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The Evolution of George Hakewill's Apologie Or The Evolution of George Hakewill’s Apologie or Declaration of the Power and Providence of God, 1627-1637: Academic Contexts, and Some New Angles from Manuscripts William Poole George Hakewill’s An Apologie of the Power and Providence of God in the Government of the World stands in the first rank of philosophical and literary achievement in the early Caroline period. Hakewill first published his long text in 1627, but soon released a slightly expanded edition in 1630 and a greatly expanded one in 1635, adding or Declaration after An Apologie to the title of both new editions. (The revision in the title partially shifts the generic claim from apologia, literally a speech in defence, towards the more affirmative declaratio or declaration.) The first edition was printed by John Lichfield and William Turner, printers to the University of Oxford, and Turner printed the second and third editions too, to be sold by Robert Allott in London. Hakewill’s great work was therefore very much an Oxford publication, and he included in his later editions many testimonials from prominent Oxford academicians. The work grew by accretion from around 500 pages in 1627 to over 1000 in 1635. Discussions of The Apologie have always treated it as a solely vernacular and printed phenomenon, a text in the vein of Robert Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy (1621), and a prompt for Sir Thomas Browne’s Pseudodoxia Epidemica (1646). All three texts, we may note, went through many authorial revisions. Hakewill proposed that in both the natural and human realms the world underwent cycles of decline and increase, and that therefore modern scholars and writers should not feel necessarily inferior to their ancient forbears. Hakewill is accordingly celebrated today as a modern against the ancients, an anti-Aristotelian, a herald of the new philosophy, and a champion of contemporary literary and intellectual achievement.1 The following abbreviations are used in the text and the notes: 1627 Hakewill, Apologie (Oxford: John Lichfield and William Turner, 1627) [STC 12611] 1630 Hakewill, Apologie (Oxford: William Turner [for Robert Allott, London], 1630) [STC 12612] 1635 Hakewill, Apologie (Oxford: William Turner [for Robert Allott, London], 1635) [STC 12613] Sloane Hakewill, Apologie, partial Latin translation, British Library, Sloane MS. 2168 Below, details of publishers have been suppressed for text printed after 1700. 1 Discussions are few, but include R. F. Jones, Ancients and Moderns: The Background of the Battle of the Books (St Louis, 1936); Victor Harris, All Coherence Gone: A Study of the Seventeenth-century Controversy over Disorder and Decay in the Universe (Chicago, 1949); R. W. Hepburn, ‘Godfrey Goodman: Nature Vilified’, Cambridge Journal, vii (1954), pp. 424-34; Hepburn, ‘George Hakewill: The Virility of Nature’, Journal of the History of Ideas, xvi (1955), pp. 135-50; W. H. G. Armytage, ‘The Early Utopists and Science in England’, Annals of Science, xii (1956), pp. 247-54; Harris F. Fletcher, The Intellectual Development of John Milton, vol. ii (Urbana, 1961), pp. 440-1; Herschel Baker, The Wars of Truth: Studies in the Decay of Christian Humanism in the Earlier Seventeenth Century (Gloucester, MA, 1969), pp. 82-4; Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626- 1660, 2nd edn (Oxford, 2002 [1975]), pp. 19-20, 29; K. R. Firth, The Apocalyptic Tradition in Reformation Britain 1530-1645 (Oxford, 1979), pp. 199-202; Christopher Hill, The Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution Revisited (Oxford, 1997), esp. pp. 41, 61, 64, 72, 128, 180-2, 270, 272. Biographical information in what follows can be sourced in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography [ODNB] unless otherwise referenced. 1 eBLJ 2010, Article 7 The Evolution of George Hakewill’s Apologie or Declaration of the Power and Providence of God, 1627-1637: Academic Contexts, and Some New Angles from Manuscripts This is not the whole truth. The identification of Hakewill as a modern against the ancients is a somewhat blunt piece of retrospection. His stance on Aristotelianism, for instance, is of the usual complex variety, as Hakewill’s central thesis is a reaffirmation of the changeless Aristotelian heavens, under which sublunary human culture proceeds in cycles, not along unbroken vectors of decline or improvement. From a textual point of view, the assembling of Hakewill’s text was a complex and in places collaborative business; and commentary on Hakewill and his Apologie has neglected the evidence that may be gleaned from various extant manuscript portions of the Apologie, illuminating different stages in its evolution. The following article will not attempt a direct answer the historical and intellectual questions concerning Hakewill’s modernity, but it will address the immediate academic and political contexts of Hakewill’s work. I will then turn at greater length to the complex evidence for the evolution of the Apologie provided by a number of manuscript witnesses hitherto ignored by scholars, especially the abortive Latin translation of the work now in the Sloane manuscripts of the British Library. This article is therefore offered as one half of the textual foundation for a necessary reappraisal of Hakewill’s intellectual position, insofar as manuscript evidence can assist; but the other half, a full collation of the printed editions, is the job of Hakewill’s modern editor, and it is unlikely that Hakewill will find one. I. Political and Academic Contexts When George Hakewill (1578-1649) published the first edition of the Apologie, he was Archdeacon of Surrey and a benefactor of his old college, Exeter, to which he would be elected Rector in 1642.2 Hakewill was already a politically notorious figure, and a Calvinist of known volubility. While a student, he had travelled abroad to receive theological instruction at Heidelberg from the prominent Calvinists David Pareus and Abraham Scultetus. He later sent his Scutum Regium (1612) to the arch-Calvinist Thomas James, Bodley’s Librarian, with the request that James correct it and see it through the press; Bodley himself and Hakewill were related.3 Upon the death of Prince Henry in late 1612, Hakewill was appointed chaplain to Prince Charles, and in 1618 there were rumours that Hakewill was to be sent as one of the English delegates to the Synod of Dort. In the event this did not happen, but in the aftermath of the synod, Archbishop Abbot wrote to Sir Dudley Carelton that he wished Hakewill had been sent instead of the eventual Oxford choice, the ‘giddy’ Samuel Ward.4 But in 1622 Hakewill’s political career imploded when he 2 Hakewill has not found a modern biographer, but see Anthony Wood, Athenæ Oxonienses, ed. Philip Bliss, 4 vols (London, 1813-20), vol. iii, cols 253-57; Peter McCullough, Sermons at Court: Politics and Religion in Elizabethan and Jacobean Preaching (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 197-98, 202-4, 207; ODNB. His will is within The National Archives, PROB 11/208/77. A contemporary account of the costing of Hakewill's first edition survives: ‘Dr Hackwells booke 6s. / The printer for every sheet proportionably will have 10s for printing. yea for 400 copies of 2 sheets he demanded 24s in 8o.’ (Thomas Crossfield, Diary, ed. F. S. Boas (Oxford, 1935), p. 12, for 3 March 1627). 3 Hakewill to Thomas James, [1611], James’s copy at MS. Ballard 44, ff. 166v-67v. One of Bodley’s executors was George’s brother William Hakewill (1574-1655), the prominent lawyer and antiquary. 4 A. R. Milton, The British Delegation at the Synod of Dort (1618-1619) (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. xxvii, n. 44 (citing a letter of Matthew Slade to Sibrandus Lubbertus, 24 September 1618), 371 (letter of Abbot to Carleton, 29 July/8 August 1619). 2 eBLJ 2010, Article 7 The Evolution of George Hakewill’s Apologie or Declaration of the Power and Providence of God, 1627-1637: Academic Contexts, and Some New Angles from Manuscripts presented a manuscript tract against the Spanish Match to his young charge, and was imprisoned by King James as a result.5 Hakewill was one of a cadre of Calvinist contemporaries from Exeter College ranged around Prince Charles: Thomas Winniffe (1576-1654), John Prideaux (1578-1650), and Lewis Bayly (1575-1631) were all also doctrinal confreres from Exeter.6 In 1633 Hakewill edited the posthumous works of his friend and neighbour John Downe (1570?-1631), the nephew of John Jewel; he printed examples of Downe’s Latin verse in the Apologie.7 Hakewill acted as executor to his fellow collegian and Calvinist Richard Carpenter (1575-1627), and he encouraged the clergyman William Crompton (1599/1600-1642), who had a brush with Laud following his anti-Popish St Austins Religion (1624).8 Hakewill’s Exeter was thus a hub of Calvinist sentiment, as well as a site of significant linguistic, historical, geographical, and scientific scholarship in the period, as witness the names of Thomas Holland, Sir William Lower, George’s elder brother William Hakewill, Degory Wheare, Nathanael Carpenter, Nicholas Hunt, and Matthias Pasor. Hakewill also later involved himself in extended controversy with the rising Laudian apologist Peter Heylyn (1600-1662). Heylyn, in the first edition of his History of St George (1631), had rubbished Hakewill’s remarks on the saint as a fraud and an Arian in the Apologie, Heylyn taking the occasion to swipe at Calvin and John Rainolds too.9 Heylyn’s support of St George inevitably involved him in some defence of medieval legend and piety, rank superstition to a man of Hakewill’s stamp. Hakewill accordingly took up his pen in response; as the intelligencer Samuel Hartlib slightly inaccurately heard in 1634, ‘Dr Hacket hase written against Heilen, the Historie of S. George and a defence of it but canot get it printed’.10 In fact, the work had been suppressed by Laud, tipped off by the Oxford Vice- chancellor.11 The manuscript has subsequently disappeared.
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