BY T H E LAT E A NI H M . R EV C A O . . L S O O P C CK,

’ OM ETI M E MI CHEL FE LLOW O O FO RD S O F &UEEN S C LLEGE , & “ & AUTHO R O F R ECORDS O R THE R EFOR MATI ON “ TROUBLE S CONNECTED WI TH THE PRAYER BOOK O F

WI TH PO RT RAI T

TO TH E ME MORY OF

TH E AUTHOR

TH I S WORK I S DEDI CATED

PR EFACE

TH E m a n u sc ri t f L i Dr S t wa r p o the f e of . e d 1 852 was written by my father in the year , and together with a considerable number o f other papers o n Church History was kept till 89 his death in 1 7 . A few years before writing it he had edited the Works o f Henry

Hammond, a friend and contemporary of fo r A n lo - Ca tho lic L ibr a r o Steward, the g y f The o lo n g y, and had made researches i to con o f temporary history , the results which he published in a series o f twenty-seven articles The olo ia n a n d E c clesi a stic in the g , between 1 84 1 853 l o f 7 and , entitled Il ustrations Church History during the time o f the Great l ” Al l . Rebe lion . that related to Dr Steward in these articles was in corporated in the ” Life . T ll he . nl MS had o y been partia y revised , and some alterations were found necessary in the editing. A good many verbal changes have been made, and in a few places a sentence vii viii PREFACE

has been recast, but no new matter has been

introduced . Further information on some points is now available from works published since the “ ” Life was written, but it does not seem necessary to quote this here except in the fo r following cases , which I am indebted to the authorities mentioned in the Diction a ry of Na ti on a l Biogr aphy 1 . Richard Steward was the third son of o f Nicholas Steward Pattishall, not the nephew

as conjectu red o n page 2 of this book .

2 . . His wife was the daughter of Sir W

Button of To ke n ha m in Wiltshire (p . 3 . His first piece o f preferment was the o f rectory Harrietsham in Kent , a living in f o f ll the gi t All Souls Co ege, to which he 1 626 T was presented in . his was probably the occasion o f his giving up his fellowship

and leaving Oxford (p .

4 . Golde n R e m a i n s published in 1 66 1 seems to have been a reissue of Tr ia s S a cr a published 1 659 in (p . The author makes frequent all usions in the course o f the book to Church matters of the i t me at which he wrote , and the reader may be reminded that this was not the twentieth o f century but the middle the nineteenth, when the controversy o n baptismal regenera PREFACE ix

tion was at its height and secessions o f emi nent Churchmen to the Roman Communion were especiall y numerous . The footnotes , which have been added by ’ to l myself, refer books in the author s ibrary, an d are probably those which he actually f made use o .

T O CO CK . . I . P

N r o vem be 1 908 .

CO NTENTS

P AGE PREFACE

CHAPTE R I

a n d Edu c a ti on

CHAPTER II

The Co n vo ca tion of 1640

CHAPTER III

’ t wa r D a n of S t Pa u l s S e d, e .

CHAPTER I V

The Tre a ty a t Uxbridge

CHAPTER V

Dr t wa rd in Exil . S e e

CHAPTE R VI D r. a Ge rm a in s Ste wa rd t S t. xii CONTENTS

CHAPTER VI I

The Chu rc h o f En glan d a n d Fore ign Prote sta n ti sm 1 18

CHAPTE R VIII

D k f Yo rk Atte n da n c e on the u e o .

CHAPTER I &

Co n ve rts to Rom e

CHAPTER &

H is De a th an d Cha ra c te r

INDE& LI FE O F RI CHARD ST EWARD

CHAPTER I

EARLY L IFE AND EDUCATI ON

TH E next writer that must foll ow according to time is the greatest Royalist in the age he lived , and a person much reverenced by those k who new his virtues and piety. Such is the character given of the subject o f this memoir by An thony Wood in his A then ae ’ O a 'on ie n ses , and it is hoped that the reader s goodwill has been alr eady en listed in favour o f o n e whose name may perhaps be quite u n he known to him , and who, though exercised a great influence for good o n those who figure o f f in the history the time, himsel plays no ff conspicuous part in political a airs , and is

scarcely , known more than by name to readers o f Church history. 2 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

The family of Steward seems to have held a fair position in the county of Northampton in T the sixteenth century. heir estate was at L o din to n in g in that county, and it remained possession of some of their descendants till the

beginning ofthe nineteenth century. But there is no evidence to show how long they had The o f l possessed it . earliest record the fami y which we have been able to meet with is an inscription o n a tombstone in Pattishall church in yard , which simply states Latin that under neath lie the bodies o f John Steward gentleman

and Jane his wife, and that their two deeply a fll ic te d children Nicholas and John had in Th o f scribed the names . e dates their deaths r 1 5 1 59 1 The ecorded are 77 and . same stone contains also an inscription dedicated to the memory o f Nicholas Steward gentleman and f Anne his wi e, whose deaths took place 1 628 1 1 5 Th respectively in and 6 . is is said to have been placed there by Richard Steward

. o r LL D . , but whether he was the son nephew n does o t appear. From its immediately follow o f ing the other, and the expression grief being l ed less strong, we may be to infer that he was not their son . If so, they probably died child less , and were succeeded in the family estate by Richard Steward eldest or perhaps only son o f v o u n the ge r brother John . At least it is EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 3 tolerably clear that he was a grandson o f the

- first mentioned John and Jane Steward . He u 1 594 was born at Pattishall abo t the year , o r but at what school he was educated , whether at any public school, does not appear. The first record o f his life is that he was entered at Magdalen Hall in the Uni versity 1 609 his o f Oxford in , and that he took degree o f Bachelor of Arts there in regular course , and was elected a fellow o f Al l Souls College in 1 61 3 o f , where he proceeded in the study law accordin g to the provisions o f the statutes o f

o f . . . that college . He took the degree B C L

1 0 1 6 1 . December , 7 He was probably entered at Magdalen Hall n o f o account of the principles its members , i which were at that time strictly Pur tan . It would be an interesting subject to describe the mode of life of an undergraduate at Oxford at the commencement o f the seventeenth r centu y, but we unfortunately possess no diaries o f the period to refer to for information o f the kind . We are al most entirely ignorant o f the habits of the place, and indeed are indebted to Anthony Wood for almost all ff that is known about university a airs , matters ll o f in co ege being of course less public interest ,

and in consequence having passed into oblivion . ’ But the few years o f Steward s residence in 4 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD Oxford were very remarkable in many points o f w Vie , and as the proceedings which marked them seem to have exercised considerable

influence in forming his character, it may

be worth while to say a few words about them . Theology of one sort or another certainly was

more studied than it now is, and men, accord in g to the peculiar bent of their minds , devoted themselves to the reading o f favourite authors but amongst these Calvin’s works had decidedly

- the pre eminence, and hence arose the absorbing interest in the topics which are generally called The after his name . five points were de bated as if there really were n o other questions possible in theology, neither indeed, if the principal o n e o f them be admitted and general iz e d n as , philosophically viewi g it, it ought to o n be, is there any room for further debate o r either Divine attributes human actions . Occasionally it would be found that an u o f impetuous student, disg sted with the cant Antinomianism and the absurdities which it

involved, would be driven into the opposite

extreme, and would express opinions variously spoken o f at that time according to their com ni plexion, as Pelagianism , Arminia sm and o f Popery. Many such in the heat controversy, perhaps driven to defend a rash assertion and

finding no safe ground to stand upon, ventured EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 5

o n some bolder proposition which led them o n o f to Roman doctrine . Many instances

this kind occurred , in which a youth but lately w ordained preached doctrines hich , if not

utterly indefensible, were such at least as he n o had power of maintaining, and it is certain

that vexation at being beaten in their argument , o r being silenced by the authorities o f the o f University, was the cause several secessions in o f to Rome . An stance this occurred in the

summer o f the year in which Steward entered . The preacher before the University, a young o f h chaplain Christ C urch named Leech, took

occasion to speak o n counsels o f perfection . He perhaps did not contravene any doctrine o f the articles or formularies o f the Church o f

England, yet his sermon was condemned as

containing Popish tenets , for so, says Wood, they were accounted by the Puritanical doctors o f The the University in those days . author appealed to Bancroft Archbishop o f Canter bury in the vain hope o f having his sentence reversed . He had been suspended from preach ing and prohibited from exercising his office o f t chaplain for three months . He soon af erwards seceded to the Roman communion and retire d to o Arras , where he published some treatises n the same subject, and an account of the motives w hich induced him to change his religion . 6 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD This instance had recently occurred at the ’ o f time Steward s entering at Oxford , and was o f o f course the subject general conversation . Another happened about two years afterwards o f in the case of John Mason, Fellow Corpus, a brother o f the writer o f the Def en ce of the O r ders the Chu r ch o E n la n d of f g , who, as the o f expression was , fell into the error the P o n tifi c ia n s a , in the course of re ding a divinity exercise ; this however was not attended with ul ff the same disastrous res ts, as the o ender was induced to retract his errors and conform . It was perhaps unfortunate fo r the cause o f religion that these offences were prosecuted The ff wi th so high a hand . o enders in most cases seem to have been young and in e xpe ri e n c e d o men, with whom a rem nstrance as to the folly of preachin g o n subjects which they did not understand would probably have had far greater weight than the retractation which they were forced to make, and which at least o f stood in some danger not being sincere, as well as had the effect o f exciting others against what had the appearance of tyranny and o p ff pression . In estimating the e ects of such measures it should not be forgotten that the number o f students in Oxford at that time was considerably more than double what it is now, and that persons in the position of Masters

8 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

’ against them at Paul s Cross, and is known in ecclesiastical history as the principal defender o f orthodox doctrines at the Hampton Court The Conference . great zeal which he showed for the well-being o f the Church at large was evidenced by his fir st proclamation after being o f made Chancellor Oxford . He issued an order immediately for the reading o f the o f Fathers and Schoolmen, instead modern o f ni ll compilations divi ty, which ti that time had been much in use ; and accordingly soon afterwards a delegacy was appointed for the purpose o f publishing better and more read able editions o f the Fathers . He made many o f new regulations for the government colleges , and enforced such of the existing statutes as were in abeyance . Amongst other rules was the important o n e that no person should be admitted to the offi ce o f tutor, except he were first approved by the Vice- Chancellor and some other di vines appointed for that purpose. He even went so far as to interfere with the private regulations o f n colleges , insisting upon the daily attenda ce o f students at Morning and Evening Prayer, and ordering that all should at least three times in the year receive the Holy Communion and four times a year hear the Articles o f

Religion read over in chapel . Moreover he EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 9

issued a caution against preaching ill -digested

thoughts , lest those who should have done so should feel themselves in honour obliged to so defend what they had once asserted, and , n o f followi g the example Leech , should go further than they in tended and make shipwreck

at once o f their conscience and their faith . Other rules which he made may be passed by here, but they indicate at once a very relaxed state o f morals and religion in the

University, and great wisdom in the methods adopted fo r reforming the usual mode o f life o f students . To Bancroft also is due the administering the oath o f allegiance to the members o f the T o n e o f re c o m University. his was his last m e n da tio n s ff o f , and it had the desired e ect clearing the University of some who were o f as o f suspected Romanism , as well some ho Calvinists w refused to take the oath . ’ The period o f Steward s residence was just the most fortunate time for his improvement in these studies . It is plain from many passages in his works that he had an early bias to Calvinism , and it is equally plain that he made ample use o f his opportunities o f study hi s ing ancient authors . After death, was published a beautiful little volume of reflections on passages of the Fathers which purports to be 10 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f one his juvenile productions , and no doubt it is the result o f his meditations when a student at Oxford . t Bancrof , though a determined enemy of the i Puritans, was by no means incl ned to favour o f the pretensions Rome, which were supposed to be in the opposite extreme ; he took care to caution all students against indiscreet strong expressions towards Popery, such as Leech had T made use o f. here was no doubt danger in both directions , but the danger of inclining towards Rome was one which affected in dividu a l s only ; the other was an evil which had fixed itself and taken deep root both in the University and the Church of England , so so much indeed , that there seemed but little chance humanly speakin g of extirpating it ; o f nor, but for the providential circumstance t o f Bancrof being Chancellor Oxford, and so

stemming the evil, does it appear at all likely that Laud would afterwards have so effectually t li checked it as he did . Bancrof scarcely ved long enough to see the effects o f his zeal

for reforming. He was succeeded in the C 1 61 1 hancellorship in by Lord Ellesmere, u nder whom there appears to have been some thing like a reaction towards Puritanism . Wood observes tha t Puritanism was more

rampant than Popery, but probably this EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 11 remark applies to a much longer period o f time than the chancell orship o f Lord Ellesmere . Puritanism was much encouraged by the ’

o f i . King s Professor Div nity Dr Abbot , whose principles were the same with those of o f his brother the Archbishop Canterbury. ll His View was what was ca ed Sublapsarian, and he was more moderate than his two o r three immediate predecessors in the chair o f ’ theology. Wood s expression is that during his time it was dangerous to find fault with

Geneva . He adds that the evil was rather increased than mitigated by the foundation of o f the two new colleges Jesus and Wadham . The n ni i fluential members of the U versity, who (with some very remarkable exceptions however) were orthodox , persuaded the King that the increase o f Calvinistic doctrine and Presbyterian order and discipline must go hand ’ n o f in ha d . Jam es horror Presbyterianism a n d who is well known, those made their appeal to him probably did n o t appreciate the ’ o f t No force the King s of en repeated words , bishop , no king but they dexterously availed themselves of his prejudice , and procured an 1 6 1 6 enactment to be made by him in the year , directing students to avoid modern compilations to of divinity, and resort the ancient Fathers and Councils for the interpretation of the views 12 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

f o f T o the Church England . his enactment had great weight in obstructing the progress o f Calvinism , and probably would have entirely banished it from the University if it had not been fo r the opposition o f the two divinity o f professors and the Dean Christ Church, and the lukewarmness o f others who did not bestir

themselves to put it in execution . It is remarkable how little trouble was taken to keep the University clear from persons who might be thought likely to introduce erroneous

doctrines . Several foreign Protestants were admitted during the first half o f the seventeenth f century, and generally with happy ef ect to o f themselves , as they either became members o r the English Church, upon their return to

their own country, were known for their attach m o The Bo c ha rt ent t her. celebrated Samuel

was o f this number. Some liberality was also ni o f shown towards Roma sts, who course were n o t admitted to be actual members o f the n University, but were occasio ally allowed to enter their names as students in the lately T founded Bodleian library. here is a remark able instance o f this recorded by Anthony 1 o f Wood in the case Richard Broughton, who was entered under the title o f a Min ister o f ’ God s word . He was in reality a Romish priest

1 Fae w a n 1 2 ti O on ienses, . 6 6. EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 13

ha d sent on the English mission, for which he been educated at Rheims , and had been chosen assistant to the Arch -priest lately appointed by the Pope .

Laud was now just coming into prominence .

He had already, a few years before, attracted f ’ o r . notice a sermon at St Mary s , which was spoken of as tending to Popery. He preached 1 6 1 5 again on Shrove Sunday , and was attacked by Abbot in a sermon o n the following Easter o re Sunday, which acc rding to custom was pe a te d o n Low Sunday. Laud was present at the repetition, and mentions that the preacher n even pointed at him as he was sitti g there. It appears that whatever favour was given to the o f Genevan doctrine, the discipline Calvinism made little progress in the English Church . Many favourers o f his opinions on the five points were yet strenuous assertors o f epis c o a c o f p y, and upheld magnificence ceremonial in religious Observances . But though the University authorities were still Calvinistic in o f o f point doctrinal tone, yet the frequency instances of sermons condemned for what was then called Pelagianism a n d Arminianism in dic a te d a tolerably extensive reaction from the o f tenets that school, and men had already begun to find o u t that absolute decrees and fatalism were near akin to one another, and 14 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD neither o f them promoted piety and virtue a in fact any more th n in theory they ought .

Wood says that he had heard , but does not n vouch for the fact , that fortnightly meeti gs were held where this subject was discussed over and over again, and adds that the abettors o f the absolute decree system were certainly superior in numbers a n d zeal if not in argument . If it was ever doubtful which system would prevail in Oxford, these doubts were set at 1 630 b rest in the year , when a pitched attle was fought o n this very ground for the election o f a chancell or in the room o f the o f Th di deceased Earl Pembroke . e can dates were the Earl o f Montgomery and Laud o f o n e Bishop London, the supported by the W elsh Calvinists assisted by Balliol, Oriel , ll Lincoln and Brasenose Co eges , backed by Will iams Bishop o f Lincoln ; the other put ’ forward by St . John s College and favoured by what was stigmatized as the Arminian party. We shall have occasion hereafter to notice the effects of Laud ’s chancellorship upon the views o f the University and the Church at The o f f large . early part its history is full o M ’ accounts of sermons preached at St. ary s and their preachers convented before the Vice o f Chancellor. But the doctrine complained

16 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD which the preacher had asserted the lawfulness o f subjects taking up arms in defence of their T religion against their sovereign . his doctrine so alarmed the Vice - Chancellor that he

summoned Knight before him , demanded his sermon and an account o f those who had o r persuaded him to preach it, to whom he

had communicated his design . For the se doctrine Knight referred him to Par ns , a professor o f divinity at Heidelberg ; for ex o f i ample, to that K ng James I . whose intention was to send assistance to the Rochel lers in arms against their king ; and named two

people to whom he had shown his sermons .

All three were thrown into prison, and the V - o f ice Chancellor wrote to Laud Bishop St . ’ in u a David s , already high favo r t Court, who ff represented the whole a air to the King.

James sent for the obnoxious preacher, and receiving the same answers from him as the

- Vice Chancellor had done, imprisoned him e imm diately in the Gatehouse at Westminster, o and wr te a very complimentary letter to Dr.

- Piers the Vice Chancellor, who was at that o f time Canon Christ Church , thanking the

University for their vigilance, and recommend ing again the study of the Scriptures and the Fathers as the best remedy against the n machination s of both Jesuits and Purita s . EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 17

22 His letter is dated April , and probably ’ Steward s fir st act as Proctor may have been to read this letter to the House o f Convoca The tion . University in their zeal for the ’ King ordered a search to be made for P a raeu s a ll volumes , and that could be found were publicly burnt as containing seditious doctrine de repugnant to Scripture , the Fathers , the l crees of Counci s , and utterly at variance with the doctrine and formularies of the Church of 25th England . On the following of June it was de creed that none should be admitted to any degree except after taking the oath that under no circumstances could it be lawful for a subject to take up arms against his sovereign . This was not the onl y University sermon f condemned this year, for very soon a terwards a fellow o f Corpus Christi College preach ’ ing at St . Mary s , inveighed strongly against the University authorities for their conduct ff towards Knight , and was o ered the choice o f retracting what he had said o r retiring from o f the University. Wood speaks Oxford as if it were already becom ing cleared o f the errors o f o f Calvinism, but the reader may judge the orthodoxy o f the famous University at this time by their treatment o f another offender ’ ff during Steward s year of o ice . Another fellow of Corpus Christi College named 2 18 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD Gabriel Bridges was convented before the - e R a wlin Vice Chanc llor assisted by Prideaux , son, Fell and others the most orthodox names o n in the University, for preaching the subject of absolute decrees . He was ordered to recant and to take for the subjects o f the exercises he D B . was going to perform for the degree of . in the ensuing term , the following theses

Decr etu m P r a ede stin a tion is n on est c on dition a le . Gr a tia sufi ciens a d sa lu te m n on con ceditu r m n ibu The o f o s. influence Abbot Arch bishop o f Canterbury su stained these opinions o f Calvin till Laud with a high hand put them h down . But no reflecting person could ave resided during these eventful years in Oxford without being very much influenced by what was going o n around him and it is plain from ’ o f the character Steward s writings , as well as t - i from the part he played in af er l fe, that he had made much profit by the circumstances in which he had been thrown, and the persons with whom he lived . His friends at Magdalen Hall were probably for the most part of i an d Puritanical v ews , amongst them he acquired that religiousness o f character which found scope to display itself when he had learned to View things in a truer light, and had formed a different estimate of the doctrines l of the Church . His election to a fe lowship EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 1 9

i 1 6 13 at All Souls , wh ch took place in , intro du c e d o f him to a new set companions, whose vi ews were totally dissimilar from those with which he had hitherto been most conversant . Sheldon and Duppa were both at this time o ld fellows , the former enough to have had ’ considerable influen ce in forming Steward s character, the other still quite a young man, yet older than Steward, and so probably exercising a simil ar influence over him in the same direction S o successfu l were their endeavours 1n m stillin g right principles into o f the members this college, whether by pre 1 6 48 cept or example, that at the visitation in there was only o n e fellow who submitted to the authority of the visitors a n d retained his The in place . men had changed, the pr ciples remained what they were, and Sheldon pre sided over a body of fellows who joined their in Warden sacrificing all, rather than submit ll to an i egal parliamentary visitation . Many ’ o f Steward s contemporaries had been removed either to country livings o r to higher prefer o r v l ment, had acated their fe lowships by marriage before that time . We regret that we have no information as to this period o f ’ a Steward s life . He had long since ce sed to b e a fellow, but as to the time when he gave up his fe ll o Wship we can onl y say that it was 20 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

1 622 1 628 between the years and , when he was

made Prebendary of Worcester. If we may be allowed to conjecture where we have no a certain evidence , it seems probable th t he may have come into the notice of the Court 1 625 ’ in , at the time when Charles I . s parlia ment was transferred from London to Oxford o f T on account the plague . hough the students were dismissed to make room for o f members , yet fellows colleges for the most part remained . It is possible he may at this ’ o r time have first attracted Laud s attention , possibly the King may have been pleased o r o f with his preaching address , both which were very superior to those o f most of the f divines o f his time . He married soon a ter o f wards , though there is no record the exact ’

o f . period , nor the lady s name Certain it is that from this time his promotion was rapid . In the following year he had conferred o n him a prebendal stall in Salisbury Cathedral, and ’ was made o n e of the King s chaplains . In 1 634 he was appointed to the Deanery o f 1 638 Chichester, and in he was made Pre bendary o f Westminster and Clerk o f the o fli c e Closet to the King, in which he suc c e e de d Sheldon . Several of these preferments he held at the same time, as was not unusual at that period . Much scandal was no doubt EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION 21

given, and justly, by heaping so much pre ferment on in dividuals ; but though there is no doubt this was both an evil in itself and o f a cause scandal to the Puritans , yet it must be remembered that the ill -effects have been o f much exaggerated, and the facts the case frequently misrepresented by disappointed ft fi T aspirants a er of ce . ranslations were almost necessary to some extent in cases where it was worth while to make trial o f a man before a very important place was given in c o m him, and holding livings and stalls m en da m for a year o r two was almost o f equally a matter course , when the person promoted would not otherwise have been able to bear the expense o f his change o f preferment . Steward was still Dean of Chichester at the o f 1 640 time of the Convocation , and in that capacity we shall have to speak of him in the t next chapter. He soon af erwards was made ’ o f 1 645 o f Dean St . Paul s , and in Dean The o f Westminster. last these preferments at least, if not both the two last , were of no value to him , as the troubles had set in , and the loyal clergy had been dispossessed almost before he was able to pay the first fruits to the King. Besides these Church preferments he had succeeded Sir Henry Wotton in the 22 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f 1 639 T Provostship Eton in . his meagre account is all that could be gleaned o f Steward ’s personal history till the time when he first appeared in a public capacity, which we shall leave for the next chapter.

24 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f P o f arliament , met at the Chapter House ’ St . Paul s . Ecclesiastical matters were at this time entirely under the management o f Arch The ff bishop Laud . su ragan bishops and inferior clergy held for the most part the same views with the Primate . So great was the influence he exerted by his fearless temper of mind and the extreme vigour with which he pushed forward any scheme upon which he n had determined, that he had already duri g his ten years primacy produced a greater degree of unity of doctrine than had existed in the Church since the great revolution o f the previous century . Not only had he influenced the King in the appointments of the bishops and other dignitaries , but he had in all cases used the immense patronage which he pos sessed as archbishop in promoting to vacant b e n e fic e s clergymen who entertained the same vi s il i ew with himself, or at least were w l ng to be guided by him . In fact Calvinism , which had been the prevailing creed in the Church o f England from the time of the drawing up o f T - the hirty nine Articles , was now, if not crushed, yet very much abated . Many of the great and good men to whom under God we o we the preservation of the Church of England , were unable to divest themselves o f modes of thought o r shake o f forms o f expression to TH E CONVOCATION OF 1640 25 which they had been accustomed from their The childhood . younger clergy had however ff been brought up in a di erent school, and the influence whi ch Laud had exerted over the country in general had been strengthened by his conduct during the time he was Chancellor o f Oxford . He had completely changed the o f prevailing tone religion in that University. The o f heads and tutors colleges , many from

conviction , though many it is to be feared r o f f om motives policy, adopted his views ; and Calvinism had given place to what was

at that day called Arminianism, the same

Views and opinions precisely, which in the present day are stigmatized by ignorant and unthinkin g people with the names o f Popery t m a to and priestcraf . It y seem strange some that so complete a change as is here re pre sented could be accomplished in so short a o f period time. But we have seen something il o u r that w l bear comparison with it in day. Those who can carry their recoll ection back

’ for twenty years m a y remember when the doctrine o f baptismal grace scarcely occupied o f any place in the belief the laity or clergy, and sad as it is to think that this should still be matter o f dispute within the pale of the

Church , yet the unanimity of belief which has been exhibited as pervading the clergy at 26 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD l if o f u east, not the educated laity, the Ch rch o f a England, indic tes as rapid a development as that to which we are referring as due to T Archbishop Laud . here is one important difference in comparing these times with those o f The o f the seventeenth century. influence o n e di vine o f decided views was naturally greater at a time when the clergy were so little educated that probably the great body of them had no views at all, and were perhaps unable to understand the doctrines to which they found so little difficulty in yielding s T o f a sent . his course operated favourably for ’ Laud s scheme o f raising the tone o f the ’ The re fixin Anglican Church . p g the King s declaration to the Articles was o n e o f the The first steps in this direction . subsequent diff iculties he encountered, particularly the di sastrous termination o f the attempt to im u o n o f pose a new lit rgy the people Scotland, did not in the least daunt or di scourage him ; and no doubt he had contrived that the Convocation o f 1 640 should contain a su fli c ie n t number o f representatives o f the clergy to The carry everything his o wn way. preacher and the prolocutor were both men of his o wn T o n e stamp . Dr. urner, of the residentiaries ’ o f St . Paul s , was appointed to the former ff o o f his o ice, and took occasi n in the course THE CONVOCATION OF 1640 27 sermon to exhort the bishops to act up to the to rubric and canons, and insist upon a strict conformity. He had been all along entirely ’ o f Laud s school, having been born at Reading, ’ on e o f Laud s native place, and having held ’ the fellowships o f Laud s fou ndation at St . ’ ll h John s Co ege, where e had been under the

u xo n t o f . tuition of J , af erwards Bishop London From his early years he had dedicated himself to n the mi istry, and possessed all the natural gifts as well as Chr istian graces requisite for ffi that high o ce . Preferments came fast upon him, for his merits had rendered him a favourite with the King and Bishop Laud . But the o f o f desire wealth was no part his character, for when the Deanery o f Canterbury was conferred upon him he resigned the great o f living St . Olave which he held, into the ’ King s hands ; and about the same time gave up hi s o wn valuable patrimony to hi s younger t brother ; and af erwards , when the Rebellion was raging and himself sequestered and plu n f dered , and with his wi e and children forced to

fly from place to place , he yet supported his ll - aged parents , whose we known loyalty had R e also involved them in ruin . Upon the sto ra tio n ff preferments were again o ered him, i n to o but he declined them , alleg g that he was o ld for the burden . He was at this time 28 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

chaplain to the Archbishop as well as to the ’ The o f L a n d s King. prolocutor was another special favourites , Dr . Richard Steward the subject of this memoir, who was at this time o f o f Dean Chichester. With such members Convocation it might have been expected that the Archbishop would have experienced little fi in dif culty carrying anything he wished, but he took the fu rther unusual precaution o f havin g inserted in the commission a clause to the effect that nothing shoul d be done without ’ the Archbishop s being a party to it . In the

Lower House he might have been quite secure, ’ for Steward s dexterity in the management o f men and things was notorious , and he could entirely depend upon his concurrence with o f himself upon matters discipline. Perhaps he thought he was not so secure o f agreement o f in the Upper House, which was composed many bishops in whose appointment he had had no hand . One o f the first proposals Steward had to make to this Convocation was the enactment o f a new canon for suppressing the further growth o f Popery . His directions were such as that the Lower House might enlarge and alter the canon as they thought proper. We may be quite sure that it was owing to no want of skill ’ o n the prolocutor s part that Laud suddenl y THE CONVOCATION OF 1640 29

changed his mind and withdrew the proposition . It is possible he may have thought that o n a point upon which both clergy and laity felt strongly, some expressions would be used in which he s c o u ld not concur ; o r as is more probable , the Archbishop wished that the canon , proceeding wholly from himself, might be an indication to which he could hereafter refer as evidence that he had no intention o f n secretly introducing Popery i to the kingdom .

With regard to the other canons proposed , the prolocutor had of course little difficulty in procuring the assent o f a House so composed to propositions levelled against the Socinian o r nf n heresy, to a clause e orci g penalties such as had been in force again st Popish o n recusants , sectaries such as Anabaptists, Brownists and Familists for absentin g them o f selves from the services the parish churches . The hasty dissolution of the Parliament which happened at this stage o f the proceedings should according to custom have been followed by the breakin g- u p of the Convocation ; but something like a precedentfor doing so havin g been discovered by a member o f the Lower , i House, they cont nued their sitting, and obtained a new commission from the King to justify their doing so . There was considerable u nanimity in this 30 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD l Convocation, the on y dissentient in the Upper House being the celebrated Godfrey Goodman e r Bishop of Gloucester, whose opposition p haps indicates that thus early he had begun to entertain too favourable notions o f the com n mu ion to which he afterwards seceded . Differences o f opinion prevented any enact ments being made on the subject o f an English Pontifical and a service for the Consecration o f Churches , and for the restoration of those who had done open penance or apostatized . Had Steward lived to see the restoration o f the royal family, it is probable that these poin ts would again have been brought before ’ the notice o f the King s commissioners at T the Savoy conference . here was another subject discussed, in which Steward took some viz interest, . the Bidding Prayer before the 5 h 5t . sermon, as enjoined by the Canon It was felt to be a grievance to be tied to this form o f prayer before the commencement o f every parish sermon, as it seemed unnecessarily a to lengthen service already tediously long. The Archbishop however was afraid of allow ing any latitude to the preacher to introduce o f o f o wn nin any form prayer his , by sanctio g the proposal o f a shorter prayer which should d embody the matter of the canon, and Stewar

seems to have been of the same opinion .

32 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

exceptions that were taken against the pa rtic u lar wording of this statute , that objectors were determined to find fault, and that nothing whatever could have been done in the direction in which Laud was working, which would o r have satisfied appeased the Puritan party.

Laud knew this, and was evidently playing a game in which he thought he must very prob rt ably be beaten, and accordingly he unde ook the task at all hazards . Steward was entirely o f the same way of thinking, and though thus early they had great reason to fear the issue t of the contest , yet they s aked all upon it . The oath which caused such dire offence ff was simply to this e ect, that those who took it declared against any, either Popish or other, innovations , and any alteration of the govern

m . The ent of the Church by archbishops , etc

Scottish Covenant had rendered it necessary. The e t ce ter a was the word that nomin ally brought down a storm o f indignation against the oath ; but we may be sure that the real grie v o f ance lay deeper, in the form episcopal govern ment as opposed to the form at that tim e

o f rm . most popular, the Presbyterian platfo The question reall y at issue thr oughout the long struggle that Laud maintained, was whether the Church o f England should recede fu rthe r from primitive and Catholic truth and TH E CONVOCATION OF 1640 33

o r practices , take the step which twenty years afterwards was actually taken at the last f n remodelling o the Liturgy. It is o t fair then to charge such men with carrying things recklessly and with a high hand , nor does there appear any reason to thin k they were shortsighted . On the contrary, they felt that the work ought to be attempted because it was o f necessary, though there was little hope success , and to them is due, though they never o f lived to see the fruit their labours , the position which the Church of England now 1 6 60 holds , and has held since . The o n commission, as it was now called , sat all the summer, and so high had the discon tent against the Court and hierarchy grown that they were obliged to have a guard o f soldiers to protect them during their pro e e din s T c g . his was only the prelude to the declamations against the bishops which were in uttered the Long Parliament , which o n 3rd o f assembled the November this year. The commission had been attacked by the mob excited by the Scotch Presbyterians and English Puritans o n the 22n d o f ’ October, as they sat in St . Paul s Cathedral . The number o f people assembled was consisting o f Brownists and other sectaries . No d to e violence was one persons , the xtent 3 34 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f mischief done being that the benches were torn down amid violent cries o f No Bishops I ” No & n o n High Commission Accordi gly, the o n 3rd o f meeting of Parliament the November, o n e l o n of the ear iest debates was episcopacy, and before the end of the next month L a n d and

Wrenn Bishop of Ely were impeached . One specimen shall suffice to show how eminently qualified parliamentary orators are to deal o with grave theological questions . It was n o f the question episcopacy, upon which Mr. fir Grimston argued, that st it was clear fr om the admission o f all parties that arch u r e divin e bishops as such were not j , that the present state o f parties alone showed that

it was questionable whether bishops were so , and that all agreed that ministers were ju r e divin o (an argument by the way which coul d scarcely have been stated so broadl y ten years

afterwards) . How great then was the absurdity o f those who certainly are not, and those who ’ ll o f doubtfu y are, God s appointment suspend ing and exercising authority over others who The o f . undoubtedly are God learned Selden , with little affection for episcopacy but with a some logical cuteness , replied that parlia ’ ments o n everybody s admission were not ju r e divin o , whether Convocation was so admitted of

question, but that it was unquestionable that TH E CONVOCATION OF 1640 35 religion was so ; how great then the absurdity o f the two former meddling with the affairs o f the latter .

We need not wonder that Convocation, o n 4th o f which met the November, should have r separated without doing anything. So f ight ened were some o f the members that it was proposed to‘ abrogate all the canons they had made , but this proposal was rejected . And we hear no more of ecclesiastical matters this year. Parli ament however was determined n o t to leave those who had taken part in the obnoxious 1 641 assembly unpunished . In July an order was made that the House should consider o f the puni shment due to the Convocation for making the last new canons , and whether they are persons fit longer to continue to have any f o r he o fice in the Church Commonwealth . T truth is that Parli ament hoped in this way to raise a considerable amount to defray the expenses o f the nation ; the fines proposed bore proportion much more to their hatred o f the individuals concerned than to their ability to The c pay. ar hbishops were fined and o f respectively, the Bishop Ely the Bishop o f Chester and each of the proctors This bill ho w ever never came to anything ; probably the 36 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

Houses o f Parliament thought they should ff have some di iculty in getting the money, and wisely adopted the safer plan o f sequestrating b e n e fic e s o f the the clergy, and abolishing the f f o fice o bishops . CHAPTER III

’ W ' ST E RD DEA o r sr . AUL 1 6 42 A , N P S ,

I T was probably soon after his appointment to f ’ the Deanery o St . Paul s that Steward preached a sermon which has been preserved amongst his posthumous publications . How ’ long the custom o f preaching at Paul s Cross was continued it is not easy to say, but if we are right in o u r conjecture that Steward preached a sermon there after he was appointed ’ Dean of St . Paul s , he must have been fo r amongst the last preachers at that place, in May 1 6 43 it was destroyed by the fu ry o f the mob . It is indeed possible that this sermon may have been delivered many years earlier, for the right o f preaching there was by no means peculiar to the Dean and Chapter o f ’ o f St . Paul s . Clergymen from all parts the country seem to have been from time to time summoned to London by the Archbishop o f fo r o f Canterbury the purpose, and the works perhaps the greater number o f our o ld di vines 37 38 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o n contain e o r more sermons preached there . The place itself was a covered pulpit in o n e ’ o f corner St . Paul s churchyard ; here people o f The all ranks flocked to hear the sermons . pulpit had been occupied in succession by the most distinguished divines o f the English

Church , and the auditory had frequently been composed of the members of the Court and the li te n highest nobi ty. Here, years before, Laud Bishop o f London had preached on the anni ve rsa r o f y the Coronation . And here the Lord Mayor and Corporation o f London had been in the habit of attending the sermons o f o f the famous preachers the day, whilst the crowd was attracted round the Cross partly by the desire o f seeing the civic authorities in their o r o f t e o f robes , getting a sight h persons the

Court and nobility, partly by the passion for

sermons which so much prevailed. Latterly the pulpit had been filled by none but ortho do x f preachers, though for fi ty years pre vio u sly it had heard strange discrepancy o f The doctrine . most remarkable sermons that

had recently been preached there , were one H A 1 6 40 by Dr . enry Hammond in pril called “ ’ ” T . the Poor Man s ithing, and one by Dr A 1 641 . Frank exhorting to obedience, in passage l n the latter shows what dangers the preacher was exposed to at the time

40 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

r subject is scandal , f om the text, Give no ff 1 Co r. o ence, etc . ( x . It commences with “ o f in ter m a ri a a graphic description Corinth , u a si s ecta cu lo ew osita q p p . It was set upon ” o f waters as for a spectacle, and a comparison its state with London 1 Corinth was rich indeed , in gold and mer c ha n dise , in the wealth of Greece, and in the commodi ties o f all other nations : only here was to o re li io u s : fo r her poverty, she was rich in g (as if they were to be sold to o ) she had choice o f i each several sort , Judaism , Pagan sm , and ni & Christia sm . Want any faith Corinth can furnish you . Here you may descry a church , : there a shrine, yonder a synagogue in this place you may see Christ worshipped , go on , you may hear him questioned , and in the next street blasphemed . Nay, the Christian part was not well settled : some were o f strong resolu : tion, others weak, of an inconstant frame so that this baptized number scarce seemed o n e body, the members were so unlike . Amidst o f this sea distractions, the Church must needs hazard shipwreck, if an Apostle be not the n Pilot . Hence therefore he draws this directi g compass , and my text is the card which they

1 r d nd Le a rn e d Dr Three serm ons pr ea ched by the Reve en a . ’ G B Ri ha r d S tu a rt Dea n o S t. P a u l s etc . 12 m o . a b i el e de l c , f , r a n d Thos. Hea h Lo don 1656 . 3 . t , n , , p ’ 41 ST . P 1642 DEAN OF AUL S.

ff must sail by, Give no o ence , neither to the to to Jews , nor the Gentiles , nor the Church f ’ o God . 1 Bu t what 1 in o n e Corinth so many & factious rarities Jews against Gentiles , and both these too divided from the Christians & ’ amidst these distractions , tis best sure to be neutral ; for who would yet make choice o f any faith & Let the scribe either yield to the o r o f o f Gospel, the Sophists Greece to the law

Moses , or else let S . Paul give way to the

Philosophers . As things here stand , to look on is the best course ; and the most compendious way to avoid all scandal is to turn Atheist . & Good, politic blasphemy pendulous Cor ’ in thia n s r e e o syoz , pc p y , whirled about with every

wind , which bloweth them whither it listeth . No w they turn with the Jewish scribes , anon ’ with Christ s Apostles, ere long they change this holy faith, if either a Stoic chance to dis u o r p te with them , an Epicure to invite them . Sometimes they approve highly o f the Chri s ’ tian Belief, because they see, tis backed by the ’ Jews own Prophets , and guarded with such o f armed legions convincing arguments . Again, ’ they remember, that Paganism is Corinth s old

Religion, and their giddy brains straight doat

upon Antiquities . In the mean time these 1 0 cit. 13. p . p . 42 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

n ff changeli gs give none o ence, their ambiguous postures are so far from displeasing, that you ’ o wn would think S . Paul s carriage was not To more absolute . the Jews they became plain Jews ; to the Grecians Gentiles , and (for a spurt too) they can believe as much as the most fir m Apostle ; yet here is the differ

: . l ence S Pau altered the clothes of Religion, c o n but these men change the body. He was tent to yield in Ceremonies ; but these (with o ff to o greater ease) put their faith . Our

Apostle did it, that he might by all means save some ; these, that by no means they may displease any ; and so that all be friends , no ” matter for salvation . The striking passages in the sermon which allude to Roman practices are the foll owing It 1 were to be wished that Saint Paul had written these words to Rome, because (sure) ’ they never heard o f what s here said to Corinth Fo r , would they then within the same walls & entertain Jews , and yet worship Images Would they make themselves as accurst by ’ scandal, as the Jews by Infidelity Nay, that s n o t enough to worship them, they must be do a n d we e taught to wonders too, to groan, p, and bleed, that the people may be sure to think so many Pictures , so many Deities , so

1 ci . . 16 . 0p. t p ST P UL’ 1642 43 DEAN OF . A S ,

’ that there s now no better sport in Rome, than to see a Picture play a miracle, and a sly Jew ” discover it . 1 Judge now, I pray you , which are more tolerable, the worst at Corinth , or the best at Rome There some few took meat in an Idol

T a ll . emple, but here deal with Idols themselves T o n Go d : so hey say, they fix their hearts did those worst Corinthians , and yet their mouths made them Idolaters ; and then ho w these ’ Fo r men s knees can escape I know not . hi (met nks) in case of false Religion, less hurt should come by eating, than adoring. It were ’ o if go d , (for the Jews sake at least) they c ru c ifixe s would leave their , and their whole o f n Heaven Poppets , an Heathe ish (they are their own Cassander ’s words) and gross kind o f & worship . For to what purpose unless perhaps His Holiness imagines that he can n neither truly succeed Peter, without denyi g his Master, nor represent Aaron without

Idolatry. The preacher was not singular in his in ve c tive s against Rome . It is true that Roman practices were misunderstood and m isre pre sented to an extent which would be incredible had we not continual evidence how easy it is to gain credit for any assertion that maligns

1 0 . cit. . 24 . p , p 44 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

that Church . It is possible more converts have been made to that religion upon the dis c o ve ry o f the falseness o f the crimes all eged against it, than by other methods which might ff fo r seem more e ectual the purpose . Steward however was not a man to say what he did not o r fo r know, to exaggerate a charge the sake

o f . popular applause So far from it was he, that he unsparingly lashes the peculiar sins o f his audience . By far the most eloquent pas o f o f sages the sermon which we are speaking, are directed against the special vices o f those who heard him . After having alluded to Romish idolatry and scandal he proceeds as foll ows 1 nl Yet, I wish that Rome o y were to be o f found guilty these scandalous transgressions , o r that o u r land were as free from those sins hi ff ’ w ch o end the Jews , as tis from the Jews b e fre themselves , Adulteries then would less h quent, and t is day be accounted a Day of Rest, f T n and not o Riot . hat biti g trade would then t in c e stu be lef , wherein (I know not by what o u s gain) coin begets coin upon itself ; and we should take care either to strangle the gnaw o r ing serpent , else to make it toothless shall I call it the Circumcision o f the land & It is a n o r o u r burden (they say) that neither we,

1 0 cit. . 25. p. p ST P UL’ 1642 45 DEAN OF . A S, forefathers were well able to bear : must n ot this crime make the Jews to abhor o u r Christian cruelty & for with thi s tearing engine o wn they oppress strangers only, but we grind

Brethren . Nor is it improper to speak here o f Jews and of Gentiles too, the whole world is a fit subject for this great auditory . I doubt not, there are here present , who converse with both fo r fo r nations , some Profit, and some Delight ; no people , but some here may either by com o r mand perhaps , else by curiosity, be brought u to deal with them . Y o then that go down to the sea in ships , and whose way lieth in the o f ff midst great waters , give ye none o ence, T I n fide ls neither to the Jews , nor urks , nor , b least your ill lives eget their blasphemy, and l o u whi st you make yourselves a scorn , y make your mighty God contemptible . Use no fraud i in bargain ng, nor deceit in your slack per fo rm a n c e ff l , lest Christ himself su er, whi e your ff F r . o tongues o end , will strangers think him God a ll a , whose servants are Atheists & Will they be brought to worship Christ, when your o wn hi m & T n o t if works deny hink to thrive, for your sake your Saviour prove a loser. May they please to hear to o : If any here b ath do w o u r to ith late planted Colonies , o r whether in Virginia, in other places ; they 46 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

are seated (yo u know) in the midst of the ff Gentiles , and therefore my text a ords this caution : Let them give none offence ; let care

be taken that those men you send , be taught o u r first to know God at home, lest Plantations o u r be held to be but gaol deliveries, and Land be thought rather to transport her crimes than i her Rel gion . Let them be forced to forbear a

savage cruelty, lest (what others have already ’ done) they make o u r Saviour s name grow to odious to the Pagans , and cause them speak o f T ll through bitterness soul , here is no He h ’ but C ristendom . 1 o u r o u r If people remain still profane, o u r : gentry luxurious , and clergy careless If w our devotions be gro n so cold, that they ff o r scarce a ord either alms to others, Prayers o u r to ourselves If poor yet pine before us , and o u r wealthy become most maliciously ossiden t a d ho c ta n tu m n e ossi covetous , p , p

der e a lteri licea t . , as S Cyprian speaks in his 2n d Epistle, they grow rich for spight, and o f hoard up the fruits the earth, not so much that they may feed themselves , as that they may starve others : If corru ption bear rule in o u r ct in ter le es docetu r Courts of Justice, g , qu a d legibu s in ter dicitu r (as the same Father dc S ecta c speaks in his Book p ) , and men learn

1 ci t. . 32 . 0p. p

CHAPTER IV

TH E TREATY AT U& BRIDGE

’ TH E next occasion o f Steward s appearance in public was the treaty at Uxbridge at the 1 6 45 to beginning of the year . In order understand the circumstances o f the treaty and the part taken by him in its proceedings , it is necessary briefly to refer to the events o f the preceding five years . From the day o n whi ch the Kin g had opened the Long

Parliament , it must have been clear to any impartial bystander in which direction the tide had set . Whatever issue was to be expected to the political questions raised between the

King and the Parliament, it must have been in already clear that nothing, humanly speak g, could save the Church . It was possible that o n some compromise might be found , which to base an agreement between the Royalist li and Par amentary party, but the inveterate hatred of the Scots fo r episcopacy had already ha d spread into England, and Parliament 4 8 THE TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 49 recourse to every expedient to encourage this i the o f 1 640 feel ng. Before close the year a committee had been appointed for setting up preaching ministers , an expedient, the object of which was to teach that rebellion was lawful for the defence of religion and reformation f No r o the Church . were they content with f this, for soon a terwards weekly lectures were generally established throughout the country, and thus a constant agitation was kept up , the preachers instigating the people to petition n agai st the factious party so called , that is , The all the nobility who sided with the King . pulpits of London and Westminster were fill ed with persons of this class , whose business it was , s both by ermons and pamphlets , to stir up all persons who were able to take up arms , and those who were not, to aid the glorious work,

o f . as it was termed, by contributions money Indeed the preachers themselves were in many cases more zealous than their employers , and actually went so far as to enter the private houses o f many members of Parliament for the purpose o f giving them exhortations to li rebel on . Specimens o f their oratory m ight T easily be collected . heir sermons were full o f the most awful blasphemy as well as o f most violent imprecations against the King is T u a u r e e and h party. e xts s ch s C s y 50 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

ha Meroz, etc . , Cursed be he t t keepeth back ” T his sword from blood, ake away the wicked from before the King, and his throne shall be

established in righteousness, were quoted as if there could be no doubt the inspired writers had had the present war specially in their View when they wrote them ; whilst the sermons preached before the Commons generally con sisted o f exhortations such as these : Vex m the Midianites, abolish the A alekites, let fin d Popery no favour, nor Prelacy, because The hi e it is tyrannical . erarchy is b come a in fretting gangrene and spreading leprosy,

supportable tyranny. Up with it, up with it to the bottom , root and branch, hip and thigh Destroy these Amalekites and let their ” “ place be no more found . Another says , Down ’ ’ with Baal s altars , down with Baal s priests it is better to see people wallowing in their blood rather than apostatizing from God and em

bracing idolatry and superstition . Leave not a rag that belongs to Popery ; away with it & root and branch , head and tail Let us take o f o f hold of the pillar the church Dagon, o f o f No w the temple Antichrist, and say, let me die with Antichrist Rome and Baby ’ The ff di s lon . e ect produced by such courses may be judged o f by the following o f he hi s l de claration Colonel Axtel, that m e f, THE TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 51

to with many more, went that execrable war with such a controlling horror upon their spirits from those sermons , that they verily believed they should have been accursed from fo r God ever, if they had not acted their part in that dismal tragedy and heartily done the ’ ff Devil s work, being so e ectually called and ’ ” commanded to it in God s name . But the great difficulty felt to be in the way o f an accommodation between the King and his L a n d m rebellious subjects was , and it was eces sary to get rid o f him at all hazards . Accord ’ l il tra ffo rd in g y his attainder speed y followed S s. The accusation brought against him was on o f the score high treason, and an attempt to o f subvert the religion the Church of England . If this had been his object he certain ly took o f The a very singular mode accomplishing it . et ceter a o ath wa s well known to be o f his o f framing, and as it exacted all the clergy a promise never to consent to any the least o f change in the government the Church, as it

then stood , by archbishops , etc . , it seemed to lay its author open to any charge rather than o f that innovation . But his death was re to solved upon, and in the hurry accomplish their object hi s accusers paid little regard to n the mea s which they employed . In their professed indignation at the vagueness of 52 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD the e t ceter a they seem ed to have forgotten the purport o f the declaration in which the

obnoxious word occurred .

It was hoped perhaps that the King, when deprived o f opportunities o f consulting with the Archbishop , might be more inclined to the o f The abolition episcopacy. bishops had first been driven o u t and then voted o u t of the o f Two o r r House Lords . th ee of the more prominent ones ha d been sent to the Tower but the actual execution o f Laud not only freed them from their most powerful opponent , but would serve to terrify others who might be inclined to foll ow in the course he had

u . beg n It was a remarkable, if an undesigned coincidence that his condemnation and the abolition o f the Book o f Common Prayer took o n place the same day. Amongst the earli est bills which passed the House o f Commons had been o n e for the suppression of the Courts o f the High Com o f mission and the Star Chamber, and as the

Parliament had voted themselves perpetual, they had n o w n o fear o f being prevented o r carrying any measures , whether popular not, which should command a majority o f votes amongst themselves . It was nearly two years before the King declared open war against them by setting up his standard at Nottin g TH E TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 53

The r r t ham . Parliamenta y pa y were not so s u ccessful in the field as they were in the

House , where they met with no opposition ; but upon the whole they had gained consider able advantages over the King before the close o f 1 644 the year , when the first serious over o f tures for a treaty peace were entertained . It was diffi cult to understand what could be Cx pected by either side from a treaty, as the Houses o f Parliament had long since taken a solem n oath and covenant never to lay down o o n arms s long as the Popish party were . foot ; and the Commons had afterwards bound themselves to the Scotch League and Covenant o f for the extirpation Prelacy and Popery. Neither had any means which might conduce The to this end been neglected . famous Westminster Assembly had been summoned for this express purpose, and had been sitting o f 1 643 continuously since the middle . One principal advantage gained to the Parliament by the sittin g o f the Assembly at Westminster was the giving an apparently spiritual character to their proceedings . Suggestions for fast days and thanksgiving days to commemorate dis asters o r successes o f the army would come with a better grace from an assembly o f divines than if they had originated in the House and been subjected to noisy discussions 54 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

and intemperate debates . But when a petition for a fast day was read from the Assembly, there was an obvious propriety in acceding to it, and there was moreover this advantage gained , that the sermons preached on these occasions before the Houses were always printed with the approbation of Parliament appended , together with prefaces and appen dices containing matter which could not so well be introduced into a public discourse, but which had the designed effect o f stirring up rebellious people , who from living at a dis a t nce from London , could not hear the sermons themselves . Not long afterwards the Directory for the public worship in Church was estab lishe d fo r , and an ordinance passed regulating the University o f Cambridge and for re m o v ing scandalous ministers , that is the episcopal clergy who were in legal possession , from the ff associated counties of Essex, Norfolk, Su olk,

Hertford, Cambridge , Huntingdon and Lin coln . Oxford had been excepted from this regulation, as it was at present too strong a hold o f Royali sts and Episcopalians to be The o n interfered with . very same day which the ordinance for regulating the other Uni ver sit y passed , the King summoned a Parliament o f such Lords and Commons as adhered to his Al cause, to meet at Oxford . ready Oxford

56 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

’ ranks serving in the King s army ; and besides o f the influx persons connected with the Court , the peers and members of the Lower House were entertained , as best they could be , in the o r w l ff neighbourhood , ithin the wal s ofthe di er To ent colleges . add to this , crowds of scholars and divines who had been driven away from their homes and parsonages were congregated a n o f here, d a considerable number English and Irish prelates were in attendance fo r the King to consult o n matters o f religion . Here were the o f Archbishops York and Armagh, the

Bishops of Salisbury, Bath and Wells , Roches ter, Oxford , Worcester, Peterborough , Down l We stfie ld and Ki laloe . It appears also that Bishop o f Bristol came here soon after the 6 T beginning o f 1 44 . his is the more remark W e stfie ld able, because had been nominated o n e v of the Assembly of Di ines , and had actu ally sat among them The few bishops who had been recently appointed to vacant sees to nl please the Puritan party, were perhaps the o y n o w prelates not in attendance at Oxford . Those that were there performed two or three o f consecrations , and the nature the appoint ments showed that the King had no longer any intention o f makin g concessions which were sure to be followed by a demand for some r e stfie ld o f thing mo e . W died in the course TH E TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 57 f the summer, and the bishopric, a ter being

refused by the Regius Professor at Cambridge , ff was o ered to and accepted by Howell , who was consecrated in Magdalen Coll ege chapel by Ussher Archbishop of Armagh . Not long before this , he with the other two Irish pre lates consecrated Bayly Bishop of Clonfert , and about the same time Frewen President of Magdalen College was consecrated i n his o wn chapel to the see o f L ic hfie ld and

Coventry . It is impossible now to ascertain whether Steward remained in Oxford any length o f o r o n time , whether he accompanied the King The his marches . latter seems more probable, because hi s name does not appear among the ’ ’ preachers at St . Mary s . St. Mary s seems to t hi have been much frequented a t s time , and u o f must , if we may j dge from a sermon Ham ’ mond s preached there this year, which has been preserved among his printed works , have been ’ fashionable . Hammond s rebukes , which were e b e stern, w may sure were called for by the circumstances o f the audience ; but it is matter of wonder that Steward, who was so eloquent o f and so bold in rebuking the vices his hearers , should not have bee n called upon to preach l there, un ess his frequent absence from Oxford u o f be the true acco nt it. However, whatever 58 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

b e were his powers as a preacher, there can no doubt that he was a practised debater, and as such he must have been selected by the King to conduct the ecclesiastical part of the treaty at

Uxbridge Laud , as we have seen, had placed great confidence in his address and power o f management , in entrusting so much to him in 1 640 the Convocation of . He was now dead, ’ and his opini on o f Steward s theological prin c iple s may be in ferred from the fact that the Ar chbishop desired in his last will that none o f his papers should be printed except they should fir st be submitted to the judgments of o f o f the Bishops Ely and Winchester and Dr. t Steward . It would have seemed obvious o

fix upon a bishop to conduct this debate, and no doubt a few years earlier it would have been b e so . But the very name of bishop had now o r come odious , it is probable Duppa Bishop o f Salisbury would have been the commissioner f hi m ’ fixed upon . A ter Steward s claims were - o f pre eminent, whilst the names the other divin es who accompanied him from Oxford

' show what the principle was o n which they T were selected . hey were Sheldon, Lany, o f Hammond , Potter and Ferne, all men the l n most gentle and conci iati g manners , but al l o n o f decided the point Episcopacy, which they knew wou ld be either openly TH E TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 59 or secretly the turning point o f the whole debate . The historians o f the period have not pre o f served the names any of these , and we are led from them to infer that Steward was the only commissioner whose b u sm e ss it was to t ff o f The manage he a airs religion . only place where the other names are mentioned is a Thu rlo paper which has been preserved by e . l o f He gives two ists , one which , the parlia o f b e mentary, mentions the names seventeen, gin ning with the Duke o f Richmond and di The en ng with Dr. Steward . other, which ff is signed by Prince Rupert , di ers from this only in that it adds to the names o f Nicholas and Hyde their respective titles o f o n e o f His ’ ” o f Majesty s Principal Secretaries State , and ” Chancellor o f the Exchequer and to those f o Sir Richard Lane and Dr. Steward those of ” Lord Chief Baron and Clerk ofthe Closet , and mentions Sir John Culpepper and Sir Chris to he r o f p Hatton by their new titles Lord , and adds at the end the names o f Dr. Sheldon o f and Dr. Lany Ministers All these are The attended by a train of servants . three other divines go in the capacity o f servants ’ o f Ferne as the Duke Richmond s , Potter as ’ o f H e rtfo rd s the Marquis , and Hammond as the ’ o f T Earl Southampton s . hey were all Oxford 60 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f men with the exception Ferne, who was 1 5 1 643 incorporated from Cambridge June , o f and Lany, afterwards Bishop Peterborough . We may suppose that some o f the commis i n rs s o e anticipated much good from the treaty. Steward must have felt certain that nothing

could result from it . He knew that nothing but the abolition o f episcopacy would satisfy a the Parliament, and as he felt ssured that there could be no Church without preserving i the episcopal success on, he had determined to o n make no concessions this point . It was however his plain duty to make the best o f

the circumstances , and leave results to Provi

dence . Accordingly he set out from Oxford with a fixed determination to put down the o f arguments the commissioners, though he knew very well that his o wn arguments would affect neither those who heard them nor those to whom they would be reported . It is almost impossible to beli eve that the King had himself any hopes o f a successful The issue to this treaty. message which had been brought to him by the Earl of Denbigh o n the 23rd o f November purported to be the humble desires and propositions for peace agreed upon by the Parliament, united by solemnleague and covenant , as theyexpressed it .

But its tone was, as might be expected, most TH E TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 61

dictatorial . Amongst other proposals was the modest o n e o f utterly abolishing and taking ffi away every o ce in the Church of England, ” beginning from archbishops , and ending f The with all other their under o ficers . next proposals were for the confirming the sitting o f the Westminster Assembly by Act o f o f Parliament, and the reformation religion according to the covenant . After settling the ecclesiastical affairs o f the nation in this way they proceed to enactments against Papists , ’ to whom the oath o f abjuration o f the Pope s o f supremacy, and the renunciation the doctrines a held most sacred by Roman C tholics , were to be administered ; no Mass allowed to be said u in the Co rt , though the Queen was a Roman a l o f o f C tho ic , and course had attendants the i T same relig on . hey further demand an Act fo r the education o f the children of Papists in i the Protestant relig on . Amongst other de mands from which they refuse to recede are Acts fo r reforming the uni versities and colleges fo r - i and suppressing stage playing, wh ch they o n The go to add is to be perpetual . extra ordinary demands made, and the impertinent l anguage in which they are expressed, show how strong they must have felt their cause to The be . only persons whom they desire should b e e xcepted from the possibility of pardon 62 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

n ll e include, amongst ma y other i ustrious nam s , ’ o f those the prince s two nephews , Laud , l s o f Wrenn and Bramhall, the titu ar Bi hop

Ross , all Popish recusants who have been in wh arms for the King, all persons whatever o had had any hand in the Irish Rebellion . All lawyers who had adhered to the King were to be made incapable of any employment, public o r t private, and all the delinquent clergy o be o r made incapable of preferment employment , a third part o f their estates to be sequestered o f i for the purpose paying the publ c debts , and a o f the tenth part estates of all other delinquents, ’ i e . o f . all who had ever joined the King s party. Such were the modest proposals made to the in hi s be K g, which were, upon request, to dis a t t cussed a trea y to be held at Uxbridge, beginni ng Thursday the 3oth o f January 1 6 45 a o n f , the s me day which , four years a ter he his u wards , lost head for ref sing to con The r ce de them . pa liamentary commissioner appo inted to argue o n religion was Master

s an d e . Henderson, a sisted by Marshall Vin s Henderson was the well -known Scotchma n who figures in history as conducting a deba te with the King at Newcastle two years after wards ; Marshall and Vines were thorough going Presbyterians and members o f the s was Assembly of Divine s . Amongst the re t

64 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

the treaty. One Mr. Love, a Presbyterian minister, took upon himself to harangue m o b the assembled in the church at Uxbridge,

- it happening to be market day. Amongst other passages in his discourse occurred a ’ paragraph to the effect that the Kin g s com o f missioners were come with hearts full blood , and that there was as great a distance between that treaty and peace as between heaven and ll he . It is probable that Love, who united the o f characters both Presbyterian and fanatic , was acting entirely independently o f the Parlia mentary commissioners . Certainly upon com ’ plaint made by the King s party o f the ill-effect r to such add esses were calculated produce, the o f others answered that he was not their retinue, n o r came by any privity o f theirs ; but they refused to interfere with him in the way o f ’ ni pu shment, and the King s commissioners were obliged to acquiesce in their decision. “ Information o f the affair was indeed sent to o f the Houses Parliament, as the commis sio n e rs were in daily communi cation with their

employers, and it was decreed that though they could not with good conscience imprison fi hi m Mr. Love, yet they did con ne and ” 1 hi s where should it be, continues Wood in

quaint way, but to that very house where 1 — l 11 1 6 . Athena Od om , vo . , 8 7 TH E TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 65

his mistress then lived , whom for two years had going before he wooed with prayers , ” sermons and ugly faces . His party were c e rta mly not much displeased with his pro

c e e din s o r . g , at least they soon forgave him He was twice promoted to London b e n e fic e s in the cour se o f the six years that intervened b e tween his offence and his execution by Crom well and the Independent party, who by that time had entirely ruined the cause o f the

Presbyterians . It was an unpropitious com m e n c e m e n t o f a treaty for peace, yet they immediately proceeded with their proposals . Both sides were as cautious in their expressions as they were decided in their views , but the Royalists had far the most practised and dex te ro u s li controversia sts on their side, and accord in gly as far as logical subtlety o f disputation The went , they had greatly the advantage . whole debate, so far as it is preserved , was con e isc o ducted in writing, but the subject of p pacy was canvassed between the assistants of

the commissioners in several conversations . The fir st paper presented contained the pro o n hi positions w ch the Parliament had resolved . The principal o f these was the same that had been tendered to the King some weeks

viz . o f previously, the abolition episcopacy, s ttin o f i the g g up the D rectory, and the 66 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD compelling His Majesty to take the solemn The league and covenant . reply put in on the followin g day was simply a question whether they had power to recede from these propOsa ls f a ter treating of them and debating, or whether they were bound up by their instructions to insist upon the propositions without any altera To tion . this it is answered that the papers given in, contained no alterations but such as al o f a are usu in a time reformation, and th t

’ de b a te to they were quite ready to , show how reasonable they were, and that there would be fo r i no reason reced ng from them . It never seemed to occur to any o f their min ds that a treaty must necessarily be nuga tory, if the party proposing it have made up their minds beforehand that they will not swerve from any o f its articles ; neither did they refer to any instances to show what they meant by saying the alterations proposed were u o r o f sual, explain what times reformation they were referring to . The next exception that Steward took to the proposals was made in form of question, whether these propositions contained all the n demands , allegi g that he thought it very desirable to have a full view o f the whole at once, so as to be able to form a judgment of T them . his information was promptly refused , THE TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 67 and an answer required in the affirmative re specting these propositions , before they agreed to mention the other alterations hereafter to n be suggested . Upon this , the only remai ing point was to show up the difficulties and vague expressions in the propositions , and Steward cleverly prepared a string o f ques v ffi to tions ery di cult to reply , as to what was meant by congregational, classical and synodical assemblies , suggesting that the easiest mode o f proceedi ng upon such points b e viva voce as these would by conference . T his was agreed to by the Parliamentary party, who continually objected against the others the delays occasioned by them . Steward returned the foll owing dignified answer : We conceive there was no cause your Lordships should apprehend any loss o f time b o u r occasioned y questions , for that your Propositions concerning Religion were not de livered to us till Friday last ; and the Dire c l tory then de ivered with them so long, that the reading o f it spent the residue o f that day ; and divers other papers to which the u propositions referred, and witho t which we l could not consider them , were not de ivered o f us before yesterday, and some them not till after the paper which imputes a delay to us ; an d your Lordships having propounded only 68 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f Pre sb te ric a l general heads a y government , o f without any particular model it, which in several Reformed churches (as we are informed) is various both in names and Powers , it was necessary to understand the particular expres the sions in your paper, alteration desired n e n being so great , and bei g proposed to be ’ h e stie s acted w ich will require His Maj consent , whom we ought to satisfy, having so great a trust reposed in us . And we desire your

Lordships to consider, how impossible it hath been fo r us to give your Lordships in less than two days , a full answer (which in your last o u o u paper y require) to what y propose , which is in effect to consent to the utter abolishing o f l li that Government, Discip ine and pub c form o f the Worship of God which hath been practised and established by Law here, ever since the Reformation ; And which we well o f understand, and the alteration which in the hi manner proposed, takes away many t ngs in the civil government, and provides no remedy fo r the inconveniences which may happen thereby ; And to consent to the alienation o f the Lands of the Church , by which (for ought i appears) besides infin te other considerations, so many Persons may be put to beg their to bread, oblige His Majesty and all His sub je cts to the takin g a new oath or Covenant TH E TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 69 and to receive and consent to a new Govern n o t n o r ment ; we do , without information cannot understand . And which (in truth) ’ appears to us by your Lordships Propositions l not to be yet agreed upon in the particu ars . And your Lordships having declared to us that you have other things to propose to us concerning Religion which you do not yet think it fit time to acquaint us withal . Not withstanding all which diffi culties we shall proceed with all possible expedition , and desire your Lordships will not object delays to us ll o u ti we give y just occasion . Then followed a discussion concernin g the fo r o f bill proposed the abolition episcopacy, i wh ch it appears , from the information sent to the two Houses , occupied from ten in the morning till twelve at n ight ; after which they say they delivered to His Majesty’s commis sio n e rs the second paper, which , with their answer to it, we have likewise sent you with ” d these letters . But the whole of the three ays o f had elapsed , and the matter religion was 1 1th accordingly adjourned to the February, o n which day Steward again insisted that it was necessary for him to have a View o f the whole alteration proposed , adding that the interval that had elapsed since the former debate ha d given abundance of time for them 70 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD to make up their minds about these points . To this they replied on the same day by expressing their desire (it should have been called demand) that His Majesty should give his consent to the bill for the due observation ’ of the Lord s day, the better advancement o f preaching, and the act against pluralities , adding that they should in due time give in their proposals about Papists , and their suggestions about His Majesty’s giving his consent to an act to be framed for regulatin g i fo r the un versities , and another the education and marriage of his children . The greater part of this and the following day was spent in argument between the di vines o n the Episcopal and Presbyterian form o f Th Church government . e particulars of this n ot have transpired, but we know that the principal debaters were Hammond and Vines . ’ Hammond s biographer speaks o f this as a o n o f mean trick the part the Parliament , saying that at the second meeting “the other divines were called in ; which thing was a o f surprise, and designed for such to those ’ the King s part, who came as chaplains and private attendants on the lords ; but was before projected and prepared for by those of the i Presbyterian way. And in this confl ct, he “ o f . continues , it was the lot Dr Hammond

72 LI FE OF RICHARD STEWARD

I can I thin k truly affirm that no one pa rt o f nl of it hath any degree truth , save o y that

Mr. Vines did dispute against, and I defend, Fo r episcopacy. as to the argument men tio n e d o f , I did neither then , nor at any time my life , that I can remember, ever hear it n urged by any. And for my pretended a swer, I am both sure that I never called Go d and His holy angels to witness any thing in my o n e life, nor ever swore voluntary oath, that I o f im know , (and sure there was then none o n n o t posed me, ) and that I was at that meeting conscious to myself o f wanting abili ty o r to express my thoughts , pressed with any ffi o r c o n considerable di culty, forced by any sideration to wave the answer o f anything o f ff objected . A story that whole a air I am yet able to tell yo u but I cannot think it n e c e s : nl ft sary o y this I may add, that a er it I went ’ to & b re thre n s Mr. Marshall, in my own and

1 st. names, to demand three things Whether any argument proposed by them remained u n i a n answered, to wh ch we might yield farther

. 2n d W swer . hether they intended to make any report o f the past disputation ; offerin g if they to would , join with them in it, and to perfect f a conference by mutual consent , a ter the o manner f that between Dr. Reynolds and : b t Mr . Hart oth which being rejected, the hird TH E TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 73

to was , promise each other that nothing should be afterwards published by either without the consent o r the knowledge o f the other party and that last he promised for himself and his ” brethren, and so we parted . The second portion o f three days was c o n f cluded , a ter several papers had passed , by the King ’s commissioners offering their objection fo r to the Bill abolishing episcopacy, waiving the general question , and noticing principally the difli c u ltie s there would be in carrying it i ff ff nto e ect . Steward then o ered the conces sions which the King had authorized hi m before o f viz the commencement the treaty to make , . liberty to all people in matters of ceremony, that the bishops should n o t act without the o f consent their presbyters , that they should keep constant residence and preach every

Sunday, that pluralities should be abolished , and that towards settling a public peace should be raised from the estates o f s bishop , deans and chapters . There remained but little expectation now that the two remaini ng days o f the treaty would bring this matter to a hopeful termination . The papers which passed between the two parties seem to contain little else but assertions that the arguments they ha d respectively a d du c e d had not been answered . Steward had 74 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o n very dexterously kept the defensive , and had forborne to do more than insist upon the failure o f his opponents to prove the points

asserted by them . His two concluding replies will serve as a specimen o f his mode of con ducting the debate We did conceive that the continual suc cession of Episcopacy from the Apostles ’ times had been so clearly manifested to your Lord ships by our conference o n the 1 2th o f this instant that your Lordships had been fully satis fle d therein ; the which since you are not , we would gladly be informed when and where any national church since the Apostles ’ times r was without that government, and since you Lordships are of opinion that the unl awful ness o f Episcopacy was made good by those arguments which were given by the divines on h your part , whic in truth we did not under stand to be made to that purpose when they e n wer first urged, and bei g now again remem o u r bered, in judgments do not in any degree n prove the same, we bei g very ready to consent to the abolishing thereof, if the same can be proved , and your Lordships assuming that you have proved it and so that you can again prove f it, we desire your Lordships by con erence or o n in writing to satisfy us that point, which we to hope being in your power as you say do, and THE TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 75 being a sure way to put an end to this debate o u r u by yielding, your Lordships will not ref se to do it ; but if neither that nor the other pro position, that the government intended to be introduced by your Lordships is the onl y government that is agreeable to the word o f

God , can be evinced, we hope your Lord ships will rest satisfied with the reasons we have given your Lordships in writing, why we cann ot consent to your propositions concern ing Religion as they are made and insisted o n ff by your Lordships , and that we have o ered your Lordships a remedy against all the in c o n ve n ie n c e s that have been ever pretended to in n o w the government as is established by law, and which ought not upon less reasons than ” we have mentioned to be taken away. This paper concluded the last day but o n e o f The o f the debate . whole the next day was spent viva voce o n in a disputation episcopacy, the ’ terms o f which may be judged o f by Steward s ll z concluding answer, which runs as fo ows ’ According to your Lordships paper of the last night we attended your debate this day con nl cerning the u awfulness of Episcopacy, but did neither then, nor do now acknowledge ourselves convinced by any argu ments offered by you J u re divin o that Episcopacy is not j , the same having been the opinion o f very many learned 76 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD men in all ages (which we do not censure o r o n determine) , but not insisted by us as the ground o f any answer we have delivered to your Lordships , and we are so far from being satisfied with the arguments from Scripture and reason this day urged to prove that the government by Archbishops, Bishops , etc . , hi ill w ch you desire to be taken away by this b , is unlawful, that the weightiest arguments that were urged (in o u r judgments) concluded at most against those inconveniences which are remedi ed by the a lterations offered by us to your Lordships in o u r paper o f the 28th o f this month . And it seems strange to us that your Lordships should think that government (with o u t which no national Church hath been since the Apostles ’ times till within these few years) nl to be u awful, and for the government desired by you to be established, your Lordships have not offered any such particular form o f govern ment to us that may enable us to judge thereof. And we cannot but observe that the arguments produced to that purpose were onl y to prove the same not unl awful without offering to prove it absolutely necessary, and therefore we con c e ive o u r answer formerly gi ven to your Lordships concerning that bill and your pro

positions concerning religion, is a just and ” reasonable answer . TH E TREATY AT UXBRIDGE 77

ll fre Our classical readers wi , we think , quently be reminded of the Melian Debate in Thucydides whilst reading the account of the The li treaty at Uxbridge . Parliament, ke the i t o wn Athen ans , had every hing their way, and scarcely cared to make any show o f justice in Th their proceedings . e last observation made to t o f i i was that , as mat ers rel g on nothing was offered to be conceded but what they were by o f the law of the land in possession already. On the other hand the King’s comm issioners were in the unfortunate position o f having to maintain their ground as well as they could, well knowing all the time , that however vic to rio u s u they might prove in arg ment , all ff would be of no e ect . Dr. Steward was particularly skilful in the management o f his o f part the debate , and repeatedly urged his

Opponents on the ground that , as they were contriving a change , they were bound to sug gest something definite before it could be seen whether the change would be for the better. He of course knew that hatred o f episcopacy was the real motive, but he also knew that it was impossible to state this publicly, and he made a ll the use he could o f the advantage thus given him by men who act upon o n e motive and allege another for their conduct . CHAPTER V

D R . STEWARD IN E & ILE

PERHAPS the cul minating point o f the Presbyterian cause was just at the failure o f the treaty at Uxbridge . Their triumph was indeed short -lived ; already the Independents had begun to show fight, and retribution was Th coming o n steadily and certainly. e self denying ordinance was the first grand display o f dexterity on the part o f the Independents . It was proposed and discussed first in the month previous to the commencement o f the treaty ; it was to the effect that no member o f either House should during that war enjoy o r execute ff any o ice or command military or civil, which had been granted or conferred on them by b v f either House, or y any authority deri ed rom m either House . Sy ptoms of a severance between the two parties had already mani t Th fe s e d themselves . e Presbyterians neve r made a greater mistake than when they allowed e the five dissenting brethren, as they wer 78

80 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

The two head o f Erastians . divines were a c Lightfoot and Coleman, whose profound quaintance with , and almost exclusive devotion to Hebrew and Oriental literature inclin ed them to a desire to assimilate the Christian

Church to the Jewish polity. Of the others o hn — Selden, Whitelock and St . J the first was o n e o f o f the most learned men his day, and all o f them were influential from the position i which they held in Parl ament . o f Already, before the commencement the diff treaty at Uxbridge, there had been a er o f n o f ence opi ion on the subject ordination, excommunication, and the parochial system . This had led to a remonstrance o f the dis senting brethren, signed by the five, Goodwin , r Nye, Bur oughs , Simpson and Bridges , together two o n o with others , who this ccasion sided with

o f o f . them, the names Greenhill and Carter The remonstrance was printed and answered The o n at large by the Assembly. controversy these subjects was at its height at the very time that the commissioners at Uxbridge were debating the point o f Church government . Their proceedin gs were not indeed yet prin ted so as to be before the public, but a sagacious Episcopalian like Steward would be sure to v o f o n ha e intelligence what was going , and no doubt he was well aware o f the difficulty in DR 81 . STEWARD IN EXILE whi ch he was placing the Parliamentary c o m missioners by his request for a defin ite plan o f T f Church government . hey were su ficiently well prepared , if they had dared to run the

- risk o f proposing it . But the self denying ordin ance was evidence enough that power was passing o u t o f the hands o f the Parlia o f ment into those the army, and that the Presbyterian system was retreating before the advances o f Independency . And here commenced the triumph of Crom ’ well s wonderful power o f mind . One scarcely o r knows whether his hypocrisy were greater, his deep sagacity in concealing it . Philip Nye was his tool in the Assembly and Sir Harry f T t Vane in the House o Commons . hey go a fast day appointed fo r the 1 8th o f Decem o f ber, which was celebrated by a succession preachers haranguin g them for eight o r ten S ir hours continuously. Harry Vane spoke in the House the next day, saying that , If ever Go d had appeared to them, it was in the o f exercise yesterday, and that it proceeded i from God was plain, because, as he was n formed from the auditors o f other congrega tions , the same lamentations and discourses had been made in all other churches as the godly preachers had made before them, which could therefore proceed only from the 6 82 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f immediate Spirit God, and then went on to propose his measure that the numbers of the members o f Pa rliament were to o few to give authority to acts o f so great moment as were transacted in their councils ; after which pre para tio n Cromwell foll owed with his self in ff o wn deny g ordinance, O ering to resign his n o b commission in the army, ably answeri g e c tio n s j which might be anticipated, and con descending to the information o f his brethren

whom he was addressing, by a remark which probably had more effect in instigatin g them to agree to his proposal than for logical acute hi ness it deserved to have . In the midst of s assert ion that God had so blessed the army that there was no fear o f their wanting excellent ff o n o icers to fill the posts, he went to say that it was not good to put so much tru st in any

arm o f flesh . Fears had even been entertained o f the T Independents joining with the King. hese u were no doubt quite groundless , tho gh the suspicion of them origin ated in the detection of a correspondence between the Earl of

Bristol and a person named Ogle, at that time o f a prisoner, which contained an expression a hope that the moderate Protestant and fiery In dependent might be brought to withstan d

the Presbyterian . It was however certain 83 DR . STEWARD IN EXILE as early as January 1 644 that the Assembly would fall to pieces by the division s caused by i the Independents . It was at th s time that

they sent forth their apologetic narrative, which

was followed by a speedy answer, entitled T A n a tom o I n de e n den c he y f p y, and from this time the Presbyterians and Independents were r irreconcilably at va iance . Of the strange combinations o f parties which took place in o f the course this war, none is more remark f able than that O Independents and Erastians . Such men as Selden and Lightfoot had a bso lu te ly nothing in common with the leaders o f the Independent faction such as Goodwin and

Nye, yet they were playing the same game , and consented each to profit by the other’s arguments in opposition to the scheme o f a The Presbyterian establishment. Directory for Ordina tion had been offered to Parliament and been returned with sundry alterations to the 1 644 To Assembly in August . these alter a tion s u im , which were both numero s and u portant, the Assembly ref sed to concede , and Parliament upon a petition of the City T ministers was obliged to yield . hey could not afford to lose the influence exerted by the , o n 2n d London pulpits, and the of October ’ authoriz ed the Assembly s Directory of Ordin a n d d d ation, appointe a committee of ivines to 84 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

ordain ministers in London . But it was not likely the Assembly would continue to carry o wn things all their way, and the dissensions that had already existed a n d were sure to continue, must be borne in mind in order fairly to estimate the dexterity which Steward had displayed in his conduct at the treaty at

Uxbridge . Parliament had indeed already refu sed its sanction to the J u s Divin u m o f e n Presbytery, which the Assembly had de a vo u re d to pass in a thin House packed with o wn nl their friends, and which had o y been prevented from passing, by Glyn and White lock speaking against time for the space of two u l hours , when the House became f l enough to o n allow o f a division the subject . ft Steward returned to Oxford a er the treaty, and probably remained there in attendanc e t upon the Duke o f York . Oxford was soon af er wards besieged by the Parliamentary forces , and the King reduced to great straits . He s i sued an order by Secretary Nicholas , com manding that in addition to the ordin ary o n services , there should be Wednesdays and

Fridays four services a day, and a general fast ill ’ f from food each Friday t five o clock, a ter the evening service, and this to be done now and hereafter accordi ng to the good example of the primitive Christians . D 85 R . STEWARD IN EXILE

The King was at last obliged to leave Oxford o f 1 646 in disguise, and in the summer the gar rison was surrendered to the Parliament upon w o . The o f h was certain articles Duke York, ’ there , was to be sent to St . James under the o f care the Parliament , who ordered that all

his servants should be put away from him . He ’ o f had been under Steward s care, and course the prohibition of the attendance o f his servants in included that of his tutor. It would be te re stin g to know something o f the early inter course between the tutor and pupil . James r o ld st was not yet thirteen yea s , but he mu have been already instructed in the doctrines o f o f t the Church England . Many years af er wards he had not forgotten, however much he may have misapplied the instruction o f his tutor. Burnet tells us that he used to allege as an excuse for his change o f religi on that

Dr. Steward had taught him to believe in a real but inconceivable presence o f Christ in the sacrament, and that he thought this went more Th than half way to transubstantiation . e fo r form of expression used is important, the calm way in which the statement is made seems to give some evidence that they are ’ Steward s exact words, and thus express the deliberate opinion o f a divine whose attach ment to the Church o f England and aversion to 86 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

the Church o f Rome are equally beyond ques ’ tion . Steward s Opinion, however valuable in l o f itse f, is course not so important as that of ’ other divines o f Laud s school who survived

the Restoration . Everything that can be gathered as to their opinion is of vital im portance to the interests o f the Church o f o f England, because their interpretation the Liturgy and Articles of the Church is the o n e which must be considered binding o n the

clergy, when any dispute arises as to the f The meaning o the terms used . commis sio n e rs at the Savoy Conference had power to o n enact what they pleased , and their decision o n all matters of ceremony and doctrine the o ni Act f U formity was based . Neither is there any mode o f getting away from this diffi culty excepting by taking the ground that the Church o f England was founded at the R e

formation, and is bound by the opinion of her T founders . hose who claim a higher antiquity fo r the Church have no right to fix upon the Opinions o f men who managed a synod in the

sixteenth century, as conclusive as to the mean ing o f formularies which were altered and rearranged in the seventeenth century by men ff o f totally di erent opinions , who made up the Convocation and sat in the Parliament which

sanctioned and enforced the Prayer Book .

88 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

faith, and if we may judge from the subsequent attempt she made with the D u ke o f Glo u cester, would also have been very unscrupulous o f h in her means accomplishing t is end . James was moreover entirely dependent upon her for e support, and had been ord red by the King to submit implicitly to her in all matters except i those of relig on . In a letter which he wrote 1 68 to the Princess of Orange in 7 , he told her that he was bred up in the doctrine o f the

o f . Church England by Dr Steward, whom the

King his father had put about him , in which he was so zealous , he said , that when he perceived the Qu een his mother had a design upon the o f ll Duke Gloucester, though he preserved sti the respect that he owed her, yet he took care to it prevent . He added that he had continued for the most part of the time that he lived o f abroad, firm to the doctrine the Church of

England , not it is true minding those matters much, but thinking it a point of honour not to The change his religion . Queen does not appear to have attacked him directly, but only endeavoured to put a stop to the service o f the h Church Of England, w ich till that time had

u . been reg larly performed by Dr Cosin , after wards Bishop o f Durham . But the subject will come before us again . The o f next notice we have Dr. Steward is 89 DR . STEWARD IN EXILE

1 6 a sermon preached by him at Paris in 47. Congregations o f English people had gradually been gathering in many towns Of the Continent

ever since the beginning o f the war . England was regarded as an unsafe dwelling-place by many who understood little of the matters in i debate between the King and Parl ament . Many devout people left their homes be cause they could not worship in their parish churches d as they ha been accustomed . Some who were unable to afford the expense o f a journey to i 11] foreign parts , kept chapla ns their houses . Others were obliged to quit the country because their li ves were in danger fo r having assisted the King, and many were obliged to part with their little property at a considerable disa d o f vantage for fear having heavy fines to pay. Thus in many towns in France and the L o w Countries there was a sufficiently large collee o f tion of persons the middle and upper classes , who probably began, now that they had lost its a o f dvantages , to feel a higher appreciation the o f d services their Church . Accor ingly in the more populous towns , such as Caen, Rouen, Antwerp and the Hagu e there was a regular service instituted, and a chaplain performed the ffi O ces of the Church of England weekly, and celebrated monthly communion, as had been u usual before the troubles broke o t. In some 90 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

instances the daily service was kept up , as in ’ Lord Clarendon s house at Antwerp , and in

at least one place in Paris Dr. Cosin, afterwards o f ffi Bishop Durham, o ciated for the members o f the Church o f England who belonged to o f the household Henrietta Maria ; and Steward , when not in attendance upon the Duke o f

York, appears to have been stationed for the No t nl most part at St . Germains . o y were o f the prayers kept up , but the other services the Church o f England continued to be a d ministered . We have in various scattered accounts o f the period several notices o f bap tism s o n e o r in and confirmations , and two The stances o f an ordination performed . burial service o f the English Church seems always to have been said over the bodies o f such as died abroad wherever a clergyman

could be obtained to officiate . King Charles

II . had several ecclesiastics with him, and was externally very attentive to religious o f l duties . It was still a matter po icy to o f appear attached to the Church England, and though his conduct had even thus early exhibited traces o f the same indifference to religion and conscience which so strongly char a c te riz e d t - his af er life , the divines who were in attendance o n him appear to have been o f wholly ignorant this , and even Clarendon

92 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD fo r T Go d to restore His Church . here can be no doubt many adopted the Roman creed who had thought but little of any form of f l i belie , and whose ives could have been of l ttle credit to any creed ; but amongst the converts a few are to be numbered, who possessed the o f most exalted piety. One these was the o f celebrated Walter Montagu , son the f equally c elebrated Earl o Manchester. But even in these cases , and especially in his , it is worth observing that most were carried by a violent revulsion o f feeling from the extreme f ni Th o f Puritanism to that o Roma sm . e Church of England had little power over such ardent spirits , trained up as they had been in a system directly opposed to hers . It is in the o f devotedness men like Sheldon, Hammond and Steward to her cause that we must look for the best example of the practical effects o f her teaching and the strongest argu ments o f in defence her position . The sermon which has led to these remarks was preached in the H Ote l de Blin vill e at 1 64 Paris some time in 7. It was not printed ll f The ti a ter his death, and was entitled, ’ E ng lish c a se ea 'a ctly set down by H ez ehia h s 1 R o r m a ti on ef . ’ The text is taken from R a b sha ke h s reproach

1 P n e in Lo don 1659 . ri t d n , 3 DR . STEWARD IN EXILE 9 to Hezekiah o n the folly o f trusting in the go d whose high places and altars he had taken away, giving orders , Ye shall worship before The this altar in Jerusalem . parallel to this state of things at the time in England is obvious . ” 1 ’ Withal, the preacher says , you ll there see the Hebrews in a lamentable estate, and T yet indeed n o t so sad as ours . heir fenced

o f 1 3 . Cities all taken by the arms Assyria , v. The T o f o f T reasures the King, and the emple

to o v. 1 5 . all consumed, Jerusalem itself, the ’ ’ n o t City Royal , besieged ( twas yet lost , twas

n o t . 1 7 . so bad here) , v And now Rabshakeh is sent to persuade the King into Chains . He tells him there was n o hope in his o wn fo r strength, though Assyria itself should be lo so kind as to lend him Horses , yet (so w was he brought) he could scarce find so many ld T . o roopers No hope in Egypt, his known

Confederates , they were a mere broken Reed .

Nay, he dares add more , no hope at all in God neither ; fo r though Hezekiah had indeed but ’ R a b sha ke h s reformed the Old Church, yet in o n e sense he had set up a new , he had forsaken w w Al re God, and thro n do n His tars , and moved His High Glorious Places ; and upon this false supposition what a Rise is here taken

1 0 . cit. 3 p p. . 94 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD by this fighting Orator & But if ye say unto o u r me, we trust in the Lord God, is not this

He etc . The parallel between the Church before the m Refor ation, and the Hebrew customs before o f H z the time e ekiah is most skilfully drawn . The preacher insists o n the violation o f law in “ 1 the setting up altars everywhere . Mountains and Woods and Plains they woul d needs turn T ’T each place into a abernacle . was then you would think the Holy Land, without doubt, whose more frequent Buildings were Altars ; but Palestine , indeed, was then farthest from a ll e T God when she thus se med a emple, and ’ Wa s u da h s there no greater sign of J Apostasy,

to o o f . than many such signs Religion Nay, so largely spread was thi s grand corruption that you ’ll easily find there was scarce a Man di d avoid it . Kings and Priests and People, some r we e Agents , others Spectators , and all bore a T part in this forbidden Sacrifice . hus Solomon 1 2 and thewhole People are taxed ( Kings iii . , And yo u need not doubt the Priests were there to o u , for be the Place where it wo ld, none by ’ Moses Law coul d Sacrifice but the Priests . ’ nl Nay, not o y Solomon s, but the Succeeding Records o f all their Good Kings still run s with this abatement : He walked in the ways of 1 12 0p. cit. p . .

96 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

Jews , who from age to age whilst this cor u r ption held, did not at all worship in High

Places . But you ’ll demand perhaps for how long a time was the Hebrew Church thus corrupted & f And , indeed, Learned men dif er here . Some think this abuse began in the times of Othniel and Ehud Judges others placed it in the days f o . Gideon Admit either of these conjectures , ’ and twill be plain in Chronology that this fo r bidden worship held no less than six hundred Years : fo r all agree Hezekiah was the first who durst be so good in those bad times as to reform this corruption . But grant we do O f abate this , since great Clerks conceive, that from the time that the Ark was parted from T the abernacle, which was no less than ninety o f years from the days Eli the Priest, when the to Ark went Captive Philistia, until they both in T met again the emple of Solomon, it was o n e nl al lawful to Sacrifice at more than o y tar, because Go d had promised His more immedi ate Presence as well before the Ark as before the Fo r Tabernacle . this reason I say (though perhaps it hold not) grant we abate o f that time, what I find established by common consent will prove large enough to support all my whole intention . For no man dares deny, the Text is so plain in that Catal ogue of Kings D 97 R . STEWARD IN EXILE i I related, that th s corruption held from the days of Solomon unto the reign o f King Hezekiah and so no less than upon the Point o f u three h ndred years , as is plain by the com putation of Arias Montanus and by the most exact in Chronology. 1 I say, she may run into a corrupt Church and do but consider her new claim o f I n fa l libilit ’ ’ y, and you ll easily yield, tis a victory to prove that Rome may be conquered ; to make S he m a err this appear, y , is enough to con vince her o f no little Part o f her errors . If you ask me to shew more, I shall beg leave to ff n o t reply, that it is an Argument I a ect , for I had much rather be employed in discourses O f good life than in these of Controversies ; as holding that in all kind o f contentions to be the most fit Christian Prayer : Give Peace ’ o u r in time, O Lord . Yet since I here meet ’ with such disputes and waverings : in some I ll think o u t o f conscience : in others either o u t o f o r vanity to entertain their time, that under pretence o f searching Christian Truths they may indeed drive a trade ; I must hence hold it a Duty I o we u nto most o f those that now o we e hear me, yea a Duty I to that venerabl o u r Church that baptized us all, though now to f poor afflicted Mother, keep the ruit of her

1 0 . 2 p on , p. 3. 98 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o wn o n womb from thus trampling her, to keep ll them , as much as in me lies from being gu ed and cheated from her unity, and withal from communicating to o deeply in Sin with those who have now cast her on the ground .

100 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

25th o f the March, but probably he fell into the usual m ode o f those who lived o n the Co n tin e n t who , computed their year from the l st o f January ; and the actual year is in this case o f fixed by the contents the letter, for the wri ter evidently implies that the King is still ” a o f o u r live, by speaking him as master, and

all . The c ing Charles II the Prince . two letters have recently been discovered at Durham, where they seem to have been carefully pre served by the person to whom they are 1 a ddressed .

S I R , Some employment kept me from gi vin g. yo u a more speedy answer ; and what I am most to return is my thanks fo r your o f o u to care my books, which I desire y ’ who ill deliver into Mr. Clement s hands , w l P a n o li a E is repay your money. On y the p p c op a lis I should not meddle with ; fo r the ca se yo u enclosed I conceive there can be no doubt ; but you are in the right, and ‘ so thinks the D[ean ] o f Peterborough ; and I believe all true sons of the Church o f e England, though I have before this tim heard some dispute upon it . l You do very wel in putting on Mr.

1 ’ D 1851 . c . Prin ted in The fl heologi an a nd Ecclesiastic. e AT ST 101 DR . STEWARD . GERMAINS ’ b Watson s usiness , and I cannot but wonder that it sticks so much as it doth : the rather because I thought men had been driven o u t o f that groundless conceit , that we at i S . Germa ns were bound to preach to them

at Paris . I believe that they who think so l fin d r wi l the contra y, especially if Mr. Watson

be slighted . And truly I understand not , that

if we be obliged to go once a week to Paris , why upon demand we should not be as well tied to go once in five weeks to Rouen . I know that both Isidore and others in their

Latin collections have added those words , a li u id a er e o f q g , to the thirteenth Council

Ancyra . But I do not know that they are to be found in any good Greek copy o f the T Council . hough the addition may be some thing probably made o u t of the Canon yo u o f quote Laodicea. Y o u do very well to make Ju ste ll as right as you can ; and where your power ll wi stretch no further, we must be content . It is well Ca m bde n hath satisfied you con ’ cerning Parker s consecration : b u t could yo u get Mason into your hands you would see

that handled more at large . I understand d o u o u not what irections y mean, which y

would keep beyond the Alps . A service o u book I conceive y may carry with you, 102 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD a n d I doubt n o t but you and yours may sometimes make use o f it . Pray God bless your new charge and yo u in the journey you n i tend , and wherein I can do you service, let to me desire you employ your assured friend, To v ser e you , W RICH . S TE ARD . “ Ja n . 3 1

This messenger is in so great haste that I can onl y thank yo u for my books and your enclosed papers . And because you put me in some hope o f seeing you here before u yo r journey for Italy, I shall add to your inclin ation very much that you woul d do well to give the Prince a sermon before yo u go ; then I could take the better occasion to hi s [direct] Highness to , in what you have desired from me (and by God ’s help I shall n o t to fail you in it) , a care do good for your il l wife and ch dren, in case it shou d please Go d in your absence to restore o u r gracious T master to his throne . hen I shall make to w yourself payment for my books I o e for .

In the mean time, pray add this favour to your former, to inquire at Dr. Cosins his bookbinder, (whom he tells me you know) fo r the books I left with him to bind when

104 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD had been a fellow o f Caius College Cam o n bridge, dispossessed for a sermon schism ’ which he preached at St . Mary s , Cambridge 1 6 42 in . He retired to France, where, says

Wood, he was patronized by Sir Richard ’ o f Browne, Clerk His Majesty s Council, offi ciated fo r some months in his oratory o r o n e o f chapel there , and was those English divines who did many times argue with the contrary party concerning the visibili ty o f their ” The Church . said Sir Richard, Wood continues , also endeavoured to have such an establishment made fo r him as thereby in the most difficult Of times he might have had a comfortable subsistence and a safe protection s under his acred roof, besides the other graces ” 1 and civilities received from him . It seems l that Sir Richard fai ed in this attempt, for soon afterwards we find Watson acting in the capacity of chaplain to Lord Hopton at the ’ Prince s Court in Jersey ; and this Offi ce he h retained till the death of his patron , w ich 1 652 took place at Bruges in . The Prince quitted Jersey, which was no longer considered a safe residence , for Paris , O f 1 646 in the summer , leaving Lord Hopton behind him . At what precise time he rejoined the Prince does not appear. Clarendon

1 Fa sti Owen 1 2 , 66 . AT ST 105 DR . STEWARD . GERMAINS

f ’ mentions that a ter the Prince s departure, he and Lord Capel and Lord Hopton lived ’ together in St . Helier s , where their chaplain said the service of the Church o f England ’ The daily in the church at eleven o clock . o f friends met every day at the hour prayers , ’ H o to n s and afterwards dined at Lord p lodging, c o n which was the most comfortable, each o f so tributing his share the expenses , being poor that they were obliged to go without The supper. little company was soon separated, Lord Capel ’s friends advising him to take refuge for the present in the Low Cou ntries ; and Lord Hopton some months after quitted

Jersey for Rouen, where he went to confer with his uncle Sir Arthur Hopton, and Hyde was left alone to compile the history which has immortalized his name . Watson must 1 64 have arrived at Paris some time in 7, and Steward was no doubt anxious to keep him o f there, not only because their general agreement in religious matters , but more particularly from Watson ’s having had some misgivings as to the present position and o f fortunes the Church of England . He mu st have been anxious to secure hi s attach nl ment to the Church, not o y for his o wn sake , but for the benefit of many others who were day by day falling victims to the attacks 106 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

of the Jesuits and the influence o f Henrietta o n su b Maria and her court . Disputes the je c t o f the validity o f the English orders and the mission o f the priests o f the Church o f England had commenced soon after the arrival o f Dr. Cosin at Paris as chaplain to the house O f The ff hold the Queen. utmost e orts were made both by the Queen and her confessor Montagu to seduce all who came within the range o f their influence to the Church o f R o f ome, and the broken fortunes the Church o f England added great weight to the argu ments they used for the visibili ty of

the Church, and gave point to the satire unsparingly used against the branch whi ch had rent itself from the parent stock and was n o w reaping the consequences and withering

away. During the previous year Cosin had been engaged in a controversy with Father

Paul Robinson, who had been appointed to this task by the Prior of the English Bene di tin The c e s. controversy was perhaps not closed— a t least it was n o t forgotten— for the ’ first o f Steward s letters manifestly all uded

to the same subject which had occupied Cosin . It is interesting to know that Watson ’s

scruples were overcome, and that he lived and died in the communion o f the Church o f England . It is useless to Speculate what

108 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

to whose providence and goodness we mu st

recommend ourselves .

Y o u say right . Our Church is as much

misunderstood and misconstrued here abroad, as it is misused and maligned at home ; and e o f The I have had experience nough both . u n c ha rit truth is , they are here so exceeding able, and somewhat worse, that I know not f how any man who understands himsel , and makes a conscience of what he does , can enter into any communion with them in those doc trines and practices which they hold necessary to salvation, and wherein they make their o f ff li essential note di erence, their re gion, and their church , to consist . And that I may fo r answer your demand in brief, ( they say you i are all to come hither, ) it is far less safe to jo n cr ede n da with these men, that alter the , the o f l Vitals religion, than with those that medd e nl a en da o f o y with the g and rules religion, if n o they meddle no farther. And where it is t in o u r power to help it there is no doubt but in these things , God will accept the will for o u r o r the deed , if that will (without assent approbation to the contrary) be preserved entire : though in the mean while we suffer a little for it, oppression must not make us o u r o T o f leave wn Church . hey Geneva are to blame in many things , and defective DR . T AT ST M 10 S EWARD . GER AINS 9

some ; they shall never have my approbation o f their doings , nor let them have yours . Yet I do not see that they have set up any new articles o f faith under pain o f dam nation to

all the world, that will not receive them for such articles ; and yo u know whose case that Caeter a cu m ven e r is o r is . , (if you come not) l ff in other letters, as you shal o er me occasion. In the mean while I will be glad to hear o f your resolution still to be constant in the maintenance o f the Antient Catholic Faith o f o f and government the Church Christ , which the Church o f England hath professed and taught us , though now there be a cloud and storm upon it : as upon what Church hath n o t o r there been, more less , in the several ages o f the world If you know o f anything fit fo r me to hear concerning o u r o ld friends in to England, you will do me a favour impart it to, l ri Your assured oving f end, “ G u 1 1 4 S t. rm . ne 6 6 e J 9, .

To . my very good and worthy friend, Mr L Richard Watson, chaplain to my ord Hopton at Jersey

S I R , o u I must ask your pardon, that y m hear no often er from e by my own hand, 110 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWAR D

o u (for by others , if they do me right , y have

my frequent remembrances , ) assuring you that o u o n e y are of those friends , upon whom I ff have placed a most a ectionate regard . But ff o u the more I a ect y , the greater desires I have that you would not entertain the least thought o f starting from that profession of o u religion, wherein y were so well practised at

home, though it be disgraced and persecuted The there never so much . time hath been, wherein good orthodox Christians have suffered

more than we do , and continued firm and con stant in their way ; n o r do I see any better o u r way to recover station again than this .

However, let it never be said, that to revenge

ourselves upon one enemy, we have any n mind to comply with another, you k ow n o t whom I mean , an enemy as bad, if worse

than those that are at home. I would yo u held the same course at

Jersey, and had the same toleration there, o u r that we have at Court , where we omit nothin g that we were wont to practise in a so o ff Engl nd, and are far from leaving the surplice at service that we never preach any o u r s sermon without it . And in these sermon , they o f the Geneva fashion hear us as well, an d as often as they of the Italian . I know n ot Gatfor d u l ill . why Mr. sho d speak so of Dr

112 LIFE OF RICHAR D STEWARD

composed : no Bishop ever enquired o f their

observance, nor did . ever any Judge at an assize deli ver them in his charge ; which both

the one and other had been bound to do, if they had been set forth by the same authority

which the Liturgy was . Besides you may observe that they are never printed with the o r n o r r l Liturgy, Bible, eve were, but on y

bound up as the stationers please, together : with it otherwhiles that by this means , their

Psalms might vent the better, and they get

the more gain . I know not what they talk of scandalizing weak consciences ; but I am as sure as yo u are that many passages in

those Psalms have been scandalous enough . These thin gs (when yo u have just occasion) yo u may assert fo r truth ; but yo u need n o t f quote any other author than yoursel , and every man’s knowledge that hath not given

up the ghost to the Geneva platforms . Of &c to o Mr. Crashaw . , I know much ; but I am more glad to hear yo u say that yo u have no thought of following their ungracious and o u fond fancies . God ever preserve y and me in o u r old way o f truth : from which no persecution shall ever drive us ; as is the confidence and prayer for the continuance of ff ri that resolution, of your most a ectionate f end, “ Jo . D AT ST 1 13 R . STEWARD . GERMAINS

o f But it is time to give some account Dr. ’ T Basire , Steward s correspondent . heir friend ship is not accounted for by any circumstances n o t Of early life . It is likely they had ever met l h to ti l Basire became c aplain the King, about 1 641 the year . He had been educated at Cam ad eu n dem bridge, and was presented for an 1 6 40 degree at Oxford in November . During the King’s residence in Oxford he had frequent

o f . opportunities meeting Dr Steward, and ri here it was , in all probability, that a f endship between them sprang up , which was improved to o f a great degree intimacy, partly by the concur rence Of their opinions on points o f the greatest interest, and partly by the misfortunes both were compelled to endure . Basire frequently so preached before the King at Oxford, and highl y was hi s orthodoxy esteemed that he had a licence granted him by that University o t preach anywhere thr oughout the country. What authority that University possessed to li grant such a cence does not appear. It was granted six weeks after the surrender o f the garrison but he probably never had any opportunity o f exercising the power conferred

upon him , for in the course of the same year he left England with the view o f travelling to

distant countries , and propagating the doctrines o f th C a n d m g hurch of England, aking her 114 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD faith known amongst the members o f the

Eastern Church . He had no thought, of o f o r course, interfering with the form of belief ceremonies o f the Greek Church . So dis graceful a proceeding was reserved for the nineteenth century, when, for the first time , the Church o f England was drawn into a measure which at once countenanced foreign

Protestantism, and threw discredit upon the 1 Oriental churches . ’ Ba sir o f ff e s object was quite a di erent kind . Probably he hoped to establi sh something like

- inter communion between the two Churches . He was at Paris o n his way to the East when Steward addressed the two letters as above to f o n 2 th o f him . He le t Rouen the 7 August , T 1 64 . 7 , with three pupils hey went to Paris , and kissed the hands o f the Queen and Prince o n at St . Germains , and Christmas day he i ’ preached n Sir Richard Browne s chapel . He

here parted with his friend for the last time, and soon afterwards proceeded to the island of Z ante , where he remained some time, and translated the catechism o f the Church o f T England into Greek . hat he was not irr tending to make proselytes is shown both by the Opposition o f the Romanists and by the

1 The a u tho r r e fe rs to the pro po se d e sta blishm e n t of a n Angl o P u ss an ho i c in J e usa le m in 1841 r i bis pr r .

116 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

to dispose and incline them to a communion o r o f unity with the Church England . He did not return to England till after the death o f R a o tz i T his patron , Prince g . he Prince o f died wounds received in battle, and Basire was requested by his widow the Princess

Sophia to perform his funeral ceremony. ’ o f He was like most the King s chaplains, in fle xibly attached to the cause Of the Ch u rch o f England and loyal to the King. He a b so lu te ly refused the offer Of a plentiful support

from the Consul at Smyrna, because he would not exercise his function where the duty o f n prayi g for King Charles should be prohibited .

He was many years younger than Steward, as ’ may be judged from the tone o f Steward s o f letters to him , which is quite that a director o r The instructor. matter about which he consulted hi m was an essay which it appears he was already contemplating, but which was not published in English till after his retu rn to 1 6 6 1 England in . It was entitled Dia triba de a n tigu a E ccle l b r a siae Brita n n icae i e t te . It was provoked by i u ste ll an intended publ cation of Chr. J , called a a a r oli i a The Geog r phi S c op t c . MS . was ’ found in Lord H o pto n s cabinet after his n death by Watson, who pri ted it at Bruges in 1 656 , and afterwards translated it into English D AT ST 117 R . STEWARD . GERMAINS

1 and published it under the title o f TheA n cien t L iber t o the Br ita n n ic Chu r ch a n d the le i ti y f , g m a te exemptio n the re of f r om the R o m a n P a tri a r cha te discou r sed in ou r osition s a n d , f p a sser ted & e to which a r e su b oin ed thr ee , g n j chapter s c on c er n ing the p r i vileg es of the Br ita n n ic Chu r ch 8 a se le c te d ou t a L a tin M S . , 5 , of ” en titled Ca tholic o -R om a n u s P a ci cu s fi , writ 2 o f . ten by Father J . Barnes , the order Of St

Benedict . At the end of this work there is the letter written by Basire to Sir R . Browne , giving an account of his travels , from which 3 the above account has been extracted . The letter is dated from Pera, near Con

sta n tin o le 20 1 653 . T p , July , here is also a letter prefixed to this book from Browne to

Watson, in which the former says he never could read this book but as a nine -and -twentieth o f chapter the Acts . It is worth remarking ’ o n o f Ba ir C r that e Dr. s e s sons hanged his e li io n o f g for that Rome . Perhaps there was ’ scarcely a family of the divines o f Charles time n o t that did experience a similar loss . But this ll t is a subject to which we sha hereaf er recur. Enough has been said to explain the allusions ’ in Steward s letter. We proceed to his next 1 649 appearance, which is not till the next year, .

1 2 Fasti 1 A . On , 640. then 0a , 3 B - Oorr s. a 11 120 . e , sir e , pp . 5 CHAPTER VII

TH E CHURCH O F ENGLAND AND FOREIGN PROTESTANTISM

’ ’ L E D u C AR N ON S acco nt Of Dr. Steward s char acter is as follows 1 The Doctor was a very honest, and learned gentleman, and most conversant in n that learni g, which vindicated the dignity, and authority o f the Church ; upon which his heart was most entirely set ; n o t without some to prejudice those, who thought there was any ” other object to be more carefully pursued . The noble historian had had many o ppo r ’ tu ni tie s o f o f judging Steward s character, and n o t the least important o n e at the treaty at Uxbridge, where they had both been c o m m issiOn e rs T o f . hey had a high opinion each other, as appears from the character which Steward gave the King O f him after their return from the treaty. Perhaps no statesman has ever exercised so much influence for good o f over the Church England as Lord Clarendon ,

1 ‘ ' a E rl o l r don Pt. vi O xf. Ed. 1 59 . 124 . n of a f C a en , , 7 , p l 1 8

120 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

ff n having long known his a ection, and judgme t in that point ; but confessed he was surprised

with the carriage of some others , from whom he o o f had expected an ther kind behaviour, in matters o f the Church and named Sir Orlando

Bridgman, upon whom he said, he had always firm looked, being the son of a bishop , as so , that he could not be shaken ; and therefore he c o n de sc e n was the more amazed, to hear what ll sions he had been wi ing to have made, in what concerned religion ; and pressed the Chancellor to answer some questions he asked him about that transaction : to the particulars

whereof he excused himself from answering,

by the protestation , they had all taken before ’ the treaty, with His Majesty s approbation though indeed himself had been very much surprised with the first discovery o f that

temper in that gentleman, which he had : f never before suspected and ever a ter said, o f that he was a man excellent parts, and honestly inclined ; and woul d chuse much rather to do well than ill ; but if it were n o t safe fo r him to be steady in those resolu o u t tions , he was so much given to find ex e die n ts p to satisfy unreasonable men, that he

would at last be drawn to yield to anything, ’ he should be powerfully pressed to do . The next council at which Hyde and Steward FOREIGN PROTESTANTISM 121 were both present was held at the Hague in the ’ o f 1 6 49 The spring . King s execution had placed the Scots in a considerable difficu lty ; but it was resolved at last to recognize his son, and accordingly Charles II . was proclaimed in

o n 5th o f u . Scotland, Monday, the Febr ary A messenger was immediately despatched to the Hague, where the young King was residing, very cautiously entertained by the States Of

n o f . Holland , to i form him his proclamation There seems some reason to think that the Object o f the commissioners sent to the King was to delay any project which he might be o f supposed to entertain, making an attempt The to regain his throne by force . King was surrounded by counsellors o f all shades o f The o f ff Opinion . state a airs , upon the arrival o f the Scotch commissioners , was pretty much as follows o f Co ttin to n Most the English Royalists , g ,

Andover, Culpepper and Hyde , advised the o f King to make the attempt by means Ireland, o r o f o r if that should be disapproved , should ’ appear less practicable, to follow Montrose s suggestion o f attempting to regain Scotland f without the assistance o the Kirk party . The more moderate Presbyterians , Hamilton,

Lauderdale, Calendar, and others were for d the acce ing to the te rms of commissioners, 122 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

whatever they should demand, thinking that was the only possible means of restoring T o the King. hese were called Lords f the

Engagement , and as such were under the sen o f tence the Scottish Kirk at the moment , and had been plundered o f their goods and banished from their country. Whilst a third party had no wish to see the King restored o n any conditions , but such as would deprive him o f all power, leaving him but the empty name o f King, s ubjecting him and all his subjects to o f o f the power the Ministers the Kirk . Besides the embarrassment and distraction o f so many advisers counsellin g different lines to hi s o f policy be pursued , Charles felt that residence in Holl and was daily becoming more uncomfortable , owing to the fears entertained o f by the States, the New Republic , and though still o n very good terms with his -in - brother law, the Prince of Orange, he could e not expect much sympathy from a princ who, from his foreign education, was unable to under stand whythe English Church alone o f reformed bodies insisted so strongly o n episcopacy. The best account o f the transactions which passed between the King and the commissioners , ’ will be found in the third volume o f Baillie s letters and journals . Baillie was himself one th r of e commissione s from the Kirk, and the

124 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

The o f England . issue the conference was that the Prince o f Orange en gaged to do what he cou l d to persuade Charles to come to f ll terms . In the course o the letter he a udes to the reputation which the Kirk had with foreigners for rigidity used again st the E u o f l gagers the last year, and particularly al udes to the good service which the thr ee Lords o f

Engagement had done to their cause already. He adds that he is certainly informed that that infamous person who goes by the name of Gra lla to r has a big volume ready of the late practices o f the Scottish Kirk . In the con cluding paragraph o f the letter he entreats that some o f the ablest of the ministry may be sent who may be able to stand against Dr. Steward . Probably he remembered ho w five years before the doctor had utterly overthrown the arguments of the parliamentary commissioners The at the treaty at Uxbridge . big volume soon made its appearance as a quarto pamphlet o f r - A a ir wa r n in to thi ty six pages , entitled f g ta ke heed o the S cottish disci li n e a s bei n f p , g of a ll othe rs m ost in u r iou s to the civil m a i str a te j g , m ost o r essive to the su b ec t m ost er n iciou s to pp j , p both b J ohn Br a ha ll E L r Bi h o m D. o d s o , y , . , p f L on don der r t y. Soon af erwards the commis sio n e rs arrive, and Baillie makes his first speech

n T 2 th . I n to the Ki g, on uesday, the 7 of March FOREIGN PROTESTANTISM 125

the letter o f the commissioners dated from the r 3rd nh Hague , Ap il , they say that an u appy

' Eix alv a o fl xtx i book, B ) , does us much prejudice, ’ and that Dr. Bramble of Derry, has printed

the other day at Delph , a wicked pamphlet ” against our Church , adding that they have no

T e . time to answer it . h pamphlet did its work Bramhall very dexterously showed up the o f working the Scottish Kirk , illustrating from history the inconsistency of the exercise of its o f discipline with the existence civil power, and showing that the ministers o f the Kirk claim an authority as great as that o f the ll o f Pope, and set up for an infa ibility their o wn , exercising their power most arbitrarily a ll u to over classes . Bramhall is caref l dis claim making an attack upon the Presbyterians o f o n n c o n fin reformed churches the Conti ent ,

ing his remarks to the Scottish Kirk . Probably he did not think it expedient to provoke the

reformed communions abroad, particularly at the time when the Scotch were evidently desirous to make common cause with them o f against the Church England . After this publication Baill ie had a private fo r interview with Charles , whom he extols his il 1 personal qualities, but says , Apr 7, that he

fears he must engage with Dr. Bramble , for his warning does so much ill to the King and 126 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD f those about him . Soon a terwards he sent o u t Dr Br a m bl la B h R evie w o . e te is o o L on his f , p f don derr his a ir wa r n in a a i nst the S cots y, f g g B l n e . R B disci i . . rin a D G . ted t e t p y , p lf ,

1 6 9 . to . 4 4 But it was too late , even had it been by a more powerful hand than Baill ie s the treaty came to a conclusion towards the end of May, and the King declined acceding to the exorbitant demands o f the Scotch com missioners who returned to their o wn country and reported to the assembly the unsatisfactory o f termination their mission . The only question which presented itself to the King to be decided upon was , whether he should trust himself to the Roman Catholics o f to o f Ireland, or the Presbyterians Scotland . ’ The o f Do risla u s murder , the Parliament s o n ambassador to the States , had taken place 3rd o f the May, and it was apparent that Holland could be no longer a safe residence fo r the King : indeed he had had a hint given him to depart . Upon which he makes a pre tence of consulting the States as to the course ll which he should adopt, and fina y decides for v Ireland, determining first to pay a isit to the

- Queen mother at Paris . t Af er this step had been determined on, the next thing to be arranged was the puttin g o f n out a declaration, most his cou sellors being

128 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD might contain something in favour of the

Presbyterians , it was proposed by the King ; and

Hyde, though very much averse to any such i proclamation be ng issued, was appointed to

a . The o f prep re it Prince Orange, who was b present at the deli eration, incited as Clarendon thought by the Scotch lords who were ‘ much in favoured by him, expressed his wish that regard o f the great differences of opini on whi ch were in England about matters of religion , the King would offer in this declaration to refer all matters in controversy concerning religion to r a national synod , in which the e should be admitted some foreign divines from the Pro To testant Churches . this the King had no objection, neither had Hyde, though the Prince o f Orange half expected he would . Hyde had as much Objection as any o n e could have had against allowing foreign Protestant divines to ff meddle with the a airs of the English Church, but he thought the clause was harmless because they could be controlled by a greater number o f e English divines , if any successful issu should spring up, which he did not at all expect . ’ Steward was not Of the King s Privy Council , and therefore could not interpose his opinion . But though probably no member of this coun c il would have expressed any dissent from this u l l u partic ar c a se, yet about other expressions FOREIGN PROTESTANTISM 129 in the declaration there seemed to be but little ’ agreement or unanimity. Clarendon s account of it is as follows When the declaration was prepared and read at the board there was a deep silence , o f no man speaking to any part it . But another day was appointed for the second reading it, against which time every man might be better prepared to speak to it : and o f in in the mean time the Prince Orange , regard he was not a perfect master o f the li Eng sh tongue , desired he might have a copy

o f . it, that he might the better understand it And the Chancellor o f the Exchequer desired that n o t only the Prince o f Orange might

have a copy, but that His Majesty would like o n e t wise have , and af er he should have perused

it himself, he would show it to any other, who he thought was fit to advise with there being many lords and other persons o f quality about who : him , were not Of the council and he to moved, that he might have liberty himself communicate it to some who were like to make ho w o f a judgment, far anything that nature

was like to be acceptable, and agreeable to the minds o f the people and named Herbert the

- Attorney General, and Dr. Steward , who was

Dean of the Chapel ; and his opinion, in all n n thi gs relating to the Church, the Ki g had 9 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

been advised by his father to submit to . All which was approved by the King ; and for that reason a further day was appointed for the The second reading. issue was that, except o r o n e two three of the council , who were of o f o and the same opinion the wh le, there were not two persons who were admitted to the perusal of it, who did not take some exception to it, though scarce two made the same ” 1 exception . The ff o f di erence opinion was fortunate, for it prevented any declaration being put out by ’ u the King, and it is doubtf l how far Steward s opinion would have weighed when in opposition to f that o the whole council . He was far sighted enough to see that it would be an ill precedent for the Church o f England to admit foreign divines into a synod, even though their The Opinion was to go for nothing. mode in whic h Clarendon speaks o f his opini on shows v a ll that he did not appreciate his iews at . ” 1 “ Doctor Steward, he says , though a man of a very good understanding, was so exceedingly grieved at the clause o f admittin g foreign divin es into a synod that was to consult ul upon the Church Of England, that he co d not be satisfied by any argument that coul d be o f ‘ o f ff given the impossibility any e ect, or that 1 H a O E 8 21 ist. ge xf d 1 26 vol vi . 3 . w , . . , . , p

132 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

t Savoy Conference af er the Restoration, from which time forward the Church o f England has shown that she admits the Church o f . Rome to be a true Church by admitting her li orders to be va d , and practically refuses the title to foreign Protestants by her rubric that none shall be admitted to o fli c ia te in her services except those episcopally ordained .

But with all the strong expressions which Dr.

Steward used against modern Roman practices , it is plain that he considered them as ex c re sc e n c e s upon a system which was in itself n sound . When he wishes to fortify a doctri e to by appeal authority, he thinks it conclusive to show that it was held in the East and ” 1 the West . Both Churches, he says ,

have subscribed to this conclusion . For the o f Greek, Damascene in his third book the orthodox faith ; S . Austin for the Latin in his ” F lici a n u m 1 4 Con tr a e . T th chapter , etc hus , o f though he makes use, as we have seen, com ta o r o f i fre m e n t s reformed commun ons, and quently argues against the interpretation o f recent Roman commentators , yet he must be plainly understood as expressin g his willingness to defer to the judgment of the Church Ca tho lic , when undivided and the English Church a t the present day can take her stand upon

1 tc o . cit . 8. Three S erm on s, e . ( p ) , p 7 FOREIGN PROTESTANTISM 133

T e no other ground than this . h question was brought to a practical issue last year, when an attempt was made to introduce a pastor of the reformed communion in France into a L ondon to pulpit, and was put a stop by an appeal to 1 o f the Bishop the diocese .

1 This wa s a t the m e of the G a E h b i on in 1851 —ED ti re t x i it . . CHAPTER V III

ATTENDANCE ON TH E DU KE O F Y ORK

THERE can be little doubt that Steward returned to St . Germains , but it does not appear whether he accompanied the King o r a ll not, for in the accounts of the journey that we have met with , his name is not mentioned . Charles was followed by a large retinue o f attendants , including several divines , and it seems probable from the many scattered r notices which we possess , that Stewa d was not in immediate attendance . It is not likely that he would have allowed such sermons as were preached before the King to f go unrebuked . Sunday a ter Sunday he

seems to have listened to discourses , the pro fessed object o f which was to compare the sufferings of the Royal martyr with those o f o u r Saviour, and the language used was in

many cases very profane and blasphemous . Two o f these at least occurred within o n e

The . month . first was preached by Mr Paul 1 34

136 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f either these sermons , must have been much shocked , and the fact that his name nowhere appears in connection with them, tends to the belief that he left Holland before His

Majesty, and returned to St . Germains , prob

ably to resume his duties , which had been interrupted by his summons to attend at the

council held at the Hague . The King left the Hague in the beginning

of June, and travelled by Rotterdam , Dort , T Breda and Antwerp to Brussels . here was an interesting discussion which took place

here, from the relation of which we are led to the same conclusion that Steward had already t The o f lef the King. narrative it was given to the world many years afterwards by the

principal actor in it, Dr. Morley. He had

lately arrived there from England, and it is almost certain that if Steward had been o f the ul company, Morley, who was his partic ar di re s friend, must have noticed it . A short g

sion concerning the controversy, as it touches upon a subject more than once before alluded n to in these pages , may not be uninteresti g, although it does not immediately bear upon The the subject of this memoir. particulars o f the conference were as foll ows

Dr. Morley and Dr. Creighton, with Lord ll Newburgh and Mr. Wi iam Murray, went ATTENDANCE ON DUKE OF YORK 137 o u t o f curiosity on the evening o f that day to ’ visit the Jesuits College , and were received very courteously by Father Darcy, who gave them a full account of the man ner o f living t at the college . Af er some time Lord

Andover, who was with the Jesuit , suggested that he should like to hear the different points between the Churches o f England and Rome argued by some few learned and moderate men, stating his belief that they were not so many or so great, but that some expedient might be found to compose them , and com lim e n te d p the three divines who were present, expressing his regret that there was not a fourth on the Roman side , such another as r Father Da cy was . Both the English divines replied that his lordship ‘ had made but an ill o f d choice for the Church Englan , and alluded to the danger o f disputing then and ’ o n there such topics . Upon Father Darcy s assuring them that they might speak with all

freedom and safety, and that he should rather take it as a favour if they would consent to a - ff discussion, Dr. Morley, fearing the ill e ects that might be produced by their appearing

to decline the conference , Observed that he should be glad if there could be a debate between such persons as Lord Andover o f spoke , but that he expected little from a 138 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

conference where o n e of the parties was resolved to remit nothing o f what they had formerly

held . The Jesuit hereupon Observed that perhaps they might not be found so stiff on all

points , and instanced the Latin service, the o n e a n d o f communion in kind, the celibacy

priests , but insisted on matters of faith, when the argument began to turn o n the infallibility f o the Church . Both disputants were agreed o n re this point , Morley asserting that he garded the Roman as only part o f the Church The Catholic . Jesuit replied that the Church

o f . Rome neither had erred, nor could err Morley then undertook to show that the Church of Rome formerly held as matters o f to faith, and necessary salvation, that which it did h not t en hold, instancing the communion o f Bin iu s M a ldo n a te infants , testified by and to

I o f . be the opinion Of Innocent . , and St Austin, and as being received by the whole Church The o f fo r many hundred years . charge misquoting o r misapplying quotations was rebutted by Morley’s offering to refer to the

books which they had in the college, but he says the Father seemed not willing to put it al upon that tri . The Jesuit afterwards alleged the fallacious argument which has been so Often urged in

our own day, and that even by eminent

140 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD He very acutely added a comparison between o f ni the case and that the Donatists, who de ed il that any but a Donatist could be saved, wh st

St . Austin admitted that a Donatist might be The saved . answer to both these argu ments ’ was by the Je su it s denying the facts stated as regards Father Knott as well as St . Austin.

Dr. Morley appears to have had much more learning than Darcy, though it is but fair to say that we have the account from the former 1 and not from the latter. However, the answer to the foolish argument about the belief Of either Church as to the possibility o f salvation in members o f the other is complete and ir re a a ble nl u fr g . It is o y wonderf l that practised controversialists should still have recourse to such weak arguments in their attacks o n the f Church o England . T his conference ended , no doubt, as most

disputes do , without either party convincing the other ; and as it began to grow dark they parted from each other with terms o f great li o f civi ty and respect, neither them seeming ff o n e to have taken any o ence at all at another.

But to return to the subject of our memoir . The King reached Paris and after a few ’ days stay there, conducted the Queen his

1 Dr S u m o a short Con e r n c betwixt Fa h Da a n d . The f f e e t . rcy J u 1 1 B u 2 n 1 . o n 8 t s 9 L . 3 Mo rl e y a r s els 3 e 6 d 6 . ATTENDANCE ON DUKE OF YORK 141

mother to St . Germains, where they were Co ttin to n joined by g and Hyde, who relates

that the families of the Queen, the King and the Duke Of York were all there at the time f they arrived . Soon a ter, intelligence was brought from Ireland whi ch changed the King’s resolution ; but he felt that to remain in France wi thout further countenance from that

Court was impossible . He therefore set out The fo r Jersey in September. Channel Islands had not yet recognized the authority o f the

Commonwealth, and here accordingly he was proclaimed King, and remained in security for some months . And now Steward was separated from his pupil . Historians do not give a very detailed ’ ’ account o f the King s and the Duke o f York s proceedings ; but it appears from o n e o f the 1 o f newspapers the day, that letters came ’ We dn e s announcing Charles arrival in Jersey, 1 2 “ day September , and adds that it was this day advertized that the Duke of Yorkvisited the o f King and Queen France at Paris . From ft this it appears that the Duke was le behind, and we might have supposed that his tutor ’ would have remained with him . But Steward s b advice was thought so valua le, that his

1 The Ma n in the Moon o 21 fr m S e m b r 5 S b , N . , o pte e to eptem er 2 1 1 , 649. 142 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD presence with the King was considered n e c e s n d sary . Hammond writi g to Shel on, October — “ 1 4 1 649 . , , says Dr St[eward] desires me to send him word freely what I would have him do & S u re nothing but to wait on his u n t prosperous afflicted 1 The only accounts o f him which we possess ’ o f are in two letters Morley s to Sheldon, t lately discovered in the Bri ish Museum . The first mention o f him is in the following 2 n e sr words , dated from Caen, September 7 ( y style) The King lay here o n Friday night in his way to Jersey ; early the next morning he went from hence, meaning to be at Jersey

o n . . Sunday night, as I believe he was Dr

Steward, Dr. Earle and Dr. Clare went along t with him Mr. Floyd was lef behind to attend the Lord Culpepper in his embassy in to z Russia . Dr. Steward is cra y with a lung ” 2 cold ; pray God it end not in a consumption . The mild climate o f the Channel Islands must have suited Steward in his present condition very well , and he was eminently useful if he was the person who dissuaded Charles from agreeing to the second proposals o f the Scotch commissioners made to him on that island in e the month o f Octob r.

1 l Nov. 184 H P d in Theolo ia n a n d Ecc esiastic . l 62 . i te a r . r n g , 8 2 l Au . H P in T olo ia n a nd Ec c esi astic 1848 . rl 138 . in e he a . r t d g , g

144 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWAR D

t T were made before the King lef France . hey o r were not of importance enough , perhaps not f o fli c ia l su ficiently in their character, to be o f noticed by historians the period . But the ll M er cu riu sE le n cticu s fo owingextract fromthe ,

No . 20 . 1 53 3 , p , from Monday September to 1 0 1 649 September , , proves that some proposi tions were put to him The Scots have received an answer to their s la t message, but in such majestic language it amazes them to think what the King’s designs so should be, seeing he makes little reckoning o f their overtures , which some impute to his tenderness Of years or want of a godl y council ; but they will find his majesty in these few years hath had as much experience o f their n dissimulation and treachery, that he can ot be deluded by their styling themselves his ’ majesty s loyal subjects , and a council so wise and loyal as will not advise him to trust hi m self amongst those who murdered his royal e t father, y are they resolved to persist in their o f importunate manner begging, and therefore are preparing fresh addresses to be sent to his majesty, and new commissioners to be sent to press them home to him and attend for his answer, and this say the letters they are the rather induced to, for that there is news brought them that Montrose is in readiness to ATTENDANCE ON DUKE OF YORK 145 invade their kingdom with 6000 o ld German di H sol ers , which being joined with the igh landers they are afraid m ight prove o f sad consequence to the nation without a speedy compliance with the King, whose interest they ” are designed to fight for. The Scots seem to have been little daunted by what they call His Majesty ’s majestic u fo r ff lang age, they renewed their o ers upon his arrival in Jersey in October o f the same year, and with the same result, an absolute ’ refusal on the King s part to accept their terms . The onl y result of the many conferences held o n this subject was a proclamation issued by ff Charles from Castle Elizabeth, Jersey, o ering to ns free pardon all perso , excepting those actually engaged in the execution of his father.

It was printed at the Hague by Samuel Brown,

English bookseller there . Soo n afterwards however the King became more compliant, and though he did not accede

‘ to their terms , yet he was willing to have a treaty with them in Holland . His council ’ e were divided, but the Queen s earn st desire that he should make his attempt by means

Of the Scotch, and the danger he was in by n remaining in Jersey, there bei g already a

plan in operation for reducing that island, at last outweighed the remonstrances both of 10 146 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD his councill ors and the divines who a c c o m a n ie d a p him , who were particularly verse to this method . Moreover the attempt made in a Engl nd, at Preston, in Lancashire, to proclaim him King had failed , and the Levellers , who had demanded in o n e of their articles that u Charles should be bro ght in, were now no longer formidable . He accordingly quitted 1 649 Jersey in December , and went to

Holland , and now to his great loss parted with his Clerk o f the Closet . O f Steward remained with the Duke York, and so had no Opportunity o f advising the who King, , now that he had lost his best counsellors , made shipwreck of honour and conscience , took the covenant, and sailed for

Scotland . How long the Duke and his chaplain re mained in Jersey does not appear . We quite lose sight of both till September o f the foll ow T 1 ing year. heir arrival at the Louvre is alluded to in a casual manner in a letter from 9 Hammond to Sheldon dated September , “ 1 650 : . He says I suppose that the a dve r ’ tise m e n t of last week s journal concerning the ’ Duke O f York s arrival at the Louvre signi fies

‘ the accomplishment of that purpose of Dr.

1 Lo -Ke e e La e who wa s wi h he m i e d in J e se be fo e rd p r n , t t , d r y r the e f y l t.

148 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f be commanded by the Duke York . But probably the news of the defeat caused him to change his mind , and they returned to

Brussels . 1 . 2 2 N 1 65 . 0 . Bruxelles , Oct , S . , You may perhaps hear his highness censured for leaving Paris as he did , but I doubt not you will think the best ; and if I know the bottom of the business , it is not only defensible , but : commendable, what he hath done and he o f is upon excellent principles, both in point li o f re gion and in point service to the king, his brother and sovereign when occasion shall justly offer itself with such commission as is requisite . — l . 1 650 Bruxel es , Oct . But as things n o w are, I shall only repeat to you what I ’ wrote in my last , that the duke s principles , both in matter of reli gion and in point o f duty and service to the king, are so commend n o t o u able , that I doubt y would have been glad to have been an ear witness o f them both . “ 1 650 — No v. . All that I can say is : this that the duke, in this remove, hath not

only done what is justifiable, but that indeed which , when all grounds are known, he de nl serves to be commended for. O y there is

1 o Ci l Wa r Lon 18 2 11 22 - M vi d. 4 vol . 2 2 H Ca r em . . 9 3 . y, f , , , pp . AT TENDANCE ON DUKE OF YORK 149

so much a secret in it , that it is better for ’ his highness to undergo some men s censures , than to put himself to the disadvantage o f T o u t undermining them . ruth will at last ,

and, by the grace Of God , time enough . I beseech you believe me to be neither o f Of their Opinion, who taught the last king

France to dishonour and despise his mother, o f nor yet theirs neither, who think the fifth commandment makes a queen -mother ” - a queen regent . 8 1 6 0 — 5 . Bruxelles , Dec . , And , sir, for o f 30 yours Nov. , wherein you write how much his highness is censured fO going so f O ten to popish service , I can onlyreply that if the authors o f that censure had indeed found a nything material to object to the

duke, it seems they had not spared his high ness , whereas they seem to please themselves The with so very a bable . truth is , in eight weeks ’ space he hath been there five or six times but he always sat incognito where very few saw him, and where scarce any were about o wn him but his servants . “ o f One those times , he went to see three o f knights the Golden Fleece , erected by the ’ o f King Spain s letters patent, which was

done in mass time ; and believe, the most s s holy of their incerities, that most cen ure the 150 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

duke, would not have lost such a sight . Other time he went merely to hear music which o ft k o f times was very good, and so was a ind entertainment to him , having so little else in this place . Pray God , those holy persons , who censure this so much, allow not themselves far worse kin ds o f recreations : but I believe yo u l o f wil hear that no more . 1 2 1 650 — We Bruxelles , Dec . , . are now, as I conceive, upon a remove towards you, so that though I might , without prejudice, be l o n o u si ent till I waited y , yet since in yours o f December 7th you again mention the ’ &c duke s frequent going to mass , . and how heinous a crime it is made by those o f the ll presbytery, I sha add thus much to what I wrote in my last . First, that I never moved 2n dl T his highness to go at any time . y, hat

I did not like his so frequent going thither. 3rdl T y, hat coming to the court where he was resolved to go, and having the honour to be called to go with him , I did not, nor yet think I ought not to have refused him that o service ; for since he would needs g , it is fit some o f my coat should be about him . But, ll sir, he never went to those places but sti o n e was sent before to bespeak him a private i n o r place, where he might neither g ve receive ff O ence ; which, sure, in the judgment of any

CHAPTER I &

Co NVE RTs TO ROM E

S CARCELY anything more remains to be re o f The corded Dr. Steward . cold , from which he seems to have been slowly recovering c o n su m during his stay in Jersey, ended in a p hi m tion, which brought to the grave in 1 51 October 6 . He had been sequestered of

all his valuable preferments in the Church , the greater part o f which indeed he never received u any profit from, at least not s bsequently to 1 6 40 The the year . plundered Royalists and Episcopalian clergy were nominally allowed t f i . e . t o what were called fif hs , a fif h part the net revenue o f their preferments ; but these were either n o t at all o r very negligently paid in many cases . Steward appears to have been o f possessed some private fortune, as we learn from sundry notices of his which show the ( ffi u di c lty he had in getting his rents paid him . He was however at least able to afford to place his son Charles under the care of a tutor. 1 52 CONVERTS TO ROME 153 Hammond and Sheldon seem tohave been the two friends on whom he depended fo r e xe c u t ing his wishes with regard to this and other matters , which absence from his native country rendered him unable to attend to personally. S O little do we know o f him in a private and domestic Capacity that but for the frequent all usions o f his friends in their correspondence di to his son, we should not have scovered that T he had even married . his son seems at the ’ time o f his father s death to have been nearly ni Old enough to go to the u versity, and was f l soon a terwards entered at Oriel Col ege, The Oxford . reader will ask why a divine of Steward ’s views should send his son to Oxford at a time when all the public posts and tutor ships of colleges were filled with Independents r To o Presbyterians . this we cannot give as satisfactory an answer as might be wished . That this was the line taken by the Church o f party the day is clear, for Hammond and others were constantly making collections for the express purpose of training up young men, o f the sons clergymen and others , who were unable to pay fo r their educ ation at the u ni ve rsitie s o f ; besides , the names those who took their degrees at Oxford durin g the period which intervened between the martyrdom of

Charles I . and the restoration of Charles II . 154 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD show that persons o f all parties were still gla d to avail themselves o f the advantage of a o f university education . Many divines great

o f . note during the time James II , and especially the Nonjurors , belong for the most part to this class . It is needless to accumulate instances whi ch may be easily collected by reference to ’ F a sti T f Wood s homas Ken, a terwards o f l o n e o f Bishop Bath and Wel s , is the most remarkable o f these names . He was entered when the times had perhaps come to the 1 658 worst in . It is not improbable that many were sent to Oxford during this time in the hope o f some favourable conjuncture o f ff n changing the state a airs there , for duri g n o part of the time o f the Commonweal th had Royalists quite given up their case as hopeless, as is evidenced by the continual risings fo r the King that took place o r were onl y just intercepted by the vigilance o f

Government.

Steward was, during the whole of his exile, in constant communication with Hammond . ’ The following extract from one of Hammond s letters to Sheldon shows that he was con su lte d occasionally o n difficult points of inter pre ta tio n for the forthcoming Paraphrase and n T Annotations o the New estament .

Your advice and Dr. with

156 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD comparatively is known o f the extent to which o f changes religion prevailed at this time, we l will proceed , in explaining the a lusions of the a letter, to give some account ofthe char cters of some Of those who were induced to take this step and the circumstances under which it was taken .

M a 5 165 1 y , .

T o . begin first with your gold . Sir H ll l ff W . wi not a low now so much as he o ered before, for he says , the exchange is since that time altered to a lower rate, less than nine ll guilders , and so I keep it sti by me, all but the hundred and fourteen livres which I have ff o wn paid to Mr. Radcli e by your directions , though he had none from his father to receive it . I have enquired of Sir H . W . all I can, to k l now when the Doctor wil be sent for, and he assures me there is no resolution yet taken for the time, but whensoever it is , he says , that those persons (against whom the exceptions were taken by you know whom) must neither ll be lodged in the Louvre, nor wi be well o n if thought they remain in Paris , for upon i iff any d slike or d erence that may happen, it ll wi presently be laid at their door, of which

1 Ha l . 001 . Prin te d in Theolo ia n a n d E cclesi astic Jun e 1849. r 7 g , CONVERTS TO ROME 157 though I greatly regard it not, you may make what use you please . As ridiculous and impious you think the change o f those persons will be (and truly yo u have great reason to say so, and all others that have any reason or reli gion in them join with yo u ) yet those persons are changed and T gone . hey say the Church of England is lost , and this fond reason (for other they allege none) hath carried them away to ruin them Al l selves . hath been said and done that you would wish to hinder it , and more than they will ever be able to answer either to us o r their

o wn . T conscience hey came at last to this , that they neither desired n o r were will ing to receive any satisfaction from us , for they were ’ resolved (a ll upon an hour s warning) what to o f do , and do it they would, let others think them what they pleased . It seems they had l somebody e se to please, and so let them go , fo r truly I never did n o r wil l give myself the 1 least vexation about it . had trouble enough and too much with them before , and so had

o u . y Now we are both rid of it . It were a long work to write yo u word o f all that hath to passed , and it would not be worth the while

’ do it . I shall tell you all when we meet and to the true motives this change . Your letter

I delivered, and took it again as soon as it was 158 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD i read over, wh ch was done with haste and fo r neglect enough . All the reply the present was that it should be answered, and she to o f promised me not tell the priests it, who are n o w as busy for proselytes as they that com passed sea and land for that purpose . Here is a letter which she gave me fo r you a few days before this of yours came . She had promised t o me once not to change , nor resolve so to do till she had written to yo u and received your n answer, but afterwards she changed her mi d , (and then her religion) before she would give me the letter ; for the very next day she went ’ M o n ta u s to Mr. g mass , who is now made a l o f priest, and says he wil take care of her and the Old woman too, and as many as have a mind to lapse after them . Truly I know n o t well what to thin k o f this sequestration, that hangs so long before it will o ff be taken , and I am grown somewhat out o f a n d his favour for mentioning your business , f arguing it so O ten as I do, which yet I do for his o wn honour as well as your just sa tisfa c n o r ll o f tion, wi I leave pressing it for both your sakes . In the mean while I am told both by him and his servants , that they can n o a n d get money, are forced to borrow and f score here . I am at so poor a pittance mysel , i and have so great a burden ly ng upon me,

160 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

cha nges of religion which we have witnessed in our day are but the exact repetition m u ta tis m u ta n dis o f what was going on in the seven T te e n th century. here were many then as now who seceded from the Church from mere nn hi wanto ess . Several adopted t s course in impatient irritation at the intellectual diffi c u l ties which seemed to gather round the theory fl d of L a n d and his school . Others e there

with a burdened conscience , which they trusted would find relief more easily in the Roman communion than in that in which they had

been brought up . It would not be fair to condemn them as altogether unreal in their n o r o n views , the other hand must too much weight be assigned to the improvement in The character which some o f them evinced .

mere change of religion indicates , in at least the s great majority of cases , some serious thought o n o f the subject , and the adoption a faith which , at least in foreign parts , there was no f ul dif ic ty in exercising and practising, probably had the effect o f bringing many in contact i who l with relig ous Observances, at home wou d have li ved and died without any religious faith o r practice . Certainly some who had lived fli a to most pro g te lives became converts Rome, and that at a time when they cannot be c on sidere d to have possessed any deep sense CONVERTS TO ROME 161

of religion, and they may be quoted as instances ff o f of the beneficial e ects the Roman system , though perhaps they are more truly to be regarded as evidences o f the effect of system The in general . dreadful persecutions which the Roman Catholics endured during the reign

I . l of Charles , persecutions which were hard y diminished in extent under the Common O u t wealth, held but little inducement to waverers in this country to adopt this creed from motives of worldly policy. And accord in e by far the greater number o f converts either were reconciled to the Church o f R ome o r the on the Continent, fled there to escape penal laws which were in force against a ll members Of the Roman communion in Eng The land . amount of persecution may be judged of from a document preserved by Ling 1 e o ard, which giv s the names of ab ve thirty priests condemned to death in London only, who were either executed, or banished, or died i t n in pr son, in the e years which followed the li T meeting of the Long Par ament . hese were all convicted o n the prosecution of four persons who had banded themselves together for this express purpose, and conducted the prosecution o wn T at their charges . his document probably affords little means of estim ating the exact

1 Histor En la nd L n d. l . x . 428 . y of g , o 1839, vo , p 1 1 162 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

o f number such cases, but it at least proves that the convictions in London were much more numerous than the list which it contains . It is little to be wondered at that English monasteries and nunneries were being founded o r in France and the Low Countries , that

Romanists , whether converts or bred up in that religion, should have preferred to live where they coul d practise their religious duties u nmolested . By far the most distin gu ished of these con verts , whether we regard his great personal piety or the skill he exerted in making o r proselytes, the unbounded influence he o f exercised over the court Henrietta Maria, H n o . was the Walter Montagu . He had, as ’ appears from the Prebendary s letter to Steward, lately been made a priest . He had changed his religion more than twelve years before. If we are to believe the scurrilous writers in 1 L e en da L i n ea the g g , his life had been stained with the deepest pro fliga c y and his present object was merely to gratify his ambitious The i designs o f preferment . character g ven of him by Clarendon implies that there was some colour for the former accusation and none for

1 ’ Li With a n a n swer to Mr . Bi rc hle s Modera t r Legen da gn e a . y o a n d a c ha ra cter of som e hopef u ll S a in ts Revolted to the Chu rc h of

om n o 1653. R e . Lo d n

164 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

n a L i n a T the L eg e d g e . here it will be seen n o t only that the secessio ns were much more o f numerous than they have been late, and that the seceders were upon the whole persons o f o n e more importance , including bishop , several ’ ’ o f members bishops and ecclesiastics families , o f nk besides many persons high ra , but that the true account o f most o f the secessions may be found in the early education o f such persons in a system as opposed to the real doctrines o f the o f to o f Church England as those Rome. Dr. ff Go e, the other convert alluded to in the letter n o t u to Steward, would have been worth f rther

. to o mention except in this relation He, , was so n o f u the a notoriously strict P ritan, and f lif o f b a ter leading a e debauchery, ecame chap I lain to King Charles . , and seceded to Rome to ff when England had nothing more o er. He remained a layman in his new communion, but o f nothing is recorded his subsequent conduct . The lesson to b e learned from these histories is instructive at the present time, when the Church of England is losing so many o f those who The f were once devoted sons . stead astness of Steward and others in resisting the solicitations and combating the arguments o f those who were leading away so many, may perhaps serve to teach patience to those whose aspirations h ll are after an ideal C urch , which they wi not CONVERTS TO ROME 165

fin d li z rea ed on earth , and to rebuke the restless ness o f others who quit the Church of England when she has manifold more signs of life and fewer sym ptoms o f decay than she had during the time of the Great Rebellion . We have seen that Steward ’s influence was successfully exerted in keeping at least o n e friend firm in o f his attachment to the Church England . He died just at the time when things were most hopeless and secessions were at their k ho w u height . We now not powerf l he might have been by example and precept had he o n e o f in lived longer . His death is many stances , into which it would be presumptuous to O f o f inquire further, men high and holy char acter being removed from the world at the n very time when, accordi g to all human prob ability, they would have been most useful . The to unhappy expedition Scotland, which he might have prevented had he been consulted , o f ended , as all readers history know, in the f disastrous de eat at Worcester. Amongst the ’ many incidents o f the King s wanderings up and down during the forty days that followed o n e o f that battle, the most romantic narratives in all history, it deserves recording that Charles , o n immediately his arrival at Paris , paid a visit o f to the deathbed his faithful chaplain . Charles was probably personally attached to 166 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

b e Steward, whose excellences respected though he did not imitate . His character r was much the same now as thi ty years later, ’ o f when , instead of resenting Ken s refusal o f his house at Winchester, he said himself, ’ & ’ Od s fish I m not virtuous myself, but I n respect those that are . Nothi g has been related o f the conversation that passed between o f them . Of course the wonderful narrative i Th h s o f . e escape formed part it King had , in during his concealment in England , had an te rvie w with at least two ecclesiastics , Hench t o f man, af erwards Bishop Salisbury, and Dr.

Hammond, at that time residing at Westwood Park as chaplain to the family of Sir John P a kin to n g , and he no doubt informed Steward o f what had taken place at these interviews . The subject was o n e in which Churchmen took viz the liveliest interest, . as to the best method o f filling the vacant bishoprics and so preserving f 0 the succession in the Church o England. N thing had been done to keep it up since the 1 645 o f consecrations in Oxford in , and most the surviving bishops were now Old men, full half their former number being already dead . History has made no all usion to Charles ’ inter view with Hammond , which is mentioned by L i e The Fell in his f . subject which Hammond thought proper to bring before his notice can

168 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

u advice as to his f ture conduct , and if Steward’ s counsel was to trust to Sir Edward Hyde and Sir George Ratcliffe in matters o f

Church and State, the King certainly profited by the advice during the whole o f the time that he followed The latter soon after d To wards ied . the former the Church of England owes a larger debt than to any

statesman since the time of the Reformation . CHAPTER &

HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER

A FE W days after the visit of the King related The in sc ri in the last chapter Steward died . p tion on his tomb is as follows : Hic Jacet ae T se Rich . Steward, Saer heologi Professor, li e rr De c a n u s R . Sacel g in Anglia, etc Qui M o rie n s nihil aliud hic in sc ribi vo lu it E pita phi um quam quod Vive n s Assidue O ra vit pro Pace ae Coeli s Ecclesi . Idem nunc facit in ad quos hi bii 1 4 No b 652 l E a t n c a t. . ve m 1 . t Obiit . The o f date the year of his death is a mistake, ’ as it appears from Evelyn s Dia r y that he called at the lodgings o f the Deani n November 1 6 1 n The u n o b 5 and fou d him dead . same tru sive disposition which characterized his life appears in his wish that nothin g should be in scribed o n his tombstone beyond the state ment that, whilst living, he continually prayed o f for the peace the Church . It is remarkable that one who exercised so large an influence during his life should have written so little and The have been so entirely forgotten . same 169 170 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD remark would have applied to his great friend

Sheldon had he died , as Steward did, before the o f Restoration, whilst another great friend both ,

Dr. Henry Hammond , by no means equal to either of them in practical ability or intellectual power, has earned a high place amongst Eng The l lish theologians . on y writing o f his which was published during his lifetime was a pamphlet in answer to a letter written at Oxford concerning the Church and revenues The thereof. letter was written by John Foun “ taine at Aylesbury, lately a Royalist, says 1 ” Wood, but then a turncoat, and the answer, 1 646 A Discou rse which is dated , was entitled E isco a c a n d S a crile e b wa o L tter of p p y g y y f e . T his pamphlet is cast in the form of a reply, o f sentence by sentence, to the arguments the ’ letter, and it is written with all Steward s o f The usual acuteness perception . following may serve for a specimen if First for Episcopacy, his words are, I do mistake not, (and if I , I pray reform me) , the opinion that the government by Bishops is u r e divin o e j , hath but lately b en countenanced in England and that by some few of the more T lordly clergy. hese last words make me sus pe c t some passion in the writer as being in scorn heretofore taken up by men who fo r a 1 1 1 Athena: Od om , 65 .

172 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

once dream o f a rochet -he avers in clear

terms , etc . Nay, what think you if the tenet be approved by a plain act o f parliament & I hope then it wants no countenance which

England can give it, and it need not fly for a o f dl shelter under the wings the lor y clergy. Y o u have these words in the book o f cou se o f cration Archbishops and Bishops , which is confirmed by parliament : It is evident unto all men diligently reading the Holy Scripture ’ and ancient authors , that from the Apostles time there have been these orders of ministers ’ in Christ s Church, Bishops , Priests and Dea ’ cons . And again, the prayer in the form of s o f : Al con ecration Bishops mighty God, o f giver all good things, who by thy Holy Spirit hast appointed divers Orders o f Minis ters in thy Church ; Mercifully behold this thy servant now called to the work and ministry o f a Bishop and in question to the person to be consecrated as Bishop : Are yo u persuaded that yo u be truly call ed to this to o f Ministration, according the will our Lord & Jesus Christ, and the order of this Realm I beseech yo u Sir consider whether these words o r this prayer could fall from any man not possessed with the tenet that episcopacy wa s o f Fo r divine right . if the three orders may

be found by reading the Holy Scriptures , HI S DEATH AND CH ARACTER 173 together with an cient authors ; if men are taught to pray that Go d by His Spirit has appointed divers orders in his Church , and this made the ground o f praying fo r the pre sent Bishop ; if the person to be consecrated must profess that he conceives he is called according to the will o f o u r Lord Jesus Christ ; either all this must be nothin g else but pure pageantry ; and then the parliament mocked God by their confirmation ; o r the Episcopacy in is grounded Scripture, is appointed by o f to l o f the Spirit God, is according the wil a ll n o t our Lord Jesus Christ, and this hath been said o f late o r countenanced onl y by ” o f some few the more lordly clergy. Of his other writings nothing has been pre served but a few sermons and a volume called ' Ca tholic Divin it or The m ost S ohd a n d S n y; , e ten ti ons E apr essi on of the P r im itive Doctors of the Chu r ch, with othe r E cc lesia stica l a n d Civil

Au thor s T o u t 1 65 . Th , his came in 7 e sermons were published at different times by Th some admirer of his genius . e first volume 1 656 contains three, published in , with a fourth H a rsn e tt sermon by Archbishop , which is added to them without an y reason assigned o r ap T parent . hree years afterwards came out three more se rmons by the same author under e Tr ia s S a cr a d the titl , a se con ternary of 174 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

sermons , and in the same year the sermon on ’ Hezekiah s case , from which we have made such

copious extracts , was published . Some notion of his views may be formed

from reading these volumes , which are amongst the most eloquent and interesting discourses

of that period . As they are very rarely met

with we shall give several extracts from them . The best and most interesting o f his sermons h are contained in a t ird volume, published in 6 1 o f l n R m a The 1 6 under the title Go de e ins. o f o f characteristic these, and indeed all his s ermons, is great fluency of language, an ex c e ll e n c e in which he stands in marked contrast o W with the ther divines of his period . ith

regard to his theological tenets , he seems to ’ have imbibed Laud s views o n all subjects n of controversy, whether between A glicanism o r o n and Romanism, the doctrines which were attacked by the Puritans . His sermons to have frequent reference St . Augustine, who

must have been his favourite author, but he t also of en quotes Calvin, whose authority in England during the earlier part of his life was

considered great, and in whose school he in

all probability had been bred up . Indeed there are expressions in his writings which seem to show that he had never entirely hi shaken O ff the phrase ology of t s school.

176 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

take the trou ble to read the whole sermon in which the passage occurs will see that Steward has absolutely no sympathy either with the o f o r Lutheran doctrine justification by faith, the cant forms o f expression in which it was u sually enveloped ; and it should not be forgot ten that in protesting against the opposite errors o r st inculcated by Romish emissaries, at lea commonly believed amongst Romanists o f that i day, the divines of the Engl sh Church were compelled to express themselves in langu age which more nearly resembled that of the Pu ri tan s than would have been necessary u nder a k u n other circumst nces . In attac ing the scrupulous mode in which Romish priests were

in the habit of expressing the doctrine of merit, Steward says But lest with that purple whore we become o f drunk with a conceit, or pride Merits, we u a must nderst nd, that our accounts are to b nl pass efore such an Auditor, whose o y t hi s mercy is o u r satisfac ion. Indeed in Reckonin gs our Fruits shall pass fo r current ’ u n coin, but yet tis his bo ty that gives them v if alue. A Creditor he please, may accept of Brass fo r Gold and o f Iron instead o f Silver though all o u r righteousness be as a stained l m e rC c oth , yet God in y may both pardon and crown o u r works : and when he so deals with HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER 177

h n to o f o u r us , we are not be oldi g the worth o o f di c in, but unto the bounty our cre tor ; not O f unto the merit our desert, but unto the f r mercy o o u Redeemer . Come ye blessed of

x t ovo a a r e my Father, np ufi , (SO the Greek hath it) possess ye the kingdom by title o f I n heritance . Mark beloved, we are heirs , not purchasers , and we obtain the Kingdom, not ’ by our own desert , but by God s free adoption and yet , that all the world might know his Fo r sentence to be equal he adds , I hungered and ye gave me meat , I thirsted and ye gave me to drink your Fruits make it man ifest that you are the Sons o f me your Father ; and ” 1 do thus they abound to you r accounts . Upon the whole we may consider Steward as o n e o f the best specimens o f what are call ed o f the Caroline divines . Scarcely any them express themselves on all points in that

Catholic tone which in theory they profess . All were biassed either by early education o r by the counter influences around them . Those that are free from the imputation o f Puritanism can scarcely be altogether a o O f o f quitted the charge Erastianism , and many o f the most eminent among them were perhaps slightly tinged with both . A tendency to the latter appears both in

1 § - Golden Rem a ins 12m o Lo don l 661 . 38 40 . , . n , pp 12 178 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD L aud and Steward, but much allowance in both instances is to be made fo r the peculiar case o f in which they found the Church England , and it is hard to blame assertions about the kingly powers which might safely be wielded by a prince who, whatever his failings , cannot o r in properly be charged with neglect of, ff to di erence the Church, and who, they were sure, would never intrude his opinion in points o f doctrine, but would always defer to the o judgment of the Church itself. Much f ’ i Laud s apparent Erastian sm , both in theory and practice, will be accounted for by taking into consideration his intimate acquaintance ’ i with Charles real sentiments in rel gion, and

Steward was his successor, as well in the relation he held towards the King as in the views he entertained o f the kingly pre ro ga tive . We do not know whether Steward was ’ concerned in the publication o f Laud s ser ll mons , which first came out in a co ected form o f 1 65 1 in the summer . It seems scarcely likely that they would have been reprinted without his consent , as Laud had ordered in his will that none o f his unpublished papers ’ shou ld be printed unl ess with Steward s a p

. I f was probation Steward the editor, he must have intended to put them out as an

180 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD chaplain to his Majesty King Charles II We have been unable to trace the history of this T fo attempt further. hat there was some u n da tion for it is probable from Steward ’s known o n hi views these points , as well as from s ff great friendship for Sir George Ratcli e, from whom he was scarcely ever separated during their residence in foreign parts . The following extract from a letter o f Sir ff George Ratcli e to Dr. Basire throws some ’ light upon the writer s Church principles , and probably shows what were Steward ’s views on 1 the same subject - I wish tha t I were as able to give yo u v directions , as you are to do ser ice to the f a Church and King o England . It were gre t The presumption in me to undertake it . ’ Kin g s honour you may safely vindicate ; but o f the Church I think little is to be said in o f Italy. I am those that earnestly wish and o f would endeavour to my power, the peace

. 1 To the Catholic Church . see how near we

2 . can agree in belief. Where agreement in

Opinions and tenets cannot yet be had, yet nevertheless there might be external peace, and agreement in affections : and some re mission o n both sides o f the rigorous urgi ng of those things which , being of ecclesiastical

1 o I a Ba si e Lo n d n 1831 - d n c sa c o . 68 0 . Correspon e e f r , , pp 7 HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER 181

constitution, made a great discussion between the parties ; I am much against punishing l fo r peaceable and virtuous men, on y this The o f opinion or belief. great wall separa ll o f tion I take to be the infa ibility the Church , (the proper subject whereof I could never yet : learn from them) this , Hugh Cressy and some o f the Sorbon do now seem to deny, and to substitute authority for infallibility : if they could make their opinions good, and draw the rest of their Communion to the same minds ,

I could freely pardon H . Cressy all his other ll faults . In Italy you wi find the authority of

Councils deified , and made as infallible as the to Apostles . It were good observe, if there be not some free spirits (especially at Venice) who will be content to examine the subject ili and foundation of their infallib ty. If it should please God to recover and restore the

King and peace of England, I assure myself we shall n o t need to incite o n e another (you o r you me) to mutual assistance in the behalf o f o r ourselves those we shall leave behind us . We know what it is to suffer ; and o u r suffer ings in the same cause, especially in this cause, will be motive strong and effectual to do what o n ll we can for e another. I sha be like to have most need of help from you and other ” good friends . 182 LIFE OF RICH ARD STEWARD

There is o n e other very important subject which must not be omitted in forming an ’ estimate o f the character o f Steward s writ

viz o f . ings , . that confession and absolution T o f his is the subject of one his sermons, and here too his views are moderate, and quite within the limits of the practice of the Church in his day, as well as the theory expressed in f T the formularies o the Church . hat he acted as a Confessor there can be little doubt, for it was the common practice o f the day. Death bed confessions seem to have been the regu lar practice o f all who had any serious thoughts , and the many instances that occur of confession at stated times , as appears in incidental notices o f of the lives Hammond, Sanderson, Morley,

Ken and others , may fairly be taken as a specimen o f a system far more widely extended The li than admits o f absolute proof. de cate nature o f the subject is alone a sufficient a f to ccount o the practice being little alluded , whilst the writings o f E nglish divines of this school are full of exhortations to private confession in cases o f doubt and difficulty. Steward ’s expressions however on this sub jcet are especiall y tender . He seems to care o f little how the work repentance was done, ll so long as it was done at all . Nor do I sti “ enjoin thee, he says, to call a confessor to

1844 LIFE OF RICHARD STE WARD may do David go o d service in case o f treason

perhaps, and in preventing the outward danger ’ o f an Absalom s conspiracy, but in case of sin , ll Nathan is most fit to be ca ed to counsel, and ’ ’ H u sha i s tis his word, not , that shall best appease the inward clamours o f an accusing

conscience . A friend may advise best for the government and state o f his kingdom ; but fo r o f the ordering and settling the peace his soul, ’ let the Prophet s words he heard . I say, in this case let the Prophet be heard for his words are in a special manner accompanied with ’ God s o wn promise : ‘ He will perform the ’

o f . . 44 counsel his messengers (Isa , at the

26 v . . erse ) We will conclude this chapter with some ’ f o f specimens o Steward s power oratory . His sermons read much more like extempore

effusions than regularly composed discourses . T nfi o n e hey are seldom co ned to subject , but run o ff to anything connected with the The text . first two extracts are from the sermon just alluded to o n the subject of 1 Confession .

Canst thou then , being a Noah, beget a Ham & Make laughter the son o f drunken ness & Canst thou after a beastly surfeit jest at it instead of weepin g & Canst thou lie in

1 o n 150 , p. . HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER 185 wait to deceive chastity and then impudently o f o f boast those Actions , which nature herself & b e is ashamed If you be such , Beloved , it hoves me then to turn this part of my sermon,

e which I int nded for your consolation, into u some f neral discourse, and set myself rather : to deplore, than congratulate your estate your o f disease is not cured, but changed ; instead the Fever, the burning Fever of a tormenting guilty conscience, you are fallen into a lethargy, o r o f dead sleep , unsensibleness and stupidity

o f ri . spi t in a word , you are dead , not living Yet seeing the dead too shall hear the voice of o f the Gospel Christ, I must not forbear to A wa ke than tha t call upon you ; therefore, steep est in the security and senselessness o f a wa ke sta n d u r om the dea d tha t sin, and p f , hr a h h T C ist m y g ive t e e f e . ake and co nsider well these few lessons I shall give thee ; they may possibly help to recover thee . Learn

first to be diseased , that thou mayst be health ful let the terrors of the Law threateni ng sin ff with death , a right thy soul ; let them enter

and wound thy conscience, that so thou mayst both hunger and thirst after this remedy ; by tears and contrition labour to procure a sense o f it ; and so by degrees at len gth attain the blessedness o f this happy estate wherein those

accusing thoughts shall be silenced, those 186 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD

distractions quieted and composed , and instead o f terrors and amazement, thy conscience shall ” speak nothing but peace unto thee . The sermon concludes with the following eloquent address — 1

Fear not then, thou fainting Christian, di fear not, nor be smayed, although thy tender and timorous conscience affright thee sometimes perhaps , with the remembrance, even of those transgressions, whose pardon u thou hast heretofore, upon s re grounds no way distrusted ; be not much troubled at u them, seeing tho hast the remedy almost in fin de st thine o wn hands . Whensoever thou i them thus to return upon thee, distract ng thy thoughts, and disturbing thy repose, cast thy nf self upon God , co ess them again, wash them o f both in the Blood Christ by Faith , and in o wn thine tears , by contrition and hearty : sorrow so shall thy good God, who doubtless upon thy first repentance did truly remit and pardon them unto thee, upon thy second f con ession and tears , make thee become a o f second time and much more, certain thy ” absolution .

2 God who comforteth Jerusalem, comfort the - mourners that are in Israel : comfort all 1 2 cit. . 1 Pa e 166 0p. , p 64 . g .

1 88 LIFE OF RICHARD STE WARD

’ him, for Nicodemus cost had made the body much heavier, yet they would soon leave that f which they found extreme di ficult, and choose rather to undergo the trouble of a greater o f burden, than to adventure the hazard a longer delay. Look yet with a more curious

eye , the Napkin is wrapt up by itself in a place

éw sr u m a éuov fl , the text saith, it was Wrapt up

with diligence . Say, Jew, would the Disciples to o stay , that they might leave the Grave cloths handsome & o r was this circumstance brought forth by hap only & They are both equally

credible, that either these men should be so o r grossly simple, that chance itself should

become industrious . “T l 1 his Ange calls their eyes as Judges , and

the Grave gives in so clear an evidence, that o neither Hatred n r Art can avoid it . Do

distracted thoughts prevent thy Faith, and in despite o f Scripture make thee almost deny & ‘ T . l hen come and see Second y, the heavens declare the glory o f God and the Firmament ’ - ’ - S ica t et voezba s a t sheweth his handy work . it e

r e ba s r o heta ta m est T . p p , saith ertullian He

hath made each Creature a Prophecy, and this Article o f the Resurrection as legible in the

b . least her , as in the Word itself Had the Athenians so well employed their Eyes to 1 cit , p . 63. HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER 189 discover Truth as their Ears to receive Novel ties , the Resurrection might have found more serious entertainment . For throughout the whole Frame o f Nature what more Visible & il Come and see ph osophers , Flowers fade and live again ; Seeds are not quickened except they die, and then destruction is the chief cause o f their continuance ; Dies in n octem

m or itu r T s. , as the same ertullian speak Each ’ night is the last day s Funeral : And then what is the Morning but a Resurrection Is it not a shame for Athens that Rome should afford more subtle Naturalists & For Seneca did there find o u t this very observation & and from his M a rs in ter m ittit vita m n on sight concludes , la c m r n er i it. Ven iet itera m a i n os in e e o et p g p , ’ dies : ( tis in the latter part o f his 36th Epistle) f i nl o . Death is an intermission o y, no loss l fe T o f here shall come a Day Restoration, and these Eyes shall enjoy their former light .

With how settled a countenance, would this man have hearkened to the Resurrection of the dead, whom sight itself had made thus

Orthodox . 1 Christian, believest thou the Scriptures I know thou believest . Come, see the place

where thy Lord was laid . Consider, his dead

Corpse were there once enclosed, and then

1 0 . ci t. . 5 . p , p 7 190 LIFE OF RICHARD STEWARD think they were thy sins that slew him . The to nails had no power to pierce, nor the Spear r wound him, had not they become sha pened ’ by thy transgressions . It was the Stoic s meditation upon an Earthquake only : I n ge n s rta lita tis Te rra m u a n do u e m o solatium est , q q ’ vide re mortalem tis a strong comfort against o f l to the fear morta ity, think, that the Earth itself may become mortal . But I shew you a ’ more weighty encouragement ; tis a small thing to have the Earth a Partner ; behold, here he o f lay dead , who was Lord both Heaven and

Earth . Remember the Grave lay ordered in a ’ Prince s fashion ; it was the first honour that ere the world did thy Saviour ; it was to teach thee that Death is the beginnin g o f thy chiefest Glory that thou mightest hence learn to neglect this Conqueror, and rather to embrace

. Fo r a d thy captivity, than to fear it , it is thy : vantage to lose and thine only way to triumph , is to be overthrown . Dost thou think it dis graceful that this place shews thy Saviour was & o r he once mortal seemed then overcome, when he here lay buried My Text informs otherwise ; He reigned even in the arms o f

Death, and was the Lord, though in hi s ” Sepulchre .

192 INDEX

Ga l 18 ha l es I . la ra f r Art Bridges , brie , C r dec tion be o e

a O . 119 120 i cl es 26 Bridgm n, Sir , , , s 56 82 107 flu b Lau 24 Bri tol , , , in enced y d , , a a a 15 27 Bro dg te H ll, u ht ha 12 a t 20 54 113 Bro g on , Ric rd , Oxford , , , a u 145 u 85 Brown, S m el, q its Oxford ,

D . 159 su m m on sPa rlia m en t 23 Browne , r , ,

R. 104 114 115 117 Cha I . an d the hu h 90 Sir , , , , rles I C rc , , 29 33 Brownists, , u 104 116 at S e Br ges , , commissioners us s 147 148 30 Br sel , , voy, f e at 136 f a a t Du a 147 con erenc , de e t nb r , u 85 w h a B rnet, interview it B illie, u u h 80 125 B rro g s , u o Wlli a 147 a e in S cotlan d B tt n, Sir i m , procl im d ,

AE 89 142 a a 146 C N, , s ils for Scotl nd , a a 121 a a 146 C lend r, t kes Coven nt , al a t O 4 7 9 11 v a 165 167 C vinism xford , , , , isits Stew rd, ,

8 24 Ch B . 35 , , ester , p of, ’ a 174 175 179 h hu h a 7 16 Stew rd s, , , C rist C rc , C non of,” , Cam bden 101 D a 12 , e n of, a 54 57 60 104 Christiaii ism 40 C mbridge , , , , , an a 28 30 31 hu h E a C ons of Convoc tion , , , , C rc of ngl nd 35 an d a 125 Presbyteri ns , a L 105 an d a l hu h 114 C pel , ord , Orient c rc es, , a v 177 116 C roline di ines , a 80 a n d a 137—140 C rter, Rom nism, a a 43 a 10 12 13 24 C ss nder , C lvinism in , , , , a 123 a h 32 33 86 C ssilis , C t olic position , , , , a E z a h 145 91 92 106 108 109 C stle li bet , “ , , , ,

a h a a G k ha . a n d the 167 C tec ism tr nsl ted into ree , C rles II , ’ 114 a flu 118- 120 Cl rendon sin ence , Ca tholi c Di vi n i t 173 ffi u 105 106 108 y, di c lties of, , , , a h li E l h hu c h 1 57 C t o cism of ng is C r , 1 09 a 114 130 foreign Protest nts, , , ’ a 132 177 136 c h. v11 Stew rd s, , , Ca tholieo-Roma n a s Pa c cu s 117 a 122 ifi , insistence on episcop cy , , ba 138 Celi cy of priests , 42 73 86 a u h u 85 Ceremonies, , , J mes bro g t in , ha 7—10 14 1 64 c C ncellor of Oxford , , , secessions , , 25 63 a a 89 90 151 , services bro d , , , the E h u 59 u 51 of xc eq er, , s bversion of, 119 S ee a hu h . Cl rendon C rc of Rome ha I a 141 142 a 86 C nnel sl nds , , version to ,

ha a a 118 169 106 ch. C r cter of Stew rd, , converts to, , ix 176 conversions prevente d by ha I ha a 20 27 164 a 155 C rles c pl in of, , , Stew rd, her a 132 commission to Con orders dmitted ,

a 29 Cla D . 107 142 voc tion , re, r , , INDEX 193

a a t A 90 Cottin to n 141 Cl rendon ntwerp , g , flu the hu h u An c a 101 in ence on C rc , Co ncil of , 11 8 Cou rt at O xfor 56

ha a M a u a t . a 110 onc r cterof ont g St Germ ins , 162—3 e 104 107 in Jers y, , ha a of a a 141 on c r cter Stew rd , of Fr nce , a a h the 55 123 Coven nt, o t of , , a h 123 167 on foreign Protest nts , Scottis , , 128 L a u an d 123 Solemn e g e , ’ l a at a 23 on King s dec r ion, Coven nters , letter of, 129—131 a ha the 107 112 Cr s w, poet , , ’ a h D 136 on Stew rd s opinion , Creig ton , r . , 130—131 u h 1 81 Cressy, H g , his h r 105 65 81 82 writes isto y, Cromwell, , , a a l a 67 h 159 Cl ssic ssemblies, Crowt er, Mr 100 u Lo 142 Clement , . , C lpepper, rd , flu of 167 S i r J 59 Clergy, in ence , of the 20 55 Clerk Closet, , , 146 DAMAS CE E 132 N ,

B . o f 57 Da a h 137 138 139 Clonfert, p , rcy, F t er, , , a 80 Da 183 184 Colem n , vid, , m o f 1640 33 34 D a of a ur 27 Co mission , , e n C nterb y, the h 34 52 ha l a 169 Hig , , C pe Roy l , a u 125 126 h h 20 28 Commissioners , H g e, , C ic ester, , ’

a 86 . au 21 S voy, St P l s, h 121 122 W s 21 Scotc , , , e tminster , ’ 142 143 144 D S k wa rd s 3 , , egrees, , U 59 60 D 125 126 xbridge, , , elft, , 62 64 65 73 D h Ea of 60 , , , , enbig , rl , 8 1 D ha J 8 77 0 8 119 . 7 , , , , en m , Sir , 124 D B 124 125 126 erry , p. of, , , u i f u a a 8 D o of a 83 84 Comm n on o r times ye r, irect ry Ordin tion , , 138 u Wo rsh1 54 in one kind , P blic p, , h 89 90 65 67 mont ly, , , a 138 D of 176—7 of inf nts , octrine merits, f D a 140 Con ession , on tists , 0 11 184- 8 Dori slau s 126 sermon , , a a 67 D Ea 7 Congreg tion l, orset, rl of, s a h 56—57 D 1 36 Con ecr tion of bis ops, ort , hu h D B 56 135 30 . c rc es , own, p of, , Con sta ii tin o l e 115 117 D u of Y 84 85 87 90 141 p , , ke ork , , , , , u a m 152 146 148 149 150 S ee a Cons mption , Stew rd , , , , . J mes

1 52 ch . Du a D . 159 Converts to Rome , , ix nc n , r ,

a c h . 58 87 111 D u a 19 58 Convoc tion , ii , , , pp , ,

1640 ch. D ha of 90 58 u B . of , ii , r m, p , 63 of Oxford , a a AR E D 142 7 E . Corbet, tt ck on , L , r , C h Ea 187—190 orint , ster sermon , 88 90 102 103 106 E L 1 0 1 1 Cosin , , , , llesmere, ord , , - l et ers Wa 107 112 El B . 34 35 58 to tson , y, p of, , , 1 3 194 INDEX

E a L the 122 s o f 40 41 ng gement, ords of , , Greece, religion , , 124 hu h 114 115 132 Greek C rc , , , a h o f the 127 h 80 o t , Green ill , E h 13 Gra ll a tor 124 nglis mission , , E h fi a 30 34 nglis Ponti c l , Grimston , E i a 32 34 48 52 58- 61 p scop cy , , , , , , 69—77 122 1 67 AGUE TH E C u l at 121 123 , , H , , o nci , , , a 1 70- 173 Stew rd on, E a a 54 182 E h ha a 89 piscop li n clergy , , nglis c pl in , E iS CO alia n s ha an d the a 136 p p , C rles II . , King le ves, 167 a at 155 159 Stew rd , , E a a H am 184 piscop l ordin tion insisted on , , 132 a 121 H milton ,

E a h a 169 a . pit p on Stew rd , H mmond , H E a a 80 83 177 178 a a 142 r sti nism , , , , dvice to Stew rd , E t ceter a a h 31 51 52 a n d u 153 o t , , , poor st dents, E 1 51 155 169 h a velyn, , , corresponds wit Stew rd Mr 15 —5 s , 151 3 E u i a 80 the hu h 92 xcomm n c tion , devotion to C rc ,

E u h ha I . ha I . 121 xec tion of C rles , interview wit C rles I , 1 66

AMI I S TS 29 l ha . 167 F L , etter from C rles II , a ha La 1 51 h 147 F ns we, dy, to S eldon, a a 53 81 84 O 15 F st d ys , , , xford degree , Fa sti Oman i en ses 104 117 a 182 , , , pr ctice of confession , a h a n d h l 8 at 57 F t ers Sc oo men , sermon Oxford, ’ 47 a ul s 38 Felix , P s cros , 18 166 h a u a 170 Fell, , t eologic l rep t tion, 58 59 60 U 58 59 70 71 Ferne , , , xbridge , , , , h b e n efices 152 a u 8 Fift s of , H mpton Co rt Conference ,

ML 142 a a MS S . 1 42 143 155 Floyd, , H rlei n , , ,

a Ma 107 H a rsn ett Ab . 173 Font ne , jor , , p ,

u a s J . 170 a 72 Fo nt in , , H rt,

a D . 38 39 a L 102 Fr nk , r , H tton , ord ,

a u a 45 47 C . 59 Fr d in tr de, , Sir , a 177 93 96 Free doption, Hebrews , , h 179 16 Frenc popery, Heidelberg , 57 u ha 177 Frewen, Heirs not p rc sers , h a 166 Henc m n, GATFO RD 110 111 62 , , Henderson , a 7 11 13 108 110 a Ma a Genev , , , , , , Henriett ri 112 a b 114 B sire received y, ’ Geo ra hi a S a cro olitica 116 ha I I . s 126 g p p , C rles visit, u 135 ha a her h us Glo cester, Cosin c pl in in o e D u of 88 h 90 103 ke , old, , 84 fa u h 145 Glyn, vo rs Scotc expedition ,

D . a i 1 41 . 159 164 Goffe, r , , goes to St Germ ns , a 30 her t z 87 Goodm n , efforts to prosely i e , 80 83 88 1 06 147 Goodwin , , , , ’ Golden R em a i ns 1 4 Mon ta u s flu 62 163 , 7 g in ence , ,

196 INDEX

L the E a 122 f ca 17 55 ords of ng gement, Ox ord Convo tion, L u a a t the 87 146 147 a t 20 54 55 113 o vre , Stew rd , , , King , , , ,

L Mr. 64 65 l a 85 ove , , , e ves, Lu h a 176 a a a t 20 55 t er n doctrine , P rli ment , , a a t 3- 19 Stew rd , ’ MAGDA E O E GE 57 a s at 153 L N C LL , Stew rd son , a 3 18 H ll , , Maldon ate 138 AGA IS M 40 41 46 , P N , , , Ma h E a 92 1 Pakin on 1 63 t J . 66 nc ester, rl of, , g , Sir , Ma n i n the Moon the 141 Pa n o li a E i sco a li s 100 , , p p p , ’ Ma a a 20 a a a of 123 rri ge , Stew rd s , P p cy, extirp tion , Ma ha 62 72 a S ee rs ll , , P pists , Ma D 111 a rtin, r. , Rom nists Ma 6 101 a E a a 94 son, , P lestine , ngl nd comp red to , Ma a a t C ur 61 Paraeu s 16 17 ss to be dis llowed o t , , , M a a 77 a a h a a n d A a of eli n deb te , P r p r se nnot tions Mer cu ri a E l en cti 144 . 154 s cu s, T , — M 176 7 a ha . a t 104 140 165 erits , doctrine of, P ris C rles II , , , M i a A ha a 115 a t 89 92 101 103 etropol t n of c i Sermons , , , , , M 159 155 ickleton , J M a a 63 e a a t 147 151 179 iliti , deb te on , St w rd , , , M a 162 a a i 101 on steries, P rker, consecr t on of, M a u 92 106 158 —3 a l a the L 33- 36 48 ont g , , , , P r i ment, ong, , , M a u A a 97 52 ont n s , ri s , , M E a 14 the h 23 29 ontgomery, rl of, S ort, , M 1 21 144 1 45 a a h ontrose , , , P tri rc s, M D 136—143 182 a ha 2 3 orley, r . , , P ttis ll, , ’ M a n d E a 8 au 8 37 38 orning vening Pr yer, P l s Cross, , , - Mu a r a u . u fi a 1 6 M . 136 5 W. 7 rr y, , P l , St on J sti c tion, a i a 4 13 Pel g nism, , NATHA TH E ROPH ET 183 184 Ea 14 63 N P , , Pembroke , rl of, , N u h L 136 a 117 ewb rg , ord , Per ,

N a 62 u h B . of 56 60 ewc stle , Peterboro g , p , ,

N h a a 59 84 99 D a of 100. S ee ic ol s , Secret ry, , , e n , N ah 184 o , Cosin N u 154 h u a 139 onj rors, Pest o se , Rome comp red to , hu a a D 6 N E l of 87 . 1 ort mberl nd, r , Piers, r , N ha 52 53 u a a of 70 73 otting m , , Pl r lities, bolition , , N u n n eries 162 Pon tificia n s 6 , , ’ N 80 81 83 Poor Ma n s Ti thi n 38 ye, , , g, 4 13 25 28 29 50 53 Popery, , , , , , , ’ ’ G E 82 a a t u a 115 O L , Pope s vic r Jer s lem , a 122 123 124 h u a 62 Or nge , Prince of, , , , Popis rec s nts , hu u u a 37 Post mo s p blic tions , 88 58 Princess of, Potter , , E h 6 101 106 172—3 a h a a 81 Orders, nglis , , , , Pre c ers before P rli ment , i a D 80 83 1 a h 49 Ord n tion , irectory of, , P e c ing ministers, O 84 a of Du ha e fr m xford besieged , Prebend ry r m, lett r o ha h 7 8 10 155 9 c ncellors ip , , , s a a t 56 57 W tm t 20 con ecr tions , , es ins er, INDEX 197

da of W est 20 a ff Mr. 156 Preben ry orc er, R tcli e , , a 50 53 a 18 Prel cy, , , R wlinson,

e a a I . an d 11 a 27 Presbyt ri nism , J mes , Re ding, u re di vi n o a 85 not j , Re l Presence , 84 l 27 49 Rebe lion, , u la of 32 h 62 Po rity , Iris , p8 f a 49 66 68 Re orm tion , , , U a the 86 168 171 xbridge tre ty, , , , 62—5 70 73 ur the Ea , , ged in st, Westminster As se m bl 78- 9 Chu h 47 y, Reformed rc es, , e e ans a t 153 a e 63 67 69 75 Pr sbyt ri Oxford , Religion deb t d, , , , ,

ha . a n d the C rles II , a o f I e 80 Remonstr nce ndep ndents, a of a a 30 opposition to Inde Restor tion post tes, e 79 83 the 27 86 p ndents , , , h 33 91 121 72 Scottis , , , , Reynolds , h 13 R eims , Pre sb teri c al 68 h D u of 59 y , Ric mond , ke , 146 123 Preston, Rivet , a u 18 a h a u l 106 Pride x, Robinson, F t er P , M a u a 162 Roc hel lers 16 Priest, ont g m de , , s to a h 161 h e Priest condemned de t , Roc est r, the E h hu h 106 a 92 of nglis C rc , Rom n controversy, , z 158 prosel ti ing, y159 Rom aii ism at O f 9 10 Princess Roy x ord , , u l 111 128 a ha h Privy Co nci , , Stew rd c rged wit , Corivo cation 35 39 40 Proctor of , , 15 17 a a t O f 12 Oxford , , Rom nists x ord , u 28 29 ha a n d the 123 Proloc tor, , C rles II . , , a 61 126 Protest nt religion , a 115 179 a 114 Protest nts , , oppose B sire , ch v u 131 u o f 61 161 foreign , . , , persec tion , , , 132 162 of Et 22 a ai 50 176 Provost on, protests g nst, , a the 111 112 5 88 91 92 Ps lms, singing, , Rome, conversion to , , , , , u a a t 10 11 16 117 160 163—5 P rit ns Oxford, , , , , ’ doc srin e 163 1 74 176 a 42 of, , , , Stew rd s objections to , , ié7 43 44 132 , ,

a h 56 B . 62 m de bis ops, Ross, p of, a 179 a 136 misrepresent tions of, Rotterd m , h 32 u opposition to bis ops, , Ro en, 33 a is Roy l ts, 154 risings of, U ee a a a 0 al a a ou r & EEN . S Henriett M ri R m rtyr comp re d to a i o r 1 4— v u , 3 5 ABS H AKEH 93 95 u 59 R , , R pert, Prince , Ra otz i G 1 15 116 u a a 142 g , Prince . , , R ssi , emb ssy to ,

a ff G. 55 1 1 168 179 R tcli e , Sir , , 5 , , , 18 r YPRIA 46 0 S . C N, 198 INDEX

Ge m a s ha I I . a L a u an d ve a St. r in , C rles rrives Solemn e g e Co n nt, 6 a t, 141 5 a t 107- 112 h a 116 Cosin , Sop i , Princess, r a Ma a a t 181 Hen iett ri , Sorbon, 141 147 u ha Ea l 59 , So t mpton , r of, a t 114 a n Mr 123 sermon , Sp . a a t 90 99 a e im 123 Stew rd , , , Sp n , a - a n u s o of 61 St ge pl yi g, s ppre si n , 105 a ha 52 St. Heliers , St r C mber,

h 80 D . 111 St . Jo n Sterne, r , ’ h 27 a fam 1l 2 St . Jo n s College , Stew rd s y, ’ . Ma 17 55 57 135 har 152 St ry s, Oxford, , , , son C les, a 27 a 184 St . Ol ve, power of or tory, au 41 42 47 a 51 St . P l , , , Str fford, ’ aul a t 33 u a a a 11 St. P s, commission , S bl ps ri n, D a 37 S u r h c e we a rl n 110 e n of, p , g of,

. 39 67 86 128 St Peter, sermon on , Synod , , , a B 6 58 6 u . 5 3 S lisb ry, p of, , , a a of TERTU IA 188 189 Stew rd Prebend ry , LL N, , 20 T u u 47 ert ll s, S alm a siu s 123 Theol o i a n a nd Eccl esi a st , g ic, 100 a D 154 182 142 143 155 156 S nderson , r . , , , , ,

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