their sexuality, Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 10 racial prejudice, limited economic resources and limited acceptance in their cultural community. They note a particular absence of African American lesbian representation in

APA journals. They posit that this type of research has been hampered by methodological issues such as sampling as well as systematic exclusion from "mainstream" health and research publications.

The sub-discipline of community psychology has traditionally been concerned with issues of power and marginalization and aims for theorization and action to promote empowerment. However, as Harper and Schneider (2003) point out, issues of sexual diversity have been conspicuously absent from major community psychology journals, conferences and discussions. In their 2003 article, they call for more attention to be paid to issues of marginalization/sexual diversity with a community psychology lens. Aligning with Harper and Schneider's call for more research on issues of sexual diversity within community psychology, this thesis aims to contribute to the discourse and provide an opportunity to expand understanding about the experiences of QNY in Toronto.

Queer Immigrants and Refugees: The Process of Arriving in Canada

In Canada, there are three main classes of immigrants: (a) family class immigrant

- a person closely related to and sponsored by Canadian resident, (b) independent immigrants - who are admitted on the basis of a point system that accounts for age, health and labour-market skills, and (c) refugees seeking protection (Joomratty, 2010). Queer newcomer youth may classify in any of these three categories, but due to international homophobia and persecution, many apply as refugees. Refugees can be selected overseas

(i.e. from a refugee camp) by the Canadian government, or "Inland Claims" can be made when refugees flee directly to Canada and apply to become a "Protected Person" Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 11

(Amnesty International, 2011; Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2006).

According to the International Refugee Convention, legal protection can be granted to asylum seekers based on the fear of persecution for one of the following five reasons: race, religion, nationality, member ship in a particular social group and political opinion

(Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2006). "Membership in a particular social group" is most often evoked to grant asylum to queer people (Epps et. al. 2005).

For queer asylum seekers, leaving their country of origin and making an "Inland

Refugee Claim" is a likely method of entry to Canada. They can make a claim at a border point such as at an airport or border crossing, or from within Canada. An officer of Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) determines whether or not the claim is eligible to be heard by the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB). A claim will be deemed to be ineligible if the person:

Has already been recognized as a Convention refugee by another country; has already been rejected as a refugee by Canada, or has withdrawn or abandoned a previous claim in Canada; came to Canada from or through a designated "safe third country" where refugee protection could have been claimed; is deemed "inadmissible" because of serious criminality or security concerns, or the person is a violator of human rights. (Amnesty International, 2011)

Eligible claims will be referred to IRB, a quasi-judicial tribunal that is independent of

Citizenship and Immigration Canada within three days. However, this does not mean that the claim will be heard or handled within three days. Rather, the complete processing of a refugee claim usually takes months, or even years (Amnesty

International, 2011).

The initial stages of the Inland Refugee Claims process involve providing information regarding the nature and severity of the persecution suffered in the claimants country of origin. In some cases, if a refugee claim appears to be well-founded it may be Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 12 accepted under an expedited process, but often, a full hearing before IRB is required

(Amnesty International, 2011). In a full hearing, the claimant must claimant must provide evidence that they are a member of a persecuted group and that they would face significant danger if they were to return to their country of origin. At the IRB hearing, the claim is heard and decided upon by a single IRB Member (Amnesty International,

2011). If the decision is positive, the refugee claimant will be given the status of

Protected Person, and may later apply for Permanent Resident status.

Critiques of Canada's Immigration and Refugee Laws and Processes

Although going through immigration or refugee processes provides promise for a better life for QNY, there is also a darker side to such processes. Immigration policy itself can be described as a form of social exclusion as it provides a set of laws or policies that reflect the values of a nation - who is "desirable" and who is not; who will gain entry to a country and who will be turned away (Hidalgo & Bankston, 2010). Luibheid (2008) adds how controlling unauthorized immigration is increasingly becoming a top priority for powerful and wealthy nation-states. She calls for the urgent need to raise fundamental questions about historical and current process and power dynamics which shape international migration. This includes analyzing legal/illegal "status designations as outcomes of contingent, changing relations of power, including sexuality...as it intersects with hierarchies of race, gender, class and geopolitics" (Luibheid, 2008, p. 289).

Consequently, critical examination of past and current immigration laws and processes is important to begin to understand the political context and hierarchies of power which shape the lives of QNY in Canada. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 13

Historic Exclusion and Discrimination in Canadian Immigration Policy. In

Canada, the history of immigration laws and practises are rooted in nationalism, racism and heteronormativity. Examples of systemic racism include the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1885 which placed high taxes on Chinese immigrants and the Chinese Immigration

Act of 1923 which enacted an almost total prohibition of Chinese immigration to Canada

(Canadian Council for Refugees, 2000). In 1908 the "continuous passage rule" was designed to exclude immigrants from India and starting in 1911 measures were put in place to discourage immigration of all dark-skinned people (Canadian Council for

Refugees, 2000). During the years during and immediately after Nazi control in

Germany, Canada, similarly to Britain and the United States had deplorable records for accepting Jews fleeing Nazi policy (Canadian Council for Refugees, 2000). It was not until the point system was introduced in the 1960s that race ceased to be a central factor in how Canada chose who was permitted to immigrate to Canada. However, barriers still exist which systematically exclude certain groups of people. For example, immigration processes often require applicants to have "proper" documentation such as birth certificates. But this may discriminate against people in areas where these types of birth records are not commonly kept, such as in rural areas of Africa (Canadian Council for

Refugees, 2000). Lack of proper documentation can also inhibit the entry of people from countries without a functioning government, where such records may be unavailable or even destroyed (Canadian Council for Refugees, 2000).

Historically, Canadian immigration policy has also discriminated against gay men and lesbians. Until 1977, gay men and lesbians were excluded from Canada along with

"prostitutes...pimps or persons coming to Canada for these or any other immoral Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 14 purposes" (LaViolette, 2004, p. 973). As a result, queer migrants had to conceal their sexual orientation or "straighten up" at the border to be granted entry (Luibheid, 2002).

In Entry Denied (2002) Luibheid describes how looking like a lesbian is often enough to set into motion a variety of techniques to keep "lesbian-looking" people out of the U.S.

Similarly, in Piece of my Heart: A Lesbian of colour anthology, Nice Rodriquez, a lesbian immigrating from the Philippines to Canada describes planning to wear a suit to her immigration interview at the Canadian embassy. But her partner advised her put on lipstick and mascara so that she would look more feminine, and as Rodriguez puts it, more "fertile" so that she would convince the Immigration and Refugee Board that she could help to populate "the cold Canadian North" (p. 35, 1992). These examples point to the power of queer stereotypes and the subjective judgement calls that occur at international border crossings.

The first case of a person being granted asylum in Canada based on sexual orientation was in 1992 (Fairbairn, 2005). The case centered on an Argentine man who had been expelled from school, fired from several jobs, repeatedly harassed and even arrested because of his sexual orientation. He charged that while in jail, he had been subjected to beating and other forms of torture, including rape. Of the two Canadian IRB members at his hearing, only one sided with him but this was enough to be granted asylum. This was a landmark case which encouraged others to come forward and tell their stories with the hopes that they might obtain formal asylum in Canada (Fairbairn,

2005).

Current Trends in Queer Migration. Although this first gay asylum case was a turning point in queer migration to Canada, one consequence is that applicants who are Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 15 now claiming asylum based on sexual orientation must "prove" that they are non- heterosexual and that their sexual orientation poses a danger for them in their home country (Millbank, 2002; Morgan, 2006). "Proving gayness" often means having to dress and act in ways that are stereotypically "gay" or "lesbian" by Western standards in front of IRB officials, even if this is not true to the personality of the refugee applicant (Epps, et al., 2005; Millbank, 2002) This not only represents a shift from "straightening up" at borders to trying to appear as stereotypically gay as possible but it also projects the idea that there are only certain ways to be queer - most often aligning with Western stereotypes. This is limiting for queer immigrants and in a way, is a step backwards for gay rights.

Racist and heterosexist immigration and refugee policy is something that many

Canadians know little about or take for granted. Instead, Canada is often viewed as an international leader on immigration and refugee affairs, and has gained a positive reputation for providing care (Beiser, 2009). But how do hidden immigration difficulties and racist/heterosexist policies fit in with this reputation? Further, for QNY who make it through the system, immigration or refugee processes may serve as an introduction to larger relations of power such as racism, classism, sexism, and heterosexism that have influence in Western society (Luibheid, 2002). For QNY who are approved to live in

Canada, these relations of power, among others, may be experienced in their daily lives.

Settling in Canada

Like other immigrants who successfully navigate Canada's immigration or refugee processes, many QNY will decide to live in one of Canada's major immigrant destinations of Montreal, Vancouver or Toronto (Citizenship & Immigration Canada, Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 16

2009b). For QNY who are more familiar with the English language, Toronto may be an especially appealing choice due to the high visibility of queer culture (Smith, 2005) in combination with a high level of cultural and ethnic diversity (City of Toronto). (Toronto is a more likely choice for QNY who are familiar with English, while those who speak

French would likely choose Montreal). Although little is known about QNY once they settle in Toronto, a review of the literature points to some barriers that QNY in North

America may face. These include: racist or anti-immigrant sentiments and heterosexist attitudes of the host country (Asencio & Acosta, 2009; Chrichlow, 2004; Manalansan,

2006), racism and sexualisation of racism in white gay communities (Barratt & Pollack,

2005; Chrichlow, 2004; Han, 2008; Gopinath, 2005) and homophobia and heterosexism in cultural/ethnic communities (Chrichlow, 2004; Fisher, 2003; Gopinath 2005;

Manalansan, 2006; O'Brien et al, 2004). Thus, queer immigrants can experience multiple marginalities upon immigrating to Western countries such as Canada.

In Western countries, major barriers for all immigrants include anti-immigrant sentiments of the host nation, and for visible minorities, systemic racism may be another barrier (Asencio & Acosta, 2009; Chrichlow, 2004; Manalansan, 2006). A common anti- immigrant discourse in North America is that immigrants are "invaders" who threaten the integrity of a country. Contributing to anti-immigrant tensions are discourses related to terrorism, crime, drug trafficking, linguistic barriers and economic strain (Epps et al.,

2005). For example, discourses that immigrants take jobs, encumber public health services and increase crime rates are effective anti-immigrant rhetoric (Epps, et al.,

2005). Overall, this contributes to keeping tensions high. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 17

In Canada, some anti-immigrant discourses are present, but generally not to the same extent as in the United States. While anti-immigrant sentiments are still a reality in

Canada, many Canadian cities are now embracing diversity as a positive selling factor.

However, a national discourse that values diversity does not always impact systemic racism. Some immigrants, especially those of colour, may still encounter systemic racism, for example, by experiencing difficulties having their education or skill set recognized or making wages comparable to Canadian-born citizens (Reitz, 2001).

Immigrants or refugees with limited social networks or "human capital" in Canada may also face additional challenges to finding employment (Lamba, 2003).

Heterosexism, defined as "an ideological system that denies, denigrates, and stigmatizes any non-heterosexual form of behaviour, identity, relationship, or community" (Herek, 1990, p. 316) and inequalities between heterosexual and queer youth may be another barrier that QNY must deal with upon arriving in Canada. Although likely to a lesser extent than many other countries, heterosexism and homophobia still exist in Canada. In Canada, attitudes toward homosexuality can vary from (a) complete social scorn with zero tolerance regarding homosexuality, to (b) a level of tolerant uneasiness, which may result in silence on the issue, to (c) complete acceptance of sexual diversity which can result in sexual diversity being celebrated or treated as a non-issue.

However, although the social climate is generally more favourable for queer youth in

Canada, some places, such as high schools, can be highly homophobic. For example, homophobic bullying, assault, verbal threats or general use of homophobic language is common in Canadian high schools (Taylor et al., 2008). Preliminary results from a national survey on homophobia indicate that over two thirds of queer and questioning Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 18 students felt unsafe in their schools. Over half of these students reported being verbally harassed because of their sexual orientation and a quarter of these students reported being physically harassed (Taylor et al., 2008).

Upon arriving in Canada, QNY may also face challenges adapting to Canada's culture and "sexual scene" (Maticka-Tyndale, 2008). In particular, they may face discrimination such as racism or sexualisation of racism in Canadian gay culture.

Generally speaking, in North America, the terms "queer" and "gay" tend to be associated with whiteness, and middle class white people tend to dominate the visible and political gay community (Barrett & Pollack, 2005). According to Wahab & Plaza (2009), racialized definitions of homosexuality are either rendered invisible or "selectively digested into the dominant definitions" (p. 6). This in itself may leave QNY highly marginalized.

Immigrants of colour may also experience sexualisation of racism in white gay communities. For example, black and Latino men can be fetishized in the gay community as hyper-masculine sex objects and may be sought out by white men based on their ethnicity (Asencio & Acosta, 2009; Crichlow 2004; Wahab & Plaza, 2009). Fetishizing black and Latino gay males regulates their behaviours and participation with the gay community and denies their ability to define their own identities (Wahab & Plaza 2009).

Alternatively, people belonging to other ethnic or cultural groups may also be "othered" but categorized as less desirable in white gay culture, which may impact their safe sex practises. For example, Han (2008) conducted a study with Asian Pacific immigrant queer men wherein all participants reported experiencing racism within the gay community and all reported high rates of unsafe sex. In the study, Asian Pacific Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 19 immigrant (API) men reported being mostly attracted to white men, but they perceived there was a small pool of white men who were interested in them (Han, 2008). This resulted in competition among the API men for the white men, which put the API men at a disadvantage in sexual negotiations (Han, 2008).

Lastly, another barrier that QNY may face is homophobia and heterosexism within the cultural or ethnic community to which they belong (Crichlow, 2004; Fisher

2003; Gopinath, 2005; O'Brien et al., 2004). In large cities like Toronto, ideologies of homelands such as the social acceptability of homophobia and heterosexism may be more likely to persist in diasporas. For example, Crichlow (2004) observes that like mainstream white Canada, racialized communities also enforce heteronormative constructions of masculinity. Black nationalism and ideological constructs seek to regulate black male's same sex bodily practises. In particular, Crichlow (2004) wrote that black gay men from Africa or the Caribbean are viewed as "race traitors" who deviate from codes of black sexuality. Such discourses emphasize same-sex practises as

"effeminate, weak, traitorous and a result of European pollution of the race" (Crichlow,

2004, p. 80). In her work on South Asian Diasporas and sexualisation, Gopinath (2005) would agree with Crichlow that dominant diasporic and nationalist discourses can subordinate gay men, but adds that other diasporic discourses fetishize heterosexual female bodies. For example, Gopinath (2005) writes that in South Asian Diasporas, women are expected to bear the weight and traditions of the "homeland" as such,

"lesbian" in South Asian culture is seen as an impossibility, especially by upper class men. However, it is important to acknowledge that ethnic or cultural communities are not Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 20 homogenous spaces. There are many differences in beliefs between and within cultural diasporas in Canada.

Family and community are known social supports for newcomer youth living in or near diasporas (Dunn & Dyck, 2000). However, in diasporas, there may be great deal of pressure on youth to follow traditional paths. For example, Crichlow (2004) explores how there are social pressures on black families in Canada based on black religion, diasporic nationalism, and norms of communal living that pressure men to marry and procreate. Because of the close knit nature of some diasporic communities and their emphasis on adhering to traditional gender roles, having a queer person in the family can be seen as a public shame. Therefore "coming out" is often seen as catastrophic and can have devastating consequences for queer youth. Resultantly, QNY living in or near ethnic or cultural diasporas may chose to remain selectively closeted as a means to maintain some control over how they are perceived and treated within diasporic communities

(Fisher, 2003). However, it is unclear to what extent keeping ties with their diasporic community is important for QNY who were already "out" before arriving in Canada.

As we can see, QNY are situated within intersections of multiple marginalities, which is also known as "intersectionality". Using the concept of intersectionality, one can explore the interrelationships of gender, class, race and ethnicity and other social divisions. By tracing race, gender to its intersections we can attempt to disrupt the tendency to see race, gender or sexuality as separable (Crenshaw, 1991). Because of intersecting of marginalities, QNY may experience discrimination in many communities such as anti-immigrant and heterosexist attitudes in North American society (Asencio &

Acosta, 2009; Chrichlow, 2004; Manalansan, 2006), racism and sexualisation of racism Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 21 in white gay communities (Barratt & Pollack, 2005; Chrichlow, 2004; Han, 2008; Wahab

& Plaza, 2009), and homophobia and heterosexism in ethnic communities (Chrichlow,

2004; Fisher, 2003; Gopinath 2005; Manalansan, 2006; O'Brien et al, 2004). However, the extent to which a QNY will experience discrimination or support in any environment will vary from person to person. This is a reminder that exploration of issues that QNY face is complex. As Luibheid (2008) notes, queer migration and settlement represents a nearly "impossible subject matter" for theorization. However, conducting research in this area is important as it may help to gain a better understanding of diverse experiences of

QNY with various backgrounds, ethnicities, genders and orientations. Understanding their experiences may illuminate injustices within Canadian culture and systems; bringing about the impetus for social change. It may also inform and improve service provision for QNY, leading to healthy adaptation to Canadian life.

Research Objective and Questions

The objective for this study has been to engage in critical research with the purpose of a) gaining a better understanding of how QNY experience life in Toronto and b) promoting social justice by challenging potentially oppressive social structures that impact the lives of QNY. By "experience" I mean how do QNY describe and attribute meaning to their experiences? Sub-questions for this investigation are: prior to arriving, what were QNY's perceptions of what life would be like in Canada? How do their expectations compare to lived reality?

Method

Very little is known about the experiences of QNY living in Toronto. As such, it is important to allow QNY to tell their stories. This research has aimed to gain a more full Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 22 understanding of how QNY experience life in Toronto through analysis of qualitative data collected from focus groups and interviews with eight QNY living in Toronto, and a key informant who works closely with QNY. For data analysis, the overall approach was aligned with the Transformative Paradigm (Mertens, 2009) and a Transcendental

Phenomenological Approach as described by Moustakas (1994) was used.

Participants

This study aimed to obtain a diverse sample of QNY to reflect a wide range of experiences. It was thought that if some commonalities or "essential structures" could be found across all of the participants' experiences, the essential structures could be applicable to a wider range of QNY in Toronto. This could help, for example, to generate policy recommendations. Alternatively, if commonalities could not be found, it would speak to the varied and unique ways that QNY experience life in Toronto. This in itself would be useful knowledge.

Participants were recruited through a combination of convenience and purposeful sampling with the help of a service provider (who was also a co-researcher and key informant for this study). The key informant helped to recruit QNY participants who regularly seek support services at the organization where he works. Participants were selected based on having at least a basic ability to understand and communicate in

English, and having been in Toronto for a sufficient period of time to allow them to reflect upon their experiences. Participants also self-selected based on their interest in being involved with the study.

For this study, the total number of QNY participants in this study is eight. This includes four people who identified their gender as male, one who identified as Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 23 queer/male and three who identified as female. The participants used various terms to describe their sexual orientation including gay, lesbian and bisexual. They represented a diverse range of countries of origin including Mexico, Jamaica, Pakistan, Ecuador, St.

Vincent (West Indies) and Burundi. The majority of participants (n=7) had been in

Canada and Toronto in particular, for less than five years and are currently in the process of claiming refugee status. One person, however, had immigrated 10 years prior with his family and is now a Canadian citizen. All demographic information in Table 1 was provided by the participants, in terms they preferred for self-identification. This is why, for example, one participant from Mexico describes her ethno-racial identity as Mexican, while another participant from Mexico describes his ethno-racial identity as Latino. The names provided are pseudonyms.

Table 1: Demographic Information for QNY participants

Name Ag Gende Sexual Ethno- Lengt Lengt Countr Highest e r orientatio racial hin h in y of level of identit n identity Canad TO origin education y a Eduardo 28 male gay Latino 1 year 1 year Mexico High School Christoph 26 male gay West 4.5 4.5 St. College er Indian month month Vincen s s t Derrick 24 male gay Black - 8 8 Jamaic Universit Caribbea month month a y n s s Adrian 25 male bisexual Black - 9 9 Jamaic College Caribbea month month a n s s Aamir 25 Queer Gay Pakistani 10 10 Pakista Undergra (Male) years years n d in 4th Canadia year n Alexandra 26 Femal Lesbian Hispanic 4 4 Ecuado Currently e years years r registere &7 &7 din Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 24

month month college s s Sofia 26 Femal Lesbian Mexican 3 3 Mexico Universit e years years y &4 &4 month month s s Nadine 19 Femal Bisexual African n/a n/a Burund College e i

Defining "youth". In this sample, some of the QNY participants do not necessarily fit within age parameters that some would qualify as youth. For example, four of the participants are 26 years of age and one of the participants is 28. However, it is important to note that there are several conflicting definitions and age ranges to define

"youth". For example, the United Nations defines youth between the ages of 16-25,

Canadian law typically defines youth between the ages of 15 and 24 and the National

Youth Council (United States) definesyouth as those who fall between the ages of 15 and

29 (National Youth Council, 2010). Therefore, according to the National Youth Council, all participants in this study qualify as youth, but not all participants fall under Canada's definition of youth ages 15-24. Regardless of preferred definition of youth, I believe all participants in this study are qualified to reflect on the experiences of QNY and can be categorized as QNY because the majority, (n=7) of QNY research participants, with the exception of Eduardo, first immigrated to Canada before the age of 25. Because they have recent experience of immigrating as youth, and can easily recall these experiences, I consider their stories to be valid "youth" data. This is also why they are still referred to as "youth" for this study.

Key informant. For this study, information about the experiences of QNY in

Toronto was also collected from a key informant. The key informant is a gay-identified Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 25 former refugee as well as a co-researcher and support service provider who has worked closely with QNY for over 10 years.

Research Design

The data for this study were collected as part of an expansion of a study called

TRUTH, or Teens Resisting Urban Homophobia and Transphobia. For the TRUTH study, Wilfrid Laurier University and Planned Parenthood Toronto created a partnership to explore the impact of social exclusion (particularly, trans/homophobia) on the well- being of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth in Toronto and Waterloo, Ontario

(Travers, Flynn, Flicker, Brennan, & Hart, 2009). Data was collected from youth and service providers at both locations. After data came back from Toronto and Waterloo, it was decided that it was important to expand this study to collect information which focuses on the experiences of newcomer queer youth in Toronto, as not enough information had been gathered on this population.

To address this question, a research team approach was used, with various researchers assuming different roles. For the research presented here I was responsible for data analysis and I also contributed to the development of the focus group protocol.

Another member of the core research team included a Principle Investigator from the

TRUTH study, who is also the supervisor for this thesis work. This person had a previously existing relationship with a service provider who works closely with QNY in

Toronto and approached him about the possibility of conducting research with this demographic. The service provider agreed and became a co-researcher and later, the key informant for this study. Other members of the research team include a graduate student Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 26

(other than myself) recruited to facilitate focus groups and interviews and a research assistant at Wilfrid Laurier University who assisted with transcribing.

For this study, the original research design centered on conducting focus groups with QNY and basing the analysis on focus group findings alone. Initially, a focus group method was chosen over individual interviews because with the sensitive subject matter, the researchers felt that participants would feel safer and more comfortable discussing issues together in a relaxed group atmosphere. The questions were designed so that participants would not feel pressure to reveal excessive personal information in front of the group. It was felt that if only individual interviews were conducted, participants

(especially those within the refugee claims process) might feel more uncomfortable, nervous or "on trial" in regards to sharing their personal information.

During focus group, strong candidates were identified and it was decided that individual interviews should be conducted with these candidates. For example, although individuals such as Derrick, Adrian and Aamir had opportunities to speak during the focus group it appeared as though they had many more insights into the subject area.

Subsequently, individual interviews were scheduled with these participants. Later,

Nadine was also recruited for an individual interview even though she did not participate in the original focus group. To view the QNY focus group and interview protocol, please see Appendix A.

After data collection with QNY participants, it was decided that the service provider/co-researcher should be interviewed as a key informant. As he is a gay- identified former refugee with over 10 years experience working with QNY, he has a wealth of knowledge about the experiences of QNY and insight into the systemic factors Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 27 that impact their lives. Moreover, because he has been working with QNY for a long period of time, he has an informed perspective about the "typical" or "average" experiences of QNY, including those who are refugee claimants. Therefore, it was decided that interviewing the key informant would add more richness and depth to the data, and also serve as a form of data triangulation to compliment interviews and the focus group with QNY. To view the interview protocol for the key informant, please see

Appendix B.

Dominant Voices. As a result of the decision to conduct follow-up individual interviews with just some participants, much more detailed information was collected from Derrick, Adrian, Aamir and Nadine as opposed to the other participants such as

Sofia, Alexandra, Christopher and Eduardo who only participated in the focus group. As such, the raw transcript data is skewed with an abundance of information from these participants and resultantly, there is an unequal representation of participant quotes in the results section. For example there are 20 quotes from Adrian, 13 from Derrick, 10 from

Alexandra, nine from Nadine, seven from Aamir, seven from Sofia, six from Christopher and just two from Eduardo.

Specifically, quotes from Adrian and Derrick are heavily used because they provided a great deal of information and insight during the focus group and their individual interviews. Individual interviews were also conducted with Nadine and

Aamir. Although their voices are well-represented, some of their experiences were omitted from the results section as they were deemed to be unrepresentative of QNY as a whole. For example, unlike the other participants Aamir is not a refugee claimant, instead he immigrated with his family 10 years prior, then was later disowned when he Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 28 came out in Canada. Nadine's experiences differed significantly when she encountered a great deal of difficulty with her Canadian refugee claim which resulted in spending time in an immigration detention centre.

Additionally, personal characteristics influenced the amount and quality of data collected from each participant. For example, in the focus group, Alexandra and Sofia were more vocal while Eduardo and Christopher were comparatively more quiet, resulting in fewer quotes from Eduardo and Christopher being used. English language capabilities may also have influenced some participants' ability to contribute. For example, Nadine and Sofia appeared to be newer to the English language with more familiar languages being French and Spanish, respectively. In addition, it is in some people's nature to reflect and theorize about the social forces that impact their lives, but for others, this is less important. Therefore, different data collection techniques and different levels of participant reflection and insight are mirrored in how frequently participant quotes are used.

Procedure

The initial focus group with QNY was conducted at a service provision location

(SOY). This location was chosen because it was familiar to all participants, which would help them to feel more comfortable during the focus group. The focus group was co- facilitated by a graduate student and the key informant. The key informant's presence at the focus group was important not only because it helped the participants to feel safe and comfortable, but he also played a role in clarifying research questions for the participants, for example by re-framing the questions and concepts in the focus group protocol into more familiar terms. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 29

The individual interviews with QNY were conducted by the hired graduate student without the presence of the key informant. The interviews occurred in various locations across Toronto such as service provider agencies, public spaces like parks and libraries. Participants in this study chose settings where they felt comfortable. The recruited graduate student also conducted the interview with the key informant.

During the interviews and focus groups, the interviewer assured that participant's confidentiality was protected. Participants filled out demographic information forms but they were not required to provide any identifying information such as their names.

During the focus group, the participants agreed not to discuss any other participants' personal information outside of the focus group setting. Ethical approval to conduct the interviews and focus group was obtained from Wilfrid Laurier University as an expansion of the TRUTH ethics approval.

Data Analysis

In total, six transcripts containing information from QNY and the key informant were analyzed for this study. An in-depth, phenomenological analysis was carried out on each interview and focus group transcript using the analytical method of phenomenological data analysis suggested by Moustakas (1994). In brief, during the analysis, common themes and meanings were identified across interviews. MaxQDA

(Verbi Software, 2010) was used to organize data (interview transcripts) and highlight the significant statements, sentences and quotes that provide an understanding of how the participants experienced the phenomenon. Moustakas (1994) calls this step horizonalization. For each participant, the quotes were grouped into themes that described their experiences to create "participant profiles". Then, the participant profiles Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 30 were compared and a list of common and outstanding themes was generated. The common themes list was used to write a composite description of the phenomenon incorporating both the textural and structural descriptions. These passages describe the essential structures of QNY's experience in Toronto and represent the culminating aspect of this phenomenological research. In the findings section, direct quotes are included to give first person voice to participants' experiences.

A disadvantage of not being directly involved in data collection is the risk of decontextualization wherein the researcher is removed from the immediate context of the original focus group or interview (Corti, Witzel & Bishop, 2005). In transcripts, some contextual information such as tone of voice, body language and facial expression is missing from the data which may cause a researcher to misinterpret what was said.

However, I, as the researcher had access to both transcripts and audio-recordings which helped to mitigate errors associated with decontextualization.

Trustworthiness. To ensure that my interpretations and representation of research participants' experiences was accurate, my findings section was reviewed by my thesis supervisor who had been immersed in the same or a similar data set for the TRUTH study, as well as two additional student researchers who had similarly been immersed in

QNY data. Their reviews assured that my interpretations were in-line with their understandings of QNY experiences, thereby adding a degree of trustworthiness to my findings. As mentioned previously, the interview with the key informant was also a form of data triangulation. As a service provider with over 10 years of experiences working with QNY, he was able to confirm the experiences explained by QNY participants. He also provided a sense of the "average" QNY or QNY refugee experiences and Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 31 occasionally he helped to fill in other essential parts of QNY experiences that may have been missed in our interview/focus group protocol. Together, key information data triangulation and checking findings with other researchers immersed in the same or similar data were steps taken to ensure the trustworthiness of research findings for this thesis.

Transformative Paradigm

As my central role in this research has occurred at the data analysis stage, here I will describe in more detail the paradigm and approach that influenced my analysis. For this study, data analysis was situated within the Transformative Paradigm. According to

Mertens (2009), the transformative paradigm has "emerged as a response to individuals who have been pushed to societal margins throughout history and who are finding a means to bring their voices into the world of research" (p. 3). This type of research is designed to promote inclusion and social justice by challenging potentially oppressive social structures (Barker & Pistrang, 2005; Mertens, 2009). Often, research within the transformative paradigm takes a participatory approach in which members of marginalized communities use their knowledge and experiences to contribute to knowledge production and dissemination. However, the main component of the transformative approach is that it works with marginalized people to critique the status quo and promote social justice and human rights (Mertens, 2009).

A transformative approach is applicable to this study as queer newcomer youth in

Canada may be highly marginalized members of society. As power and privilege, or alternatively marginalization play a role in determining one's ontological stance or perception of what is real, it should be recognized that marginalized people often develop Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 32 a "double vision" which causes them to see more clearly the social inequalities and injustices that remain invisible to people who occupy non-marginalized positions

(Phillips, 2000). QNY in particular, as a result of experiencing oppression outside of and potentially within Canada's borders may have a completely different worldview and take a more critical stance toward society. Therefore it is important for QNY and their allies to bring their experiences to the forefront.

Phenomenological Approach. For this study, a phenomenological approach has been used to explore the experiences of QNY. In a phenomenological study, the researcher seeks to know more about the experiences of individuals in regards to a particular phenomenon and the meanings that they assign to the experiences (Moustakas,

1994). The evidence for phenomenological studies is grounded in first-hand descriptions of experience. The aim of a phenomenological study is to enable deeper understandings through explication of the "essences" of a phenomenon. The essences are themes and structures common to all research participants that are necessary to fully explain and understand the phenomenon (Moustakas, 1994).

Phenomenology: a brief history and philosophical background. The German philosopher, Edward H. Husserl (1859-1938) is commonly regarded as the founder of phenomenology. Husserl aimed to establish phenomenology as a rigorous scientific philosophy capable of grasping essential and universal structures of human consciousness

(Spielberg, 1965). In part, phenomenology was developed in response to the dominant forms of inquiry at the end of the 19th century, which were limited to a world that could only be observed and measured with scientific instruments. Husserl felt that, with human subjects, this type of scientific inquiry involving preconceived experiments and Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 33 measurements were limited in helping us to understand what it means to be fully human

(Van Kamm, 1966). Instead, Husserl's phenomenological approach to knowledge was a return to perceptual experience, reflection, intuition, introspection as ways of learning more about the world and the experiences of others within it (Moustakas, 1994).

Today, there are many variations and forms of phenomenological inquiry, but two principle forms are Transcendental and Hermeneutical phenomenology. Husserl's phenomenology is also known as transcendental phenomenology, which focuses on descriptions of experience that participants provide. Research participants are generally asked to reflect on the phenomenon, as they have lived it. Then the researcher creates detailed descriptions of the phenomenon (in plain language) which helps the reader to fully understand the phenomenon and the meanings the participant has attributed to it.

This is different from hermeneutical phenomenology that relies heavily on the interpretations of the researcher. For this inquiry, Transcendental Phenomenology was used to allow the analysis to focus more on descriptions of the phenomenon provided by the participants and less on the researcher's interpretations.

Transcendental Phenomenology. Moustakas (1994) describes four features that are essential to conducting a Transcendental Phenomenological analysis, they are:

Epoche, Transcendental Phenomenological Reduction, Imaginative Variation and

Synthesis of meanings and essences. The first step is a preparatory phase called Epoche in which the researcher attempts to set aside preconceived notions or biases so that they can approach the data with an open mind. Then, immersed in the data, the researcher uses two "data treatment" steps in which (1) the researcher attempts to provide detailed descriptions of how the phenomenon was experienced by the participants, this is called Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 34 phenomenological reduction and (2) provide descriptions of underlying structural factors which contribute to or cause the phenomenon in question through a process called imaginative variation. The final step is to provide a synthesis of meanings and essences which will help the reader to gain a more full understanding of how the phenomenon was experiences and factors that contribute to it. The synthesis phase can be used as the

"findings" section of the research report. In the following sections, the four parts of

Transcendental Phenomenological analysis, Epoche, Phenomenological Reduction,

Imaginative Variation and Synthesis of Meaning and Essences are described in greater detail.

Epoche. Epoche is a pre-data analysis phase in which the researcher attempts to set aside, or "bracket" his/her prejudgements, biases and preconceived notions about things. This "clearing of consciousness" should occur prior to data analysis to allow the researcher to gaze upon the data freshly and with an open mind. Moustakas (1994) states that "From Epoche we are challenged to create new ideas, new feelings, new awareness and new understandings" (p.86). Engaging in the process of Epoche implores the researcher to look freshly and comprehensively at the data and not scan for information that simply echoes or confirms existing literature on the research topic. During data analysis, Epoche reminds the researcher to suspend judgements about the research participants and instead focus on understanding their experiences from their point of view and creating accurate, textured descriptions.

Phenomenological reduction. Phenomenological Reduction is a step that the researcher uses to systematically analyze the data. In this stage, the researcher engages with the data though "bracketing", wherein the focus of the research (transcripts) is Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 35 placed in brackets and everything else is (supposedly) placed to the side. This is to ensure that the entire analysis is rooted in the research topic and question. During

Phenomenological Reduction, the researcher initially treats every statement in the transcript as having equal value, which is referred to as Horizonalizing. Later, statements that are overlapping or not related to the research question are removed. This leaves only

"horizons" which are descriptive meanings and invariant constituents of the phenomenon

(Moustakas, 1994). The next step involves clustering the horizons into themes and coherent descriptions of how the phenomenon was experienced, also known as a textural description. The aim of Phenomenological reduction is to create a textural description for each participant, then compare and create a composite textural description that describes the phenomenon in terms of textural constituents common to all research participants.

Imaginative variation. Imaginative variation is another "data treatment" as well as a reflective phase in transcendental phenomenological analysis. In this phase, many possible meanings and explanations for the phenomenon are examined and explained reflexively. This involves the use of imagination, varying frames of reference, use polarities, reversals, and approaching the phenomenon from different perspectives

(Moustakas, 1994). The steps of Imaginative Variation are: (a) Vary possible structural meanings that underlie textural meanings, (b) Recognize and choose underlying themes and contexts that best account for the phenomenon, (c) Consider universal structures such as time, space, bodily concerns, materiality, causality, relation to self (alienation) and relation to others (community) that would impact (precipitate) participants feelings and thoughts about the phenomenon, (d) Search for examples that vividly demonstrate invariant structural themes (e.g. racism) and help to develop a structural description of Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 36 the phenomenon. The aim of imaginative variation is to arrive at a structural description of the experience which details underlying and precipitating factors that account for what is being experienced.

Synthesis of meanings and essences. The final step of Transcendental

Phenomenological analysis is creating a synthesis of meanings and essences. Analysis should result in the development of textural descriptions (that describe how the phenomenon was experienced, or "what happened") as well as a structural descriptions

(that explore underlying factors that where necessary for the phenomenon to occur, or

"how it happens"). A synthesis of textural and structural descriptions, which reveals the essences of the phenomenon, should be developed. The synthesis of meanings and essences can be used by the researcher as the "findings" section of the research report.

Ultimately, the Transcendental Phenomenological approach should yield rich descriptions that allow the reader to understand the phenomenon on both intellectual and emotional levels (Moustakas, 1994).

Researcher Reflexivity

I became motivated to conduct research with QNY after attending a conference on urban youth and sexual health in Toronto in March of 2010. At the conference I met a woman originally from South America who is an activist for queer rights in Toronto. At the conference she expressed concern about QNY in Toronto and she was appalled by the lack of attention given to QNY in the research world. She criticized the attention that

Canadian people, media, politicians and researchers pay to queer issues which she considers to be of less importance such as sexual health education and same sex marriage. Although I believe that these issues are also important, I was struck by her Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 37 logic that the stories of QNY need to be told to expose the reality of life and death consequences for QNY both inside and out of Canadian national borders. As a result I have become motivated to gain a more compassionate understanding of the experiences and struggles of QNY which woefully remain invisible from public consciousness and are under-represented in Canadian research.

As a white, lesbian, Canadian-born citizen, I have some characteristics that place me as an "insider" and some that place me as an "outsider" in relation to this study on the experiences of QNY. As a white person, I may not be able to fully appreciate racism as it exists in Canada; as a Canadian-born citizen I do not have the experience of going through immigration or refugee processes; and as a person who grew up in rural Nova

Scotia, my experiences living in or around the Toronto area are limited. However, as a youth who has recently experienced "coming out", and who has lived as a women and contemplated issues of gender identity, I feel that I have gained a perspective that will allow me to comprehend and explain experiences of

QNY in Toronto in a sensitive and compassionate manner and be an ally when representing the stories of QNY.

Dissemination Strategy

Consistent with the Transformative paradigm which aims to challenge existing structures and aide social change processes, I will aim to disseminate knowledge from this study in a practical and applied manner. The results from this study will first be disseminated to the key informant in Toronto and the community organization he works with. Then, I will work on disseminating this information to other community organizations that serve queer youth in Toronto and across Canada. The information Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 38 learned from this study may also be disseminated in the academic community by publishing papers and attending conferences. Finally, I will make efforts to disseminate research results to policy makers across Canada. For policy makers, results from the study will likely be condensed into a few short, key findings.

Findings

In the findings and discussion sections, samples of the data have been summarized to reflect participants' "lives prior to migrating to Canada" and the

"expectations and realities" for their new lives in Toronto. The first section provides context for why participants chose to flee their countries of origin and leads into the second section which describes their hopes and expectations for support, opportunity and acceptance and how this compares to their realities of day to day life in Toronto.

Specifically, "Life in Canada: Expectations and Realities" is divided into three sub­ categories that describe participants' expectations and experiences with (a) the Canadian refugee claims process (b) pursuing employment and "upward mobility" in Toronto and

(c) finding acceptance regardless of their race, ethnicity, religion and importantly, their sexuality.

Life Prior to Canada

The participants in this study hail from countries of origin where their health, safety or even their lives were threatened because of their sexual orientation. Because participants come from countries with varying cultural, religious and political contexts, the experiences and dangers they faced are not uniform. However, all participants explained that they felt an acute sense of danger and/or discomfort knowing that they are non-heterosexual and living in a country where homophobia is much more rooted as a Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 39 cultural norm, compared to Canada. QNY's experiences with homophobic persecution in their countries of origin ranged from being afraid to "come out" due to religion, culture, politics and laws that support and sanction homophobia, to experiencing homophobic violence.

Some participants spoke of predominant religious beliefs in their countries of origin that condemn homosexuality as preventing them from "coming out":

Like I knew when I was like seven that I was gay and like I said before we lived in a small village and it was claustrophobic and very religious and like I knew that I couldn't come out there. (Aamir, 26, Pakistan)

Because I'm brought up in a very religious family, so homosexuality is a sin right? [I: right] So I'm like, oh I cannot be liking a girl right? As opposed to like a guy... Yeah for Catholics being homosexual, it's a sin. (Alexandra, 26, Ecuador)

Some participants also described ways in which violence and specifically homophobic violence are entrenched or even "normalized" aspects of life in their countries of origin. For example, Derrick explains that in Jamaica, random homophobic attacks are common:

Each time I walk and I hear a cycle, I hear a cyclist behind me, I get nervous. Because one of the things too, a lot of the they the persons who create, who do these acts [homophobic attacks in Jamaica], tend to ride on cycles, right so they come behind you and they attack you, they even stab you in the back of the neck, or because you walk a certain way, or you behave a certain way, or because you don't associate with them, they feel as if you are gay. (Derrick, 24, Jamaica)

He also provided another example of how assumptions of homosexuality based on preferred style of clothing can also spur a homophobic "mob" attack.

A couple of times, we have incidents where people mob guys because a guy is going to the store....so one person would probably see a group of guys going into a store to buy close-fitted pants right, coloured... 'Oh these guys buying ladies' pants you know run out of the store, there's a group of Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 40

guys out there, inside here buying ladies' pants and then you hear shouting - people keep echoing and then you see this group of persons coming, rushing the store mashing up the store just to get these few guys who buying tight-fitted pants. [I: bashing them?] Yeah, beating them and hitting them and stabbing them. (Derrick, 24, Jamaica)

Adrian, also from Jamaica, confirms the necessity of conforming to culturally accepted ways of performing masculinity in order to avoid suspicion of being gay:

Back home, like I would always dress like this thug, like I would always be wearin' baggy jeans, baggy shirts, certain- you have- in Jamaica you have to have a certain look for you not to be suspected as being gay. (Adrian, 25, Jamaica)

As evidenced from the previous examples, in places such as Jamaica, it is essential for gay men such as Derrick and Adrian to keep their same sex attractions well-hidden by conforming to culturally accepted ways of being male.

Some participants recounted friends or partners who have directly experienced violent homophobic attacks in their country of origin. For example, Adrian describes an incident that led him to want to leave Jamaica:

Well um, the main reason why I came here is um, back home [in Jamaica] I had a boyfriend, we were together for three years, and um it so happened that he was beaten- because um, they suspected him to be gay because he's like, a bit effeminate. (Adrian, 25, Jamaica)

As an even more tragic example of homophobic violence, the interviewer in the following excerpt is following up with Nadine about her partner in Burundi having been murdered:

Interviewer: And, so um, I'm hesitant to ask you, so please feel free to say no, but you said your partner was killed in Burundi, [Nadine: mhm], so was that around homophobia?

Nadine: Yes Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 41

Interviewer: Okay, that's my only question because, um, I'm sure that's upsetting.

Nadine: hmm..., yeah

Nadine confirmed that her partner had been murdered due to her sexuality, but it is clear that she did not wish to discuss this topic any further. Sadly, Derrick also had a story to tell about the loss of his friend, an activist in Jamaica who was kidnapped and killed because of his sexual orientation, political action and promotion of HIV/AIDS education:

Yeah, he was an activist too, right. He had this group that was more like, gearing youths for the political movement and as well he was also an AIDS worker too right. And, he was flaming, he was a flamer [effeminate, openly gay], right, so. I guess over time we, you know we have seen it cause he had gotten lots of threatening letters and you know, people decided to come in front of him at times to sort of beat him up and stuff so um. (quietly) One time I guess they kidnapped him, right and you couldn't find him for like two, three days and then when they found him his body was all dismembered and all that in an open lot. (Derrick, 24, Jamaica)

As can be seen from the previous examples, many of the youth in this study have had their lives deeply impacted by homophobic attacks and loss associated with deaths due to homophobic violence. These tragic instances, in addition to causing emotional pain and fear, also confirm the necessity of leaving their country of origin in order to safeguard their own lives.

Life in Canada: Expectations and Realities

QNY in this study recounted arriving in Canada alone, not knowing what to expect, but hoping for a chance to start a new life. They are arriving in Canada as young people with complicated and difficult personal histories, but like all young people, they have hope that their futures will be brighter. The reputation of Canada (and Toronto in particular) as being multicultural and queer-friendly with supportive programs for Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 42 newcomers and opportunities for employment and education, may give QNY the hope that filing for refugee status in Canada and settling in Toronto is perhaps their best chance at starting a new and successful life.

Expectations and Realities: Canada's Immigration and Refugee Systems. As all QNY participants in this study experienced homophobic persecution or oppression in their countries of origin, many are in the process of seeking out refugee protection in

Canada based on their sexual orientation. Many have heard positive reviews of Canada and Toronto, including that there are supportive programs and systems in place to assist newcomers/refugees transition into Canadian life. Participants spoke about this factor as motivating them to choose Canada and Toronto over other possible destinations. For example, Nadine commented, "Um, I-1 just know when I came, uh, before I came I heard that like refugees were well take-taken care of." Similarly, Adrian commented: "I think they have really creative programs, especially for newcomers to Canada. I think uhm that's one of the major pluses when I sort of did my research for other countries who have the programs in terms of refugees." Derrick added that compared to the United

States, Canada's programs for newcomers and refugees seem to be more supportive:

[The refugee system in Canada] it's like a road map. I mean all of these things in the platter, cause if you go into I think if you go to the States right now, or other countries, I don't think they go to that extra mile to provide all those little things to say 'ok if you want to do this you go here, or we'll assist you in terms of going there' sort of thing.

Therefore, Canada's reputation for having supportive systems and programs in place for newcomers and refugees was a major reason why some participants choose Canada over other possible destinations. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 43

As a result of actually going through the Canadian refugee system, participants found that in some ways, the system is supportive, and in line with their expectations. For example, participants were thankful for government financial aid to assist with legal fees and social assistance to support their costs of living:

It's really good that like the government, like- in the whole refugee thing, I've paid like one cent. My lawyer- the government pays for that. Legal aid. For my medical, to apply for my, um, refugee stat- to apply for refugee status, everything was free- well, it's not free, the government is paying for it. So yeah. (Adrian, 25, Jamaica)

Adrian also noted that some aspects of the Canadian immigration/refugee process are efficient and streamlined. For example, he spoke about the relative ease he experienced in getting his work and study permits:

Once you have, um, been approved as a refugee then you can go ahead and apply for a work permit or a study permit. And the process is not really hard because I did it in one day. Yeah, I applied for my work permit um, I sent it in and then I called immigrations um, I said okay I need to go back to school, what do I need? They said that simply get an acceptance letter from a school saying that "yes, you're gonna attend this school" and then send it in with the application form for your study permit and that was it. Within like two weeks I got both work and study permit.

Therefore, some QNY experiences such as receiving social assistance, legal aid and easily obtaining work and study permits give credence to the reputation that Canada has supportive systems for newcomers.

Discrimination within Canada's refugee system. Although some supports exist for refugees, participants also talked about negative and unexpected experiences with the refugee process. For example, many participants described instances of discrimination perpetrated against them by workers in the refugee system. For example, Eduardo, 28, from Mexico describes feeling very vulnerable upon arriving in Canada, and when he Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 44 went to various charitable organizations and services in place to support newcomers, he was disheartened to experience racist assumptions and a sense of superiority emanating from some of the employees of these organizations:

Because the first people that you talk to, when you don't know anything about anything here and you just came here and you need help and sometimes they treat you in a different way because they think you are like, I don't know, maybe they think, they have this idea of 'all of Mexicans are in this way' or 'all of them lie' or something like that, so you can feel it, right from the beginning. And it's hard.

In another example, Sofia, 26, and also from Mexico, felt judged by a doctor (who she was referred to through the immigration process) who questioned the validity of her refugee claim:

In my- when I was refugee, immigration saying you have to do some medical stuff and when I went to one of the doctors he told me, like what would you lie-like 'what was your lie' meaning like, what do you lie about?

Other participants presumed the doctor was questioning that she lied about her sexuality, but Sofia explained she felt his scepticism was because he did not believe that Mexico has enough political problems to warrant claiming refugee status:

Sofia: It's not about LGBT, it's more about discrimination, it's more about refugee. Interviewer: Safety in Mexico. Like, "Why are you lying to say that you're not safe?" Sofia: Exactly.

In addition, some participants reported negative experiences with their caseworkers assigned to them through refugee process. For example, Derrick felt that his initial caseworker was highly homophobic:

My first caseworker, she was like this bitch, meaning that when I went to her right and I did my things, my intake with her. One of the questions she asked me, and I don't think she should have asked me this question, was Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 45

the questions that she asked me is that "what's my reason"- because she saw the paper, the refugee ID thing, and she's like to me "What's my reason for claiming refugee." So I said, "Being gay", and I heard her CLEARLY and I was gonna ask her "what did you say?", or said to her that I wanted to speak to her supervisor. She sort of turned her back and I heard she sort of said something like, she said, "fucking faggot". (Denick, 24, Jamaica)

In further experiences with this case worker, Derrick suspected that some of her hostility toward him may have been based on the interaction of his race and sexuality:

I think that being black, and saying that you're queer, people don't expect a black queer person to come in, especially a man to come in and say, 'oh he's um he's seeking refugee because he's gay", because people, most people have this notion to say ok black men should be the hardest. Should be the hardest and strongest persons in the world, right? So they should be coming to say oh they're running from this sort of activity. Right, or you know, running from people per se. (Derrick, 24, Jamaica)

Specifically, he feels that she, like other people, has difficulty accepting that black men can be gay and would need to seek asylum in another country because of it.

Difficulties with seeking asylum based on sexual orientation. In addition to discrimination and a general sense of being judged or looked down upon by workers in the immigration/refugee system, technical aspects of the refugee process such as filling out the proper documentation and undergoing a formal hearing in front of the

Immigration and Refugee Board is foreign and emotionally challenging for QNY. In particular, QNY face unique circumstances and challenges because their claim is based on their sexual orientation. For example, the key informant who has worked closely with

QNY for over 10 years describes how even the first step in the process - filling out the

Personal Information Form can be challenging and painful for QNY:

[in the personal information form] you have to talk about and articulate, IN ENGLISH, um the, the story of your abuse, the things of homophobia that you went through, sometimes rape, sexual abuse, all these things with Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 46

your family and friends and community and I mean, let alone the difficulty of just saying that to anybody, even a friend or a counsellor or something, now you have to do it on a paper that you know that total strangers are actually going to see it. (Key Informant)

Additionally, the key informant explains that for QNY, talking about their sexual orientation, especially to government officials is very intimidating:

First of all, I mean, they come here, and they don't know what the process looks like. Right, and they are told 'you need to go and start this process and... based on your sexuality'. Um, one of the FIRST things they do is go in front of an officer during an interview to talk about this. Now these are people who probably lived through their life um with this big fear of being exposed as being queer. Um, and coming out is still a big issue for them and any institution, anything with authority is homophobic based on where they come from. So they go there to an officer, and an official government institution and they want to talk about their story and they want to talk openly about being gay. So that's REALLY intimidating. (Key Informant)

Proving queemess. For QNY applying for refugee status, the stages after filling out your Personal Information Form involve gathering evidence to "prove" that they are gay which poses a danger to them in their country of origin. While some participants felt this requirement was reasonable others found that need to "prove their queemess" placed them in an uncomfortable or vulnerable position, or encouraged them to "perform" queemess in ways that are not true to who they are.

Problematized aspects of the queer refugee process include the regulation of how

QNY are to behave and "be" in Canada. For example, in the following excerpt,

Alexandra expresses discomfort with how the refugee system essentially "forces" QNY to be publicly "out" in Canada, for example by doing mandatory volunteer hours with

LGBTQ organizations in Toronto:

Alexandra, 26, Ecuador: I think that they basically expose- or they basically assume that you're out to everyone and they make you do that. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 47

Interviewer: So what does that mean?

Alexandra, 26, Ecuador: So let's say you're not out to anybody, but you're here silent in your process and it's just you. But then suddenly because you want to stay here and you have to go to an organization that deals with LGBTQ people and then everybody starts recognizing you as an LGBTQ member so it's basically they push you to come out of the closet.

As Alexandra explains, such requirements force people into psychologically uncomfortable spaces of needing to be publicly "out of the closet" in order for their claim to be taken seriously.

Additionally, the IRB hearing - the culminating and most critical part of the refugee process - is another instance where QNY are often forced into uncomfortable spaces of having to "perform" a specific queer identity. After waiting 1-2 years or more for their hearing to occur, the outcome of the IRB hearing will determine whether QNY can stay in Canada and apply for permanent resident status. To prepare for the hearing, some QNY are advised to appear "more gay". For example, Adrian describes "Well actually my lawyer told me that I did not look gay", he adds, '"cause when I just came here I still had that Jamaican look, like, I need to convince the lawyer that I'm gay".

Adrian was surprised and taken-aback by the advice that he should look and act "more gay". He describes resistance to changing his behaviours and appearance to prove his identity: "I'm not changing. I'm me and I don't think I have to dress a certain way to be gay, I know I am gay." The key informant adds that having to prove an identity is trying on a person:

Mostly is the thing around your identity and how to prove your identity and going again and feeling that you're um, you're just you're just not good enough the way you are and you have to work so hard to show something that you don't usually show everyday life, like even when it comes down to dressing up differently and having a different demeanour Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 48

and the court wanting to show that you're what the stereotypical gay image is.

As part of Canada's IRB processes for queer asylum, the required volunteer hours with

LGBT organizations and suggestions to conform to normative "Western" images of queemess may suggest to QNY that there are limited accepted ways for people to be queer in Canada - ways which make them identifiable to others.

Expectation and Realities: Opportunities for Upward Mobility. Apart from reputation and expectations related to supportive programs and systems for refugees in

Canada, QNY had also heard that Canada, and Toronto in particular, were places that could provide educational and employment opportunities for newcomers. For example,

Derrick explains: "when I came here, I came originally on a scholarship right? So I, my main focus was mostly, um, to go to school", similarly, Christopher, aged 26 from St.

Vincent and Alexandra, 26 from Ecuador comment: "like education. I also see it maybe as a way out, I can probably (afford) my education, go to college, find a job and basically be able to live a new life" and "I just thought that Canada is a good country that I can study in, and I can like be professional." Nadine adds, "So I decided to come here like because of the reason I say, like I knew about refugees, I heard many, many of youth who came here from Burundi like they were well established and then have the place to be."

Aamir summarized why newcomers are excited by the possibility of living in Canada because, "there are more opportunities, easier to like uhm like socially go uphill or whatever, social mobility, access to education." Therefore, for most participants, part of their motivation to come to Canada was based on the promise of economic and educational opportunities. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 49

Among the participants, Derrick is unique as he is the only person who reported positive experiences seeking employment and realizing his hopes and expectations for

Canada. He explains that his employment opportunities have stemmed from being able to obtain a work permit and find jobs through volunteer experience:

For me to um, getting my work permit and volunteering with different organizations...I've gotten a lot um employment gigs, right?....So I would say that you know the opportunity just came you know, just keep rolling out and being here you know getting that support and all that. People felt, like confident working with me and getting me to do stuff for them and to also be a part of their organization.

He adds:

So I would say I am very privileged being here because a lot of persons who say 'oh he's just a newcomer so why the hell I'm going to offer this newcomer um employment opportunity well while there are other people here who have status, say you know permanent residents or citizens and they could probably do the job better, why the hell give a newcomer who I- they basically do not know and has not been in the country for at least a year, why would I want to take a risk with that person?'

Therefore, Derrick is happy and somewhat surprised that people have put their trust in him and have provided him with employment opportunities.

Other participants have experienced more difficulties obtaining employment, mainly due to their refugee status. Nearly all participants commented that it is difficult for refugees to find jobs in Canada because their assigned Social Insurance (SI) number identifies them as non-citizens or permanent residents to potential employers because SI numbers attached to temporary work permits always start with the number nine.

Specifically, participants felt that their SI number identified them as refugees to potential employers. For example, Adrian explains, "Yeah I'm looking at job, but it's so hard to find a job here because we go back to the whole work permit beginning with nine." Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 50

Many of the participants recognized that this creates the potential for refugees to be exploited in the job market. For example, as Sofia and Alexandra explain, if an employer knows that an applicant is a refugee, they may offer a job, but only if the refugee applicant is willing to work for less than minimum wage:

Sofia: It's difficult to find a job because in the SIN number, the refugee people have a different number. So they know that you're a refugee, sometimes they abuse and they pay less than how- Alexandra: minimum wage? Sofia: Yes minimum wage

Interviewer: So employers can take advantage of you because they can see what your status is when you apply for the job?

Alexandra: yes

The key informant explains that refugees will often take these jobs because they need the money. In addition, they are less likely to go to the police about their employer's abuse of power because they are afraid of deportation, which could result from their involvement with any illegal activity. Consequently, they feel a need to avoid confrontations with the law and the immigration and refugee systems at all costs:

You're not going to go complain or something because you're still a refugee claimant, you still feel that you're very vulnerable you don't want anything to affect your record or your case, you're still afraid of the system, you're not going to go and tell someone on this employer, so you end up doing that [taking the job] right? (Key Informant)

The key informant adds that refugees are often abused in workplaces for example: "You end up they ask you to work extra hours, do all this other stuff that's unfair."

Another employment barrier that QNY youth encounter is a lack of "Canadian work experience" which is often required in order to be seriously considered as a job applicant. For example, Christopher explains: "I think things you just see as barriers for Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 51 new immigrants, like a lot of times you know; they require experience, or Canadian experience." Adrian adds:

I'm not sure if, yeah the refugee thing, I'm not sure if that's like the main problem for me, I think the main problem, I've been on two interviews and for me the most frustrating question in the interview is, have you ever worked in Canada? Because, as I said before I've worked in advertising for three years, I have worked in customer service for two, I am not seeing what the big deal is if I have the experience from Jamaica or in Canada. So, I know I can do the job but like....

Adrian expressed frustration and a sense of unfairness regarding the barriers and discrimination he faces as a refugee claimant looking for work in Toronto:

And to me, if you're new in a country, how are you going to get Canadian experience if somebody don't give you a chance to show what you can do? And experience is experience, it shouldn't matter what country you come from and it's not like you're applying a job that's totally different from what you're used to...

He adds that "if you don't have Canadian education and don't have Canadian work experience, that's two strikes against you" which further decreases refugee or newcomer's chances of finding employment in Canada. Christopher talked about how employment discrimination against newcomers is all too common in Canada:

Yeah well because a lot of times I think people are qualified for jobs and they don't get it. You know you find people that have their degrees in this or that and they're first into doing jobs that are, you know, that don't require any skills. You see that a lot in Canada.

Other participants commented that the refugee claims process as a whole is a major barrier in the realization of their "Canadian Dream" for employment and education opportunities and upward social mobility. Specifically, Adrian explains that it takes too long to process refugee claims and he feels "trapped" because as long as his claim is still being processed, he will continue to experience employment barriers. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 52

This immigration process, I think is just WAY too long, not the process, the like initially waiting for your hearing. I think it's just way too long to ask someone to put their life on hold for two years or more. Because basically my life is on hold. Obviously I can't afford to go to college, like (clears throat) I have to wait until I'm a landed immigrant to like get assistance to go to college, that's basically what I'm waiting for. Because I'm not working, I can't get a job, I could be going to school, I've been here almost like, October's going to make one year, I -1 could've finished almost one year of college now, so like I know you can't do anything about it, I'm just saying it's just like, FRUSTRATING. (Adrian, 25, Jamaica)

Adrian adds that being unable to find work has led him to feel unhappy and disappointed with his life in Canada:

Yeah, I could be working or going to school. I'm not working I can't find a job; you think I just want to sit down, wake up every morning and watch Oprah? No. I want to do something and feel productive.

Consequently, he is considering returning to Jamaica in order to work:

There's times I contemplate going back to Jamaica. Because back home I was in a really DAMN GOOD job like, I had everything- only thing I didn't have, the FREEDOM to live my life. Like, I was getting a good salary 'cause I worked for um, this advertising company and like, I would get to meet like so-called celebrities well, Jamaicans, right? And like I would go to all these like different functions, I'd meet different people, networking- stuff like that, you know? And I'd been working there for four years and like, to have that sense of your within an organization and you're working towards going up that ladder towards something better, you know, there is chances of you getting promoted to a better, um department, better paying job, everything else. (Adrian, 25, Jamaica)

Adrian is well aware that he would face more danger in Jamaica and would have to worry about constantly concealing part of his identity, but at least he would have employment opportunities which would allow him to lead more dignified life.

Other QNY refugee claimants do not have the option of returning to their country of origin because they are too afraid of what might happen to them there. Instead, some Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 53

QNY must remain "stuck" within a system in Canada that denies them opportunities to work, study or move forward with their lives. For example, Nadine expresses her hopelessness in the following quote:

I'm just hopeless, actually, I feel like there is no need to be happy anymore, there is no need to enjoy life anymore. Because I don't see what I like doing, like I don't see who really what am I and what am I doing here...

She goes on to explain that much of her hopelessness is tied to her inability to move forward. As her first refugee claim was denied, she currently has no paperwork or legal status in Canada. Therefore she cannot legally work, access social assistance or attend school. Nadine feels that each time she attempts to improve her life, for example by trying to obtain the proper paperwork, her requests are always denied, "because everything I do, like I said, it's a no, A DENY A DENY A DENY." Nadine describes how instead of offering opportunity, life in Canada has taken away her hopes and dreams:

I imagined that coming in Canada I will have to continue my education uh means that I will go to university like uh, other youth. And I will have- not really living in a shelter like what I am in now. And it would not just destroy my dreams and my hopes. Because for now, I find that I'm nothing anymore.

Overall, there appears to be a mismatch between Toronto's reputation and QNY's lived realities, particularly those related to better expectations for education and employment opportunities. Due to systemic barriers such as SI numbers that identify them as temporary workers, it is very difficult for QNY refugee claimants to find jobs in

Canada. When they do find work, they are often overqualified for the job or put into vulnerable positions where they may be taken advantage of by the employer.

Consequently, some QNY consider returning to their country of origin. Alternatively, they must stay in Canada and hope that things will get better while living with a deep Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 54 sense of disappointment or even hopelessness that they are not able to experience success or move forward with their lives.

Expectations and Realities: Finding Acceptance and Diversity in Toronto. In addition to the perception that Canada offers educational and employment opportunities for newcomers, there is a perception among QNY that Canada is a nation that accepts and embraces diversity. In addition to embracing racial, ethnic, cultural and religious diversity, Canada also has an international reputation for accepting sexual diversity, as it is one of the few countries in the world that has advanced human rights protections for lesbians and gay men as well as sanctioned legal status for same sex marriage. There is a perception, however, that compared to other countries, Canada could be described as a

"Homo Haven" that is safe and accepting for queer people. In particular, Toronto is internationally known as a city that has adopted diversity (including that based on sexual orientation) as part of its civic identity, and as such, has attracted a large LGBT population from both within and outside of Canada (Graham & Phillips, 2007).

Perhaps as a consequence of these common perceptions about Canada and

Toronto, QNY expressed expectations related to greater freedom and acceptance for their lives in Canada. One reason that some participants chose to come to Canada was because of the perception that Canada is multicultural and they would not experience discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion or country of origin. For example,

Alexandra explains that she chose to come to Canada as opposed to Spain because she felt it was more non-discriminatory and multicultural:

In Ecuador there were a lot of people you know going to the States like in immigration right? And they found Spain, 'cause it's the same language, it's the Euro it's more affordable, so lots of people were going to Spain, but I did hear that, like, that it's more discrimination, even the way you Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 55

speak. If it's the same language, like Spanish. There's more discrimination there than here and Canada is considered more like non-discriminatory in that way, more multicultural.

Primarily, however, participants had hope for their lives in Canada based on the knowledge that Canada and specifically its large cities like Toronto are accepting of sexual diversity. For example, Christopher comments "Well for me, I thought like probably freedom in a sense, compared to back home. Uhm, I'll be able to live like a more free life, I'll be able to explore myself more." Adrian adds that the lack of freedom for queer individuals in Jamaica did not make it hard for him to leave. To him, the possibility of same sex marriage is a key exemplar of freedom and acceptance for queer people in Canada:

It wasn't really hard to leave Jamaica, like, the reason why I came here because I can be free; I can be who I am. If I am with a guy and we decide that we want to take it to another level, it's possible. Like, I can get married to my partner here, back home we don't have that option, so like, just a sense of freedom and being who I want to be. That's the main reason why I came here.

Acceptance of sexual diversity in Toronto. In some ways, and in comparison to their countries of origin, the perception that Canada is accepting of sexual diversity holds true to QNY's experiences living in Toronto. For example, while Alexandra did not initially come to Canada based on reasons related to sexual diversity, she decided to stay for this reason: "Yeah then I decided to stay, like to live here, because uhm it's more acceptable of me, than back home." Additionally, Adrian describes the initial culture shock he felt upon arriving in Canada and observing Torontonians' acceptance toward queemess:

When I just came here um, it's funny like, I took a train from the airport (laughs) to my friend's house and I was on the train that-that was like the Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 56

first-first day in Canada and, there um were two guys on the train, two black guys and they're Jamaican based on their accent, and just how they were talking, on the train, I knew that they were gay and like, NO ONE EVEN LOOKED AT THEM, no one gave them a, gave them a glance or anything and I was like, WHOA, THIS IS LIKE, REALLY DIFFERENT because, you know? I realized that here people don't really... people are living their lives, they have no time to like, look behind them and look who is behind them, what they're doing, how they're dressed, how they speak, it's just completely- it's like a, like you're in a completely different world to be honest.

Adrian noted disbelief that the two men on the train did not take the time disguise or monitor the way they dress, speak or behave to be more heterosexual and no one seemed to care or pay any attention to their behaviour. To him, Torontonians' acceptance toward queemess, especially among Jamaican men is an indicator of freedom.

Organizational supports. In addition, many participants feel that Canada is a

"Homo Haven" because of all the organizations and even churches that are geared towards supporting and being inclusive to the queer community. Many participants felt that support from such organizations has been important in their own lives and has aided their transition into life in Toronto. In the following focus group excerpt, the participants describe how various support services and the queer-friendly Metropolitan Community

Church (MCC) has been helpful to them since arriving in Canada:

Christopher, 26 Jamaica: Yeah compared to home, it's different here, 'cause like you said there's a lot of like support groups and that sort of thing you can go to and feel comfortable.

Sofia, 26, Mexico: And also in the MCC community

[Several participants say 'yeah']

Interviewer: Sorry the what?

Key Informant: The metropolitan community church. The gay church [participants laugh] Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 57

Sofia, 26, Mexico: If I compare it with my country, yes I find a lot of things here, the 519, Sherboume Centre for LGBT community. So for me, I receive a lot of help, psychological help too, because sometimes when you are new, you don't know how to deal with everything because-

Interviewer: it's all new-

Sofia, 26, Mexico: Yeah exactly

Others noted that Supporting Our Youth (SOY), an organization that supports queer youth in Toronto with a special mandate of serving newcomer queer youth, was crucial in helping them adjust and settle into life in Toronto. For example, in the following quote,

Derrick articulates his gratitude especially in regard to education/training, housing, general information about Toronto and volunteer opportunities that he received at SOY:

So coming here and going through the system, the LGBTQ community, the first place I came was here in [SOY], and [Key Informant] and a few other coordinators help me through, walked me through the whole system in terms of, where do I go if I want um to do training in a particular area. Where do I go if I want to look about housing? Um, where do I go if I want to um, to entertain myself? You know these are the.. .information was provided and it sort of helped me through, and even to the point where I- where the volunteer piece came in and they gave me a list of place who you consider as safe spaces for LGBTQ persons to go and volunteer, right? (Derrick, 24, Jamaica)

In addition, participants commented that general awareness and responsiveness to homophobia in institutions such as schools and law enforcement also contributes to

Canada's reputation as a safe and accepting place for queer newcomers:

Well even in my school, well I find that in every school, I think, there is an LGBTQ department so if you feel discriminated against, boom you can go there and you can find people to help you out and they give also, not like a class but you know they do meetings...Yeah, workshops and all that (Alexandra, 26, Ecuador)

Others noted that police responsive to homophobia is something that is very different than in their countries of origin: Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 58

I would say it's 95% [Homo Haven] because if- I'm sure, you can't go everywhere in Canada and not get bashed...But at least if you...get bashed and get attacked, you can always go report it to the police...But in Jamaica, there's no such thing, the police will beat you (Derrick, 24, Jamaica)

He commented that while gay-bashing can still happen in Canada, it is comforting to know that that at least there are laws in place to protect queer people and persecute bashers. Therefore, the QNY in this study might conclude that aspects of the culture in

Toronto as well as services and laws in place to support and protect queer people support

Canada's reputation as a "Homo Haven".

Acceptance in Toronto is place-dependent. However, despite Canada and

Toronto's overall characterization as a "Homo Haven" many participants commented that this label is not appropriate for all areas of Toronto. Many spoke about how feeling safe and accepted in a large city like Toronto is often place-dependent. For example, Aamir described how he feels safe able to be openly gay in downtown Toronto, but he would be more concerned about his safety as a gay man in other areas of the city:

I wouldn't say that [Toronto] it's a haven all the time. And I think it depends where you are. Like living downtown it's a lot easier, but I would be afraid to hold my boyfriend's hand in [suburb] , you know, I would never do that. So that's still an issue of safety. And just growing up in [suburb], like when I was living there, it was a lot, I didn't feel safe, like even just going to school. (Aamir, 25, Pakistan)

Alexandra also noted a distinct difference in cultural acceptance of same-sex displays of affection in the downtown area as compared to other places in the city:

Even just going to the West, where I used to live in... And there were people actually looking when we were holding hands. And if you're in downtown, nobody looks, like nobody cares, but I think when you get far, like they do care, like they do look back. Or on the TTC [Toronto Transit Commission] sometimes. (Alexandra, 26, Ecuador) Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 59

Unlike Aamir, Alexandra did not report feeling that her safety was compromised outside of the downtown area. Instead, she perceives public judgement in certain spaces in

Toronto if she is affectionate with a same sex partner.

Derrick agrees that some neighbourhoods in Toronto seem to have higher levels of homophobia than others:

You would have reservations though for certain areas, to be honest, there are certain areas that you (laughs) you possibly WOULDN'T JUST GO THERE AND SAY 'oh, I'm a gay, I'm a gay, I'm a gay' because um these areas you have to recognize that people still bring their cultural things into that space right? Especially for the Jane and Finch area, really that area the west end part ah a lot of people there tend to be from the Caribbean right? And they still bring their, the Caribbean mentality with them. Right? Which is homophobia.

Derrick feels that higher levels of homophobia may be present in neighbourhoods densely populated with new immigrants who may bring homophobic cultural beliefs with them to

Canada. Similarly, Nadine commented that she is more likely to experience homophobia among other people from African diasporas as opposed to the general Toronto population:

Interviewer: In Toronto are you experiencing any homophobia?

Nadine: mm, yeah, uh mostly with um, African people. Even if they are here, um, I know uh like even if they are here, you, you have to be careful with whom you are speaking with, and you cannot just say, oh you know, I'm this. Yeah, the people from Africa, even if they are here, they still not open at all.

Perhaps as a consequence, many QNY tend to avoid their diasporic communities in

Toronto (as is evidenced by a general absence of discussion about interactions with their cultural/ethnic communities in the focus group and interviews.) Instead, it seems as Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 60 though the majority of participants' interactions with other Torontonians tend to be more centered on interactions within queer communities.

Interactions with Queer Communities in Toronto, In contrast to the idea that

Toronto is a "Homo Haven" where QNY would find acceptance, many reported feeling excluded where they expected to find the most acceptance - within the queer communities in Toronto.

In some instances, QNY in this study feel that they have been rejected in the queer community by Canadian-bom people. Some have had experiences in the queer culture which suggest that Canadian-bom youth are not welcoming to newcomers:

Sofia: And it's difficult to be part of that community of LGBT Canadians,

it's difficult to-

Aamir: to feel like you're part of-

Sofia Yes, to be part of them.

Interviewer: Why is it difficult? Everybody can answer

Christopher: I think that it's because it's their country and they're Canadian but we are immigrants and that it's not really our country, it's theirs still.

Others perceived that Canadian bom youth feel that QNY do not have the right to be here:

Actually like seven or eight months ago, because I used to go to one of these clubs...and a guy from there after the meeting he told me 'why are you here? Why are you in Canada? Why are you in my country?', just like this and I was like 'because I wanna be free'. And then I stopped to talk to him, but I didn't feel comfortable at all. (Eduardo, 28, Mexico)

Eduardo adds that Canadian bom youth make it seem as though "they think you are less than them" which justifies poor treatment or non-acceptance of QNY. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 61

In addition to exclusion and feeling lesser than Canadians because of newcomer or refugee status, QNY also talked about not fitting in with Canadian queer youth because of differing cultural values. Some participants were critical of Canadian queer youth culture which seems to be centered on sex, fashion, partying and overall consumerism. For example, Adrian comments, "For like, 70% of the gay community, I think being gay is about having sex and fashion (laughs)". He adds that image is a big part of the gay culture as "It's about wearing a certain designer brand, it's um going to certain places, certain particular clubs, ummm... being a certain size, 'cause they're all obsessed with being skinny." Aamir adds that:

I find like overall, the general LGBTQ community to be very commercial. Uhm and very much based on commodity fetishism I would say. And it's basically like if you look at Church Street it's so gentrified now, even like when I came out it wasn't like that. So I don't really relate to it that much. I mean even if-1 am working class, but even if I wasn't I find it kind of-1 feel like there's more to being gay than just buying pretty clothes, you know? And I find it really sad that that's what a lot of queer youth must think now, that that's what it means to be gay. (Aamir, 25, Pakistan)

Adrian talked about how differing values can create barriers to dating or forming friendships with Canadian queer youth:

Seriously, I think it's kind of frustrating, like you want to meet someone who is not all about just SEX and going out partying and buying clothes and whatever. It's not so easy meeting that person, I've realized. Uh what, I think, what I am looking, I would more find it in an older guy who is like settled down and have goals and stuff like that.

Alexandra and Sofia added that it is hard to make friends with Canadian because of different preferences for "leisure" activities, lifestyles and values:

Alexandra: Like for example we are in a softball league, right? So it's just lesbians. And uhm every single Sunday, there is something, so you spend money right? And it's usually like drinking or like drinking or drinking [everyone laughs]. It's just that, so it's not to generalize about it, but since Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 62

I've been here or since we've both been here, maybe its age? Maybe it's in the twenties, that's what you do here? But the way we're brought up in our countries it was different, like you graduate from high school, then you do university, then you get a job, you know? You have ducks in a row! But here it's more just partying, drink it up!

I: It's more just leisure culture here?

Alexandra: Yeah. And then just there's this contrast because if you say "Oh no, I don't wanna go" then you're left out because you don't wanna . go or even if you don't have money, you know, to go out every Sunday.

In particular, Sofia and Alexandra are less interested in drinking alcohol than their

Canadian friends, and find it difficult to participate in such activities because it requires spending money. Therefore, they feel as though they are in a difficult position of needing to spend money they do not have in order to be friends with Canadian lesbians.

In particular, Sofia noted the impact of class differences when comparing herself to Canadian youth, "Yes! They work just to drink, to something like for me, I am working because I have to pay my rent, I have to save money for my education, a lot of things. And they are more like 'relax.'" Aamir also describes how class differences covertly inhibit his ability to participate in the gay activist community in Toronto:

Like I've done a lot of work in the radical, activisty spaces and since like this whole issue, I can't attend basically. Because I'm not getting, you know I don't have a paid job and I'm not getting paid to go and protest, to go and organize and yet these are the people who are like saving the world or supposedly out there for the downtrodden, but the spaces themselves are set up in such a way that the people who are from a lower class, they can't even attend. So it's very, it's really strange and it's like, when you do bring it up, it's dismissed or it's not taken seriously. So it's really interesting, I just think we need to talk about class way more and I think we need to talk about it from a personal level, you know?

When the Key Informant was asked about the challenges for QNY in being accepted in queer communities in Toronto, he commented that the mainstream, white, youth Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 63 community is willing to accept newcomers as long as they hold similar values and behave the same way that they do:

You are very welcome to be part of that community as an immigrant as long as you adhere to the guidelines and rales and ways of living of that community. So... it's not about being immigrant as much as it's about being, coming with something that doesn't fit in the [society]...And again, you're very welcome if you come dressed like us, party like us, not bring your politics to us, you're totally fine. (Key Informant)

Therefore, for the youth in this study, it seems as though acceptance in the gay community in Toronto is selective and dependent upon assimilation into "Western" or mainstream, white gay youth culture in Toronto.

Experiencing racism in queer communities in Toronto. Apart from values, preferences for leisure activities and class differences, participants found that minority status was a major determinant of how they are treated in mainstream, white gay communities. For example, Aamir commented "I think that there is a lot of racism that you face as an immigrant and person of colour. And even in the gay community, it's- it can be very difficult." Adrian adds:

I have white friends and I know that like being black in that group, like sometimes I just feel like I'm the odd one, the outcast. I know that if I go, go to a club, people are more okay with them being gay than with a black person being gay. That's just how I feel. (Adrian, 25, Jamaica)

Other participants talked about how racial stereotypes are prevalent in the gay community:

Even in our own gay community, LGBTQ community, there the whole stereotype back to the whole racial piece comes into play because a lot of a lot of us think that, "oh you being a Black man, you must be the top you always have to be the top, right?" While, if you say that you're Asian person then necessarily you're the bottom right? So um the whole thing of that piece comes into even our community 'cause, you know, you is black, and saying, you a black man you have to be a top. Being a black person Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto

you have different roles, people have different role preferences, right, you be a top, bottom or reverse or whatever. So it's not necessarily because of the colour of your skin or the, whatever culture you're from right? But people in the community are so guilty of that, I've seen that play off a dozen times. (Derrick, 24, Jamaica)

Therefore, stereotypes based on race can lead to differential treatment of QNY within queer communities in Toronto.

Other visible minority QNY also talked about being fetishized or sexually soug out in gay communities because of their race or ethnicity. For example, Aamir comments, "If I'm dating, it's almost like a fetish. I'm very fetishized, exoticized. And it's I mean I was okay with that before but now I find it really disturbing." He hypothesizes that he is sometimes sought out to fulfill someone's "ethnic sexual adventure."

Uhm that kind of sexual fetishizing is more like ethnic based, like more Orientalist I would say. It's almost like ordering something different, you know? Like let's have a new experience, adventure. And it's just so stereotyped, like I've had a guy actually be like 'you know you should wear a turban 'cause it really turns me on.' (Aamir, 25, Pakistan)

Yeah it was pretty shocking. So yeah that's how it happens mostly I guess the ethnic and like wanting to. And I guess there's like the thrill, 'cause I'm like a tenorist or something. I don't know what it is but it's really weird. Like the Arabness is tied into the tenorist thing. (Aamir, 25 Pakistan)

Derrick comments that Jamaican men are highly sought out in the gay community because of their accent, skin colour and reputation for being "well endowed":

So people, because of the accent, um, because of the skin colour too right, and generally speaking most people say that black people black men (laughs) are highly blessed right...well endowed, right....so yeah, people don't really look at.. .try to find out who you are as an individual they go with you or they try to hook up with you try to be friends with you Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 65

because of the label. Not what not what's in the package but the label itself.

Adrian reported having similar experiences of being sought out in the gay community because of his race and nationality. He commented that while the attention was flattering at first, it has quickly lost its appeal:

Adrian: Well at first the attention was like, it was good, it was nice. Like, I didn't mind the attention but like, after a while it gets OLD

Interviewer: Do you find that happens to you often?

Adrian: all the time. ALL THE TIME. Like, every time I go out like, or even if I like, as soon as I speak, oh like they hear the accent, "oh, where you from?" Jamaica. And like, for some reason they go crazy and I'm getting over it now, it's getting old. [I: it's getting old?] Yeah.

Therefore, race, ethnicity and nationality appear to be major determinants in how QNY are treated within queer communities in Toronto. While seeking acceptance in mainstream youth queer communities, many QNY (especially men) found that their participation within the community was marred by racial, ethnic or cultural stereotypes.

Some spoke about being sought or fetishized according to certain stereotypes which they have come to find disturbing or frustrating because it limits their ability to determine their own identity and be seen for who they really are.

Discussion

Summary

In this study, a phenomenological approach has been used to examine the experiences of a sample of QNY living in Toronto, many of whom are refugees. Given

Toronto's reputation for being multicultural and queer-friendly, it seems like an ideal location for QNY to settle. Noting this assumption, it is important to examine the reality of QNY's lived experience in Toronto against their expectations. The findings of this Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 66 study reveal that in some ways, the realities of living in Toronto have lived up to participant's hopes and expectations, but in many ways it has not. In particular, participants have experienced disappointment with Canada's refugee system, obtaining

"upward mobility" and finding acceptance in various communities, particularly in mainstream, queer communities in Toronto.

Discussion with the Literature

To date, little research has been conducted with QNY in Canada, particularly those who are seeking queer asylum and their experiences in Canada's refugee claims system (Millbank, 2002). For their lives in Toronto, however, some parallels can be drawn between the experiences of QNY and phenomena experienced by other marginalized populations. For example, difficulty obtaining employment and upward mobility overlap with challenges faced by newcomers and refugees (Lamba, 2003; Reitz,

2001) and difficulties finding acceptance in white, queer communities are also experienced by queer immigrants and queer people of colour in Canada or the United

States (Barrett & Pollack, 2005; Chrichlow, 2004; Han, 2008). However, this study also offers additional insight into phenomena that are unique to QNY refugee claimants.

Because QNY live at the intersections of multiple, often persecuted identities there may be unique consequences that result from their political and social positioning.

Queer Asylum in Canada. In literatures on Canada's immigration and refugee system, there is evidence of Canada's positive reputation as an international leader in immigrant and refugee resettling and care (Beiser, 2009). However, there is also literature that speaks to various forms of discrimination historically and currently endured by immigrants and refugees in Canada (Canadian Council for Refugees, 2000; LaViolotte, Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 67

2004). Prior to arriving in Canada, participants' expectations aligned with Canada's reputation for having supportive systems for newcomers and refugees. However, upon arriving in Toronto, they tended to characterize their interactions with immigration and refugee system personnel and charity support-services as judgemental, discriminatory and communicated that such systems and services made them feel "lesser than" Canadian citizens. For example, upon amving in Toronto, Eduardo, Derrick, Alexandra and Sofia felt that they experienced racism, homophobia or discrimination due to their country of origin or refugee status within Canada's refugee system or charitable services.

Reasons why QNY received poor treatment within immigration and charitable systems is likely a complex interaction of policy, external regulations and institutionalized practises of "othering" within such organizations. Luibheid (2008) points out how political regulation of movement of bodies around the globe combined with a host country's exercise of power to determine legal/illegal status (influenced by hierarchies of race, gender, class, geopolitics and sexuality) can lead to "othering" immigrants and refugees. Refugees such as QNY may become politicized figures and viewed through more of a removed, political lens rather than one of common human compassion. Among workers within such systems this can lead to a general lack of empathy in interactions with newcomers. More research should be conducted on how high-level policies such as international refugee laws translate into person to person interactions between refugee claimants and workers within immigration and refugee systems.

To be successful with the queer asylum process and IRB hearing, it is understood that QNY must prove: 1) that they are non-heterosexual and 2) that they face significant Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 68 danger and persecution in their country of origin due to their sexual orientation

(Millbank, 2002; Morgan, 2006). While this may seem reasonable, functionally

"proving" these requirements can place a great burden on QNY. Namely, participants suggested that for their claim to be successful they needed to be publicly "out" in

Toronto, and alter their appearances and behaviours to perform queemess according to

Western norms. To date, an exploration of these phenomena and potential psychological implications for queer asylum seekers, especially those who are youth is lacking.

From this study, we can see that one way in which queer asylum seekers must prove their queemess is through mandatory volunteering with LGBT organizations. To the IRB member judging their claim, this may serve as evidence of their queemess.

Alexandra problematized this mandatory volunteering as effectively "outing" her and thrasting a publicly gay upon her which she may not be ready or willing to assume. As

QNY have recent histories of homophobic persecution and a life-history of needing to conceal their sexual orientation, they may still be fearful of being "outed" and uncomfortable with large numbers of people knowing that they are non-heterosexual.

Mandatory volunteering may also be indicative of an IRB stance that covertly says

"persecution based on sexual orientation is a lesser persecution than others" as people seeking asylum based on persecution due to religion, ethnicity or political opinion or women escaping from gender-related violence would likely not be required to do mandatory volunteer hours with an organization as part of their refugee claims process.

While volunteering with LGBT organizations can be beneficial for QNY (as evidenced through Derrick's experiences), forcing someone to be "out and proud" assumes superiority and universality of the Western "coming out process" as essential to Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 69 the lives of all queer people. It also disregards varying cultural backgrounds and values which may place sexuality as a very private as opposed to public matter (Fisher, 2003).

Fisher (2003) notes that it may be more advantageous for queer immigrants (or those living in immigrant communities) to have the power to chose or manipulate their level of

"outness" in different situations and reveal their sexual orientation only if and when it feels right to them. Mandatory volunteering as an IRB requirement makes assumptions about what is best for QNY and all queer people's willingness and desire to live publicly

"out" lives.

Another problematized aspect of the queer asylum process are suggestions that

QNY should alter their appearance and behaviours to fit with normative, Western understandings of queemess in order to "pass" as gay at their IRB hearing. Specifically,

Adrian critiqued how he was advised by his lawyer to adopt more feminized appearance and behaviours. While Adrian was surprised, confused and a bit angered by this suggestion, it may be good advice as there is evidence that IRB members may be more likely to rule against a claim if it involves nareatives that are unfamiliar to their cultural understandings (Millbank, 2002). For example, Millbank (2002) described instances in

Canadian and Australian systems where queer asylum claims were rejected because the

IRB member or judge did not think the claimant appeared "gay enough" to be identified as a visible minority, assuming therefore, that the claimant would not face homophobic persecution if they were to return to their country of origin. This raises questions about what types of identities are observable and who is observing and making judgment calls.

It also points to the complexity of international border politics as there may be external pressures of IRB members to only accept a limited amount of refugee claims each year. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 70

For QNY, the burden of needing to "prove" their queemess must be added to the provision of evidence that they have experienced homophobic oppression and persecution in their countries of origin. Often this means providing very personal and traumatic accounts of persecution and abuses to government officials. To many, this is frightening and foreign as they have lived their lives always trying to conceal same sex attractions.

Given the requirements for honesty and confession, it is ironic that at the hearing, some

QNY are then advised to basically lie and falsify their appearance and behaviours so that they may "pass" as a Western stereotype of queemess. This suggestion, along with other

IRB requirements for proving queemess, can place QNY into a strange position of confusion and powerlessness in the portrayal of their own identity. Moreover, it places an unfair onus upon each and every refugee claimant to prove not only that they are non- heterosexual but that queemess provides sufficient grounds for seeking asylum.

Undeniably, this is an overlooked social justice issue.

Overall, "proving" and sharing information about the lived experience of queemess is a departure from literature which describes how gay and lesbian-looking people traditionally had to hide their queemess and "straighten up" at border crossings so that they would be grated entry to the United States or Canada (Luibheid, 2002;

Rodriquez, 1992). "Covering up" queer identity is consistent with the history of

Canadian immigration policy designed to exclude potential immigrants based on race, nationality or sexual orientation (Canadian Council for Refugees, 2000; LaViolette,

2004). Now however, since the advent of queer asylum and designation of queer people as "members of a persecuted group" "proving queemess" has become part of international border crossings. On one hand, these changes that recognize queemess as a Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 71 persecuted identity and offer protection to those in need can be noted as positive progress in Canada. In recognizing this shift, however, the relations of power operating within

Canadian queer asylum processes should not go un-scrutinized or be un-problematically accepted. Specifically, Canadian systems should consider the disciplinary and regulatory techniques involved in queer asylum cases that require exposure, confession and assimilation to Western understandings of queemess.

Newcomer Economic Oppression. Similarly to other newcomers to Canada, especially those belonging to racialized minorities, QNY can experience difficulties obtaining economic security. As Reitz (2001) describes, newcomers to Canada, especially visible minorities often face difficulties finding work, having their skill set recognized and making wages comparable to Canadian citizens. As an extension of this trend, this study revealed that QNY assume additional employment barriers and risks because most are without "Canadian experience" and believe they are identifiable to potential employers as refugees through their SI number. While a Government of Canada website indicates that SI numbers starting with nine are issued to all temporary workers and not refugees specifically (Service Canada, 2011), this policy still identifies QNY as non-Canadian citizens or permanent residents which can have real implications for

QNY's ability to find fair employment. This same website also cautions employers to

"verify and record the expiry date of all SIN cards beginning with a '9'" which indicates that many employers may be especially attentive and possibly hesitant about hiring someone with this identification (Service Canada, 2011).

In this study, participants felt that because their SI numbers start with nine they could be identified as refugees by potential employers, who could then take advantage of Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 72 their vulnerable positions and offer them "under the table" work paying less than minimum wage. This places QNY refugee claimants in a difficult position because they are in need of money but they know that working illegally could place them in danger of deportation. Additionally, because QNY in this study tended to anive alone and avoid contact with diasporic community, they may be at a disadvantage compared to other newcomers who have access to diasporic and family networks to help them find their first

Canadian job (Lamba, 2003). Ultimately, while QNY would prefer to work, some are forced to rely on social assistance or homeless shelters for subsistence. Resultantly they may experience feelings of powerlessness, depression, disappointment and anger.

This study adds that for some QNY, the inability to find work, combined with slow refugee claims processing times makes some consider giving up on life in Toronto and moving back to their country of origin. This is surprising considering that if QNY abandon their refugee claim and return to their country of origin they will have to contend with homophobic oppression and possibly violence and they will not be permitted to re-apply for refugee or immigrant status in Canada (Amnesty International,

2011). However, Adrian and the key informant note that some QNY are willing to deal with the risks of living in their country of origin as a trade off for a more economically dignified life. This may be also indicative if the extent and debilitating nature of economic oppression that many refugees in Canada endure.

Finding Diversity and Acceptance. QNY revealed that a main hope for their lives in Canada is that they would find acceptance regardless of their race, ethnicity, religion or sexual orientation. While QNY noted a greater degree of acceptance of sexual diversity in Toronto they often felt excluded from mainstream queer communities in Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 73

Toronto. Exclusion or differential treatment was often related to classism or sexualisation of racism.

In terms of separation due to class, Aamir noted how class differences covertly inhibit working class or lower class queer folks' ability to participate in activist activities.

Similarly, Barrett and Pollack (2005) note that it is common for gay activist activities to exclude low-income queer folk, as part of the white, middle-class domination of visible and political gay communities in the United States. Additionally, Sofia and Alexandra perceived barriers to forming friendships and with Canadian lesbians due to financial constraints. These findings are similar to Banett and Pollack's (2005) finding that working class men who are homosexually active are less likely to describe themselves as gay and be involved in the gay community "partly due to the contemporary gay lifestyle choices that require the residency, employment, and consumption patterns of the middle class." (p. 437). However, in Sofia and Alexandra's interactions with lesbian youth, they noted a key difference is that Canadian lesbian youth are more likely to be financially supported by their families while QNY must support themselves. Increased access to financial resources and family supports allows Canadian bom queer youth to enjoy a life that is inclusive of leisure time, thus creating financial, cultural and values barriers that exclude QNY.

In addition to economic barriers, as newcomers from very different cultural contexts, QNY in this study reported a degree of culture shock noting different values regarding sex, partying, fashion and consumerism that separate them from mainstream queer youth in Toronto. While other literature focus on economic barriers (Barrett &

Pollack, 2005) value baniers may play a role as well and may be especially prevalent Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 74 among youth. Future studies may want to consider if QNY, overtime, assimilate to the values and culture if mainstream queer communities or if they find other facets of queer life in Toronto in which to participate, or if they eventually choose to avoid socializing within queer communities all together.

In addition to class, culture and value barriers, some QNY found that they received differential treatment in queer communities due to their race or ethnicity. For example, Derrick and Adrian, black men from Jamaica found that they were fetishized in mainstream, white queer communities. In the literature, sexualisation of Afro-Caribbean and Latino men in gay communities in the United States and Canada is well-documented

(Asencio & Acosta, 2009; Crichlow 2004; Wahab & Plaza, 2009). In this study, Aamir, a gay man Pakistani decent, also reported being fetishized in mainstream queer communities. He hypothesized that fetishization was due to Arab appearance and may be tied to a post 9/11 Muslim-terrorist fetish. An understanding of "Orientalist" or Arab sexualisation in queer communities is lacking in the literature and may represent a relatively unexplored area of study. Female participants did not provide evidence of racialized sexualisation in queer communities, nor is there literature to support this.

However, further research is needed before generalizations can be made. To better understand the nuances of sexual negotiations, it would be necessary to speak to different subgroups of QNY to understand the unique challenges and discriminations each face.

In this study, compared to academic literatures, there is a major difference in the degree of importance placed on queer newcomers' interactions with their diasporic communities. For example, Crichlow (2004) and Fisher (2003) assert that a major challenge for queer newcomers and queer minorities involves the negotiation of their Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 75 sexual identities within diasporic communities. In comparison, QNY in this study chose to avoid the heterosexual component of their diasporic communities all together. As the majority of participants in this study are refugee claimants, they often arrive in Canada alone with few or no family ties, and therefore have fewer obligations to their diasporic communities. For QNY, there may be disadvantages to not having strong ties to family or diasporic communities in Toronto, for example this could translate into reduced social support and social capital, and therefore less capacity to find work and establish oneself in a new city (Dunn & Dyck, 2000; Lamba, 2003). However, the ability to reduce experiences of homophobic persecution through avoidance of diasporic communities could also be construed as a possible advantage for QNY.

Discussion of Differences among Participants

This study aimed to obtain a diverse sample of QNY to reflect a wide range of experiences. It was thought that if some commonalities or "essential structures" could be found across all of the participants' experiences, the essential structures could be applicable to a wider range of QNY in Toronto. Although this study has aimed to find commonalities among participants' experiences, it is important to acknowledge participant characteristics such as gender, race and country of origin that differentiate their experiences.

In this study, country of origin is an important factor in differentiating participants' experiences. From this study and other sources (Ottoson, 2010), there is evidence that countries around the world can have vastly different stances when it comes to the tolerance or persecution of queemess. In this study, participants from Jamaica and

Burandi spoke of the violence that can ensue when a person's homosexuality is suspected Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 76

or confirmed. Other participants such as those from Mexico or Ecuador spoke less of

violence, but more of a highly religious culture and family values that strongly

disapprove of same sex relationships. Consequently, one's life as a non-heterosexual

person may be at greater risk depending upon their country origin. With more research, a

possible implication of differing levels of danger and persecution in various countries is

that IRB could develop a hierarchy system wherein queer asylum claims from violently

homophobic countries could undergo an expedited process, and/or applicants would

receive culturally appropriate counselling and additional social support. However, while

this suggestion could facilitate entry for the highest-risk QNY in Canada it may further

marginalize QNY who experience oppression that is not physically violent.

Gender differences may impact QNY's experiences both within their country of

• origin and Toronto. For example, in this study the men (especially those from Jamaica)

spoke very clearly about the importance of conforming to socially accepted standards of

masculinity in order to avoid suspicion of being gay. They spoke about the violence that

can follow when one deviates from these norms. As the women in this study did not

speak to the need to perform femininity in their country of origin, this may speak to a

greater degree of rigidity of gender performance imposed upon men and boys in various

places around the world. However, Nadine's partner in Burundi was killed due to her

sexual orientation but it is unclear whether being identified as non-heterosexual was tied

to her performance of gender. In other countries, women's performance of gender may

be more heavily regulated than men's.

In Toronto, male participants seemed to experience a greater degree of

sexualisation of racism. Women did not seem to experience this, but it could be that they Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 77 did not talk about it, or it takes a different form in lesbian communities. They did however, speak to economic exclusion. This study, however, cannot speak broadly about gender differences as the sample is very small. Further research, especially among QNY women is needed. As for differences based on race, all participants identified as minorities and perceived some sort of differential treatment compared to white or

Canadian queer youth. From this sample, it is unclear whether specific racial or ethnic subsets of QNY experience more discrimination than others.

Common Themes and Possible Underlying Mechanisms of Oppression

From this study it seem as though QNY often face discrimination due to one or more aspects of their identities. The concept of intersectionality, which explores the intenelationships of gender, class, race and ethnicity and other social divisions

(Crenshaw, 1991) may be especially useful as a means of understanding the experiences of QNY in Toronto. In their new lives in Canada, a struggle for QNY is realizing that they live at the intersections of multiple marginalities. In their countries of origin, many have experienced severe homophobic persecution or oppression, but otherwise could fit into "majority" or "average" status in terms of race, class, and social status.

Comparatively, in Canada, they find that the overall climate is less homophobic, but there are new barriers associated with racial prejudice, being refugees, having low socio­ economic and class status as well as being queer. Resultantly, they may experience discrimination based overlapping aspects of their marginalized identities which can create social disadvantage.

From the perspective of the average Canadian or Torontonian, common beliefs about Toronto's civic identity which embraces equality and opportunity as well as the Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 78 existence of the refugee system and refugee supports may contribute to a sort of blindness regarding the struggles of refugees. Evidence of multiculturalism and diverse racial representation in Toronto may also lead to denial of racial discrimination. Moreover, the extent of employment discrimination that QNY endure may be indicative of a less visible form racism or nationalism that it is able to exist while maintaining the guise of adhering to Canada and Toronto's "civic values" of being inclusive and providing opportunities for newcomers. Similarly, the visibility of queer culture and Torontonian's general acceptance of sexual diversity may render "white cultural dominance" within queer communities and the discrimination endured by non-white people within mainstream queer communities invisible. While Toronto should be commended for placing diversity and equality as a key ingredients of its civic identity, this reputation alone should not to blind us to the hardships endured by QNY and others with complex identities.

Limitations and Recommendations for Future Studies

Sampling. While the participants in this study provided a rich anay of data, there were also sampling limitations. The primary limitation is that participants may not be representative of QNY or QNY refugee youth as a whole. As participants were recruited through programs and agencies in Toronto that offer services to queer youth such as counselling, support or assistance with employment, housing, and other services, the participants in this study may be experiencing more difficulties that the "average" QNY or queer asylum seeker. Consequently, QNY who have been more successful in their integration into Canadian society may have been under-represented in the sample. In future studies, it may be useful to interview a sample of QNY who are not relying, or who are no longer relying on support services. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 79

Alternatively, the sampling strategy of targeting QNY who are accessing services may exclude those who are comparatively "worse-off' who may be homeless or living in

Canada illegally. Future studies may want to consider using a snowball sampling method where QNY participants could help identify other QNY participants who might otherwise be difficult to contact such as those living on the streets or in homeless shelters. Finally, because the sampling strategy involved an element of participant self-selection the sample may be over-represented by QNY who are secure and confident enough to tell their stories, which may not be representative of QNY, especially refugee claimants, as a whole. The self-selection element may also have attracted QNY participants who have done independent theorization about their experiences and wish to share their ideas with a broader audience. While undoubtedly enriching the data, participants who have done a great deal of theorization about their experiences may not be representative of QNY as a whole.

There also could have been a greater degree of diversity represented among the sample of QNY. While this study aimed for diverse sampling of QNY from varying countries of origin and cultural contexts, the sample may be over-populated with

Caribbean males, particularly those from Jamaica. While this many reflect the reality that many QNY in Canada are young men from the Caribbean, future studies may want to aim for a more equal representation of people and experiences from the other places around the world. Additionally, QNY's experiences can vary based on their racial identity, language, religion, culture, country of origin (among other factors); future studies may also wish to explore the similarities and differences between various cultural or diasporic sub-sets of QNY. In future studies, focusing on subgroups in isolation, then comparing Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 80 experiences across subgroups may provide insights into the unique challenges that QNY of varying identifications endure.

With four male participants, one who identifies as male/queer and only three female participants, the sample for this study is over represented by participants who identify as men. This reflects Harper, Jemewall and Zea's (2004) observation that among the scarce psychological research on LGB people of colour, the experiences of women are especially undenepresented. Future studies may aim for equal representation among men and women, or focus only on the experiences of QNY who identify as women.

Additionally, while one participant identified himself as male/queer, none of the participants identified themselves as transgender or transitioning. The under- representation of transgender youth of colour also represents a major gap in psychological research.

An additional limitation is the conflation of "refugee", "immigrant" and

"newcomer" issues and experiences. Aside from "queer asylum processes" which are specific to QNY refugee claimants, other QNY refugee and immigrant issues such as employment barriers and treatment within queer communities may be conflated. For example in the section on employment difficulties participants spoke about how their SI number starting with nine indicates refugee status, however a Government Canada website indicates that these SI numbers are issued to all temporary workers and are not indicative or refugee status specifically (Service Canada, 2011). Therefore refugees, new immigrants and temporary workers may experience similar types of employment discrimination. However, there may be differences between white and non-white refugees and immigrants as well as differences between inland and government Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 81 sponsored refugees which are not clearly differentiated in this thesis. As such, this could be an area for further research.

Additionally, refugee and non-refugee queer newcomers may experience similar exclusions from mainstream, white queer communities based on race or ethnicity. Future studies may look to more clearly differentiate the challenges endured by queer refugees as opposed to other classes of queer immigrants.

Dominant voices. Another limitation of this study is that in the results section, the voices and experiences of participants are not represented equally. For example there are

20 quotes from Adrian, 13 from Denick, 10 from Alexandra, nine from Nadine, seven from Aamir, seven from Sofia, six from Christopher and just two from Eduardo. As described previously, these discrepancies may be attributed to type of data collection method used (focus group, individual interview or both), as well as individual characteristics of participants such as their tendency to reflect on their lives (or not) and their comfort in openly discussing their experiences as well as their English language capabilities. An implication of the portrayal of dominant voices means that participants' stories and experiences are not represented equally. In this study, the primary dominant voices are Adrian and Denick, both of whom are men from Jamaica. Consequently, this study may be more reflective of the experiences of queer, male refugee youth from

Jamaica more than any other group, and may not be representative of QNY as a whole.

Recommendations for Social Action

The findings from this study reveal that QNY (especially those who are refugee claimants) are a unique population with unique challenges. Their experiences reveal complex realities situated at the intersections of international politics, immigration, and Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 82 complex identifications related to race, culture, sexual orientation, and refugee status

(among other identifiers). As this is a small study which only lightly touches upon complex policies and immigration/refugee systems which deeply impact QNY, I will not venture to make recommendations in this area, other than that further research is required, perhaps from a Canadian law or international law perspective.

However, it is possible to implement other recommendations to positively impact the lives of QNY in Toronto, in particular through intervention and programs aimed at

QNY within queer communities. The Metropolitan Community Church (MCC) and SOY are examples of organizations that are currently working to support QNY, with special mandates of supporting queer refugees. My recommendations are mainly focused on supporting the existing work of these organizations and bolstering service provision, social awareness and social action.

As an example of progress to support queer immigrants and refugees, in 2011, the

MCC received one million dollars from Margaret and Wallace McCain to support their

Refugee & Immigration Project. This project includes features such as: LGBT peer support group meetings, individual immigration and refugee support, sponsorship support of up to $15,000/year for government approved refugees, spiritual support and advocacy for justice in refugee and immigration policy (Metropolitan Community Church of

Toronto, 2011). Other non-religious organizations such as SOY- Express also work with

QNY refugees to meet their emotional needs and help with preparation for their IRB hearing. While many positive interventions are already happening in these locations, such services could be "bolstered" by creating or strengthening employment, housing, Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 83 legal aid and social programming services offered at these venues, either through private or public funding or both.

To address employment and economic baniers for QNY, service agencies could potentially partner with local businesses to help QNY find employment opportunities and to gain "Canadian experience" that is so desired. To help assure financial stability of

QNY refugees during their first year in Canada, MCC's program that "establishes groups of five individuals who would be financially responsible for assisting a refugee for a period of one year after anival in Canada [for a yearly total of $15,000]" could be expanded to sponsor more refugees each year (Metropolitan Community Church of

Toronto, 2011, p. 3).

As QNY in this study experienced a great deal of exclusion from mainstream queer communities due to economic baniers and sexualisation within mainstream gay bar or dance club spaces, one possible recommendation is to create social programs could offer free, non-bar or club related alternatives to help QNY meet others with similar values. Fostering opportunities to connect QNY with members of the non-immigrant community could help to bridge cultural differences. It could also be a consciousness- raising experience for Canadians that can lead to greater empathy and social change regarding the unfair treatment of QNY in Canada. However, creating alternative social spaces does not dissipate the racism or sexualisation of racism that QNY felt within mainstream queer communities. Other interventions, perhaps involving public education may be needed to address these underlying issues.

Although "service provision" is type of ameliorative change that often does not address the larger issues that create the need for service provision, such as homophobia, Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 84 racism, or biased laws, service provision may be needed to help QNY "get on their feet".

A recommendation that may help to address underlying issues is to actively form and foster critical and activist spaces within these organizations. This may help QNY to form friendships, find allies and then work together towards challenging oppressive systems.

An additional recommendation is for service organizations to seek out partnerships with academics such as community psychologists, politicians and professionals such as lawyers to help spread information and awareness to other forums and potential engage their skill sets to help influence social and/or policy change.

Conclusion

For this study, the research objective was to gain a better understanding of how

QNY experience life in Toronto. Throughout this study I have aimed to use the descriptions the participants provided to reflect the social situations in which they live. In part, this involved understanding their perceptions of what life would be like in Canada and how their expectations compare to lived reality. Consistent with the Transformative

Paradigm, I have tried to align my analysis and interpretation on challenging potentially oppressive social structures in order to promote inclusion and social justice for QNY

(Barker & Pistrang, 2005; Mertens, 2009).

Moreover, this thesis is aligned with Harper, Jemewall and Zea's (2004) call for more research on issues of sexual diversity within psychology and more specifically with

Harper and Schneider's (2003) call for more research within the sub-discipline of community psychology. I agree with their calls for more research on this topic, but I caution that "critical" is key, as historically, the social sciences and psychology in particular have played significant and often detrimental roles in determining what is Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 85

"real" and influencing how minority groups such as immigrants and sexual minorities are perceived. Often, the social sciences have been used to explain what is "problematic" about an individual or a particular subgroup, thereby reifying the status quo, or worse, using "scientific study" to justify the designation of a particular minority group as a scapegoat for societal ills (Bieser, 2005).

Alternatively however, critical research which takes the perspective of a marginalized population such as QNY can illuminate previously invisible injustices buried within systems and can contribute to social justice movements. I feel that understanding the experiences of QNY refugee claimants is especially important as investigating the stories of those who are most pushed to the margins is likely to reveal complicated and political circumstances where the most poignant and previously invisible social critiques lie.

For the sub-discipline of community psychology, as noted by Harper and

Schenider (2003), if it is to be truly focused on social justice and anti-oppression, this means delving into these issues prepared to make a political standpoint work with marginalized groups such as QNY and their allies to promote social change.

Conespondingly, this thesis is aligned with Harper and Schenider's (2003) call for more research on LGB issues within community psychology, and also takes a step beyond their call by focusing on the experiences of QNY, an especially marginalized and politicized group within LGB studies. In this area of study there are implications for community intervention and also larger political and social reforms. Here, community psychologists should continue to work with this population to uncover their stories and also work with Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 86 other academics and professionals to impact larger social changes to improve the lives of

QNY in Toronto and beyond. Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 87

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Appendices

Appendix A: Focus Group/ Interview Guide for Queer Migrant Youth

CANADA

1. Can you tell me before coming to Canada, what you thought life would be like for

you as a LGBTQ youth once you got here? What did you think about? Dream

about?

2. What had you heard about Canada before coming here?

3. Some people say that Canada is more open to LGBTQ people and even refer to it as a

'Homo Haven'. (You might need to define 'haven' here)... What do you think of

this?

IMMIGRATION

4. There are many ways to get into Canada, i.e.: refugees, non-status and citizenship.

Can you tell us about immigration/refugee process and how homophobia may have come up during that time?

5. There is a lot of information about immigrant settlement patterns. Why did you stay here or choose to come here?

6. When you compare yourself to Canadian-bom youth, what do you think is harder for you as an immigrant or refugee youth?

Prompt for: the complications of showing ID at the bar because of their refugee

status.

7. We have heard that many LGBTQ refugee youth live their lives fearing being deported or sent back home. What do you hear about this? How does it impact your life?

GAY COMMUNITY Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 96

8. Can you tell me whether the LGBTQ community in Toronto has been a source of support for you? Have you felt accepted? Why/why not?

probe for: finding LGBTQ role models, mentors and/or allies

9. What does 'being accepted in the gay community' mean to you?

10. Have there been times when you have felt discriminated against in the LGBTQ community?

probe for: racism, anti-immigrant sentiments

11. In another study that was finished last year (the Toronto Teen Survey) we found that

while society is more accepting of LGBTQ people in general, things are still very

hard for LGBTQ youth. Why do you think that is?

INTERSECTIONALITY

12. How do you think things are harder for you compared to white LGBTQ youth?

Probe for: how they distinguish between experiencing homophobia from racism

or vice versa? Feelings of isolation

MEDICAL EXPERIENCES/SERVICE ACCESS

13. Have you been able to access medical services or social support services? How have those experiences been?

probe for: homophobia; racist encounters; other barriers like language

HIV/ AIDS

14. Some youth we have talked to said because they are LGBTQ, they get more

HIV/AIDS information than straight youth. Do you think being a queer youth exposes you to enough valuable information about sexually protecting yourself?

Probe for: do you worry about HIV in your own life? If so, why? If not, why? Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 97

Does it impact how you seek out partners? How?

Is it something you think LGBTQ youth should wony about as much as older gay

men? If so why?

Is there anything that interferes with your ability to have safe sex?

Has safer sex been hard for you? If so why? If not, what has made it easier to do?

PREGNANCY

15. In the Toronto Teen Survey, we found that LGBTQ youth are more likely then straight youth to get pregnant or to get someone else pregnant (make sure you explain this clearly). Why do you think this is happening to LGBTQ youth?

BRAINSTORMING SOLUTIONS

16. How would you like to see homophobia and transphobia addressed? Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 98

Appendix B: Interview Guide for Key Informant

This study is simply about homophobia and transphobia - we are particularly interested in hearing about the youth that you work with. We want to know how they experience homo/transphobia, how it impacts them and makes them feel, and what can be done to change it at various levels.

1. Please tell me a bit about your life and your work with gay, lesbian, bisexual and

transgendered youth. .

2. Can you tell me about the LGBT youth you have helped or worked with?

• What issues emerge for these youth? What is salient and really important in their

lives? What kinds of things do they talk about?

• How does homo/transphobia come up in your discussions with youth? How does

homo/transphobia impact their lives? What do you see and hear? What do they

tell you?

• Where do they experience homo/transphobia? In what environments (family,

peers, religious institutions, schools, recreation, etc.)

3. From the TRUTH study, we are finding that LGBTQ newcomer youth are experience

unique challenges when they arrive in Canada related to how their racial, ethnic or

cultural background and their sexual identities intersect, (they believed Canada was a

"homo haven" but in reality, they found out it was not)

• In your experience, what are the biggest challenges for LGBTQ newcomer youth

in Canada? Queer Newcomer Youth in Toronto 99

• How do newcomer LGBT youth from different ethno-racial backgrounds

experience homo/transphobia in Canada? What is different for these groups of

youth?

4. One of the things we found in the Toronto Teen Survey is that things have not really

changed that much for LGBT youth in the last 10 years, (for example, services are

not as accessible as they should be)

• Why do you think this is still this way?

• Why has there not been greater change in LGBT people's acceptance in society?

5. What needs to be done to change homo/transphobia in the lives of LGBTQ newcomer

youth in Canada?

6. Who should strategies be targeted at? What different strategies approaches would

you take with each group?