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The Social Bases of Austerity
SPERI Paper No.9 The Social Bases of Austerity. European tunnel vision & the curious case of the missing left. Stephanie Mudge About the author Stephanie Mudge Stephanie Mudge is Research Fellow at SPERI and an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of California Davis. Her research centres on the historical study of culture, democratic politics, economic policy, and the constitution of political authority. Stephanie completed her PhD at the University of California, Berkeley and was a post-doctoral fellow at the European University Institute (Max Weber Programme) and the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG). Her work has been published in the American Journal of Sociology, Annual Review of Sociology, Social Science History and the Socio-Economic Review. This paper draws in part from a book manuscript titled Neoliberal Politics, which offers an account of the causes and longer-term effects of the third way era in centre-left politics in Western democracies. An earlier version was presented on June 20, 2013 at the Society for the Advancement of Socio-economics’ (SASE) mini-conference on “Economic Culture in the Public Sphere” in Milan, organised by Lyn Spillman and Fred Wherry. ISSN 2052-000X Published in February 2014 SPERI Paper No.9 – The Social Bases of Austerity 1 Before the election of 1932 … there was a majority in the Riksdag consisting of conservatives, liberals, and members of the farmer party, convinced that the budget should be balanced according to the traditional method and that for this reason the plans of the labor party for large public works, financed by borrowing, should be defeated. -
Tackling Labour Exploitation in Poland, Bulgaria and Romania
March 2019 Tackling labour exploitation in Poland, Bulgaria and Romania Author: Suzanne Hoff (La Strada International) RIGHTS AT WORK TACKLING LABOUR EXPLOITATION IN POLAND, BULGARIA AND ROMANIA Colophon Rights at Work Tackling labour exploitation in Poland, Bulgaria and Romania March 2019 This publication has been made possible Author Suzanne Hoff with the financial support of the Dutch (La Strada International) Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Small Human Copy editor Stephanie Ross Rights Fund). It was developed within the Cover photo Shutterstock framework of the project Rights at Work – Layout Frans Schupp Tackling labour exploitaiton in all economic sectors in Poland, Bulgaria and Romania. Acknowledgements La Strada International would like to thank all the organisations that partnered in this project, including: the Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO), FairWork, La Strada Foundation against Trafficking in Persons and Slavery (La Strada Poland), the Association for Legal Intervention (SIP) in Poland, AIDRom in Romania and Animus Association Foundation in Bulgaria. The following people contributed by providing and collecting information and/or reviewing specific sections of this publication. Their input, comments and additions were invaluable: Ilona Hartlief, Katrin Mc Gauran, Joanna Garnier, Irena Dawid, Antoaneta Vassileva, Nadia Kozhouharova, Dobryana Petkova, Katarzyna Slubik, Elena Timofticiuc, Louis Ulrich and Julia Muraszkiewicz. Further special thanks go to those who supported the implementation of the Rights at Work project, including Esther de Haan, Karin Burgerhout and Eline Willemsen, all participants of the final conference of the project held on 28 September 2018 in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, as well as all those in Poland, Bulgaria and Romania who attended project activities and were ready to be interviewed during the fact-finding missions in 2017. -
* * Top Incomes During Wars, Communism and Capitalism: Poland 1892-2015
WID.world*WORKING*PAPER*SERIES*N°*2017/22* * * Top Incomes during Wars, Communism and Capitalism: Poland 1892-2015 Pawel Bukowski and Filip Novokmet November 2017 ! ! ! Top Incomes during Wars, Communism and Capitalism: Poland 1892-2015 Pawel Bukowski Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics Filip Novokmet Paris School of Economics Abstract. This study presents the history of top incomes in Poland. We document a U- shaped evolution of top income shares from the end of the 19th century until today. The initial high level, during the period of Partitions, was due to the strong concentration of capital income at the top of the distribution. The long-run downward trend in top in- comes was primarily induced by shocks to capital income, from destructions of world wars to changed political and ideological environment. The Great Depression, however, led to a rise in top shares as the richest were less adversely affected than the majority of population consisting of smallholding farmers. The introduction of communism ab- ruptly reduced inequalities by eliminating private capital income and compressing earn- ings. Top incomes stagnated at low levels during the whole communist period. Yet, after the fall of communism, the Polish top incomes experienced a substantial and steady rise and today are at the level of more unequal European countries. While the initial up- ward adjustment during the transition in the 1990s was induced both by the rise of top labour and capital incomes, the strong rise of top income shares in 2000s was driven solely by the increase in top capital incomes, which make the dominant income source at the top. -
Zaufanie Do Polityków W Kwietniu
Warszawa, kwiecień 2013 BS/53/2013 ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW W KWIETNIU Znak jakości przyznany CBOS przez Organizację Firm Badania Opinii i Rynku 11 stycznia 2013 roku Fundacja Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej ul. Żurawia 4a, 00-503 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] http://www.cbos.pl (48 22) 629 35 69 Największym zaufaniem Polaków niezmiennie cieszy się prezydent Bronisław Komorowski. W kwietniu1 zaufanie do głowy państwa zadeklarowało 70% ankietowanych, a więc dokładnie tyle samo, co w dwóch poprzednich miesiącach. Na dobrą pamięć Polaków zasłużył, jak się okazuje, były prezydent Aleksander Kwaśniewski, który po wieloletniej przerwie ponownie włączył się w nurt bieżącej polityki, patronując lewicowej inicjatywie Europa Plus. Według deklaracji uzyskanych w pierwszej dekadzie kwietnia 2013 roku, Aleksandrowi Kwaśniewskiemu ufa 54% ankietowanych. Zaufanie do pozostałych osób aktywnych na scenie politycznej kształtuje się na znacznie niższym poziomie. Niezmiennie zaliczający się do ścisłej czołówki naszego rankingu Ryszard Kalisz oraz najlepiej oceniany spośród przedstawicieli rządzącej koalicji szef MSZ Radosław Sikorski cieszą się zaufaniem mniej niż połowy badanych. Wykluczonemu ostatnio z SLD Ryszardowi Kaliszowi ufa 46% respondentów, nieco mniej osób (43%) deklaruje zaufanie do szefa polskiej dyplomacji. Kolejne miejsca na liście najczęściej obdarzanych zaufaniem polityków zajmują: lider SLD Leszek Miller (36%), wiceprzewodniczący PO Grzegorz Schetyna (35%), premier Donald Tusk i przewodniczący Solidarnej Polski Zbigniew Ziobro (po 34% deklaracji zaufania) oraz prezes PiS Jarosław Kaczyński (33%). Nieco rzadziej z zaufaniem respondentów spotykają się inni prominentni politycy rządzącej koalicji: minister sprawiedliwości Jarosław Gowin (31%), marszałek Sejmu Ewa Kopacz (30%) oraz szef PSL, wicepremier i minister gospodarki Janusz Piechociński (28%). Prawie jedna czwarta badanych ufa liderowi NSZZ „Solidarność” Piotrowi Dudzie (24%) i niemal tyle samo (23%) deklaruje zaufanie do szefa sejmowego zespołu ds. -
POLAND: Duda's Victory Paves the Way for Pis Rule Until 2023
Europe | July 13, 2020 POLAND: Duda’s victory paves the way for PiS rule until 2023 According to preliminary data from the National Electoral Commission (PKW), incumbent President Andrzej Duda – supported by the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party – narrowly won the second round of the presidential election held on 12 July. With nearly all ballots counted, Duda secured 51.2% of votes, leaving his opponent Rafal Trzaskowski (Civic Platform, PO) behind with 48.8%. The fiercely contested presidential race attracted a nearly record turnout of 68.1%. The PKW is expected to announce the official results within few days. Trzaskowski has not accepted defeat yet and could still challenge the result in courts, although this appears unlikely. An extremely divisive electoral campaign and a tight result reveal the deep polarization of Poland’s society. Exit polls show that Duda was predominantly supported by farmers, senior citizens, blue-collar workers, and the unemployed based in smaller towns and villages in the eastern parts of the country. Meanwhile, Trzaskowski performed well among students and entrepreneurs, as well as highly-qualified professionals. He is also much more popular in large cities and the western parts of the country. Duda’s re-election is a major win for the ruling PiS, which is now relatively well-positioned to continue carrying out its policy agenda until the parliamentary election in the autumn of 2023. In terms of the government’s policy priorities going forward, justice minister Zbigniew Ziobro (United Poland) has highlighted that it would further reform state institutions – including the judiciary – and continue implementing its generous social policies. -
Populist and Nationalist Trends in the Polish Influential Press: Pro-European Or Euro-Skeptical?
DOI:10.17951/k.2019.26.2.159-179 ANNALES UNIVERSITATIS MARIAE CURIE-SKŁODOWSKA LUBLIN – POLONIA VOL. XXVI, 2 SECTIO K 2019 Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, Institute of Media Education and Journalism RAFAŁ LEŚNICZAK ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0099-4327 Populist and Nationalist Trends in the Polish Influential Press: Pro-European or Euro-Skeptical? ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to determine the level of populist and nationalist trends in the Polish influential press articles related to the global financial crisis triggered on 15 September 2008 by the collapse of the Lehman Brothers investment bank. The result of the Polish presence in the European Union and NATO structures is that the crisis situations in Western Europe and the USA constitute an important topic for Polish media, and allow for the assessment of the level of approval/criticism towards the Western world. The author assumed that the domination of populist and nationalist trends is a sign of Euro-skepticism, while their presence that is not more than incidental – a sign of pro-European attitude. The paper versions of the most influential Polish press titles constitute the research material, namely daily papers: “Rzeczpospolita” and “Gazeta Wyborcza” and weekly magazines: “Newsweek Polska” and “Polityka”. Key words: populism, nationalism, pro-European attitude, Euro-skepticism, influential press INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY The Polish presence in the European Union (EU) is connected with social and political changes after the fall of communism in 1989 and democratization, which resulted in accession of Poland to the European structures in 2004 [Sztompka 1996; Ekiert 2003; Žídek 2011; Szalkowski, Jankowicz 2004; Copsey, Pomorska 2014]. -
Komunikat CBOS „Zmiany W Rankingu Zaufania Do Polityków”, Marzec 2010 (Oprac
Warszawa, sierpień 2013 BS/116/2013 ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW W SIERPNIU Znak jakości przyznany CBOS przez Organizację Firm Badania Opinii i Rynku 11 stycznia 2013 roku Fundacja Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej ul. Żurawia 4a, 00-503 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] http://www.cbos.pl (48 22) 629 35 69 Półmetek wakacji nie przyniósł dużych zmian w rankingu zaufania do osób aktywnych w życiu politycznym naszego kraju. W sierpniu1 listę polityków obdarzanych przez Polaków największym zaufaniem otwiera prezydent Bronisław Komorowski. Tak jak miesiąc temu zaufanie do głowy państwa deklaruje prawie trzy czwarte badanych (71%). Warto przypomnieć, iż prezydent jest liderem rankingu zaufania niemal niezmiennie od marca 2010 roku, kiedy to pełnił funkcję marszałka Sejmu, a zarazem był kandydatem Platformy Obywatelskiej w planowanych na jesień wyborach prezydenckich2. Od tego czasu Bronisław Komorowski stracił pozycję lidera jedynie w październiku i listopadzie 2010 roku3 na rzecz ówczesnego przewodniczącego Parlamentu Europejskiego Jerzego Buzka, który znalazł się na liście po kilkunastu miesiącach przerwy i uplasował się na pierwszym miejscu rankingu zaufania. Notowania pozostałych uwzględnionych w sierpniowym badaniu osób aktywnych w życiu politycznym naszego kraju kształtują się na znacznie niższym poziomie. Drugie miejsce w rankingu zaufania zajmuje niezależny poseł Ryszard Kalisz (45%). Na trzecim miejscu znalazł się szef MSZ Radosław Sikorski (41%), który tym samym utrzymuje status lidera rankingu zaufania społecznego wśród polityków PO. W porównaniu z poprzednim miesiącem zaufanie do Radosława Sikorskiego deklaruje jednak nieco mniej badanych (spadek o 4 punkty). Kolejne miejsca zajmują Leszek Miller oraz Grzegorz Schetyna, obdarzani zaufaniem przez co trzeciego respondenta (odpowiednio: 34% i 33%). W stosunku do lipca obaj politycy nieznacznie stracili w odbiorze społecznym. -
Studia Politica 32014
www.ssoar.info The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland Sula, Piotr Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sula, P. (2014). The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 14(3), 395-406. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445354 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The 2014 European Elections The Case of Poland PIOTR SULA Introduction This article presents the conduct and consequence of the election to the European Parliament held in Poland on 25 May 2014. It is a commonly accepted view that elections are inherent in the democratic order. Members of the European Parliament are elected following a similar procedure to that governing the elections to national Parliaments. Probably as widespread is the opinion that, since they do not result in the election of the executive branch of government, European elections are of less significance to the competing parties – which appear to prioritise their participation in the future government – than the competition for seats in the national parliament. As a consequence, the lesser impact of the decisions made at the ballot box is also translated into a less intense interest in the European elections expressed by the electorate. -
Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
— SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament. -
Re-Branding a Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism
Re-Branding a Nation Online Re-Branding a Nation Online Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism Magdalena Kania-Lundholm Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Sal IX, Universitets- huset, Uppsala, Friday, October 26, 2012 at 10:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Kania-Lundholm, M. 2012. Re-Branding A Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism. Sociologiska institutionen. 258 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-506-2302-4. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more criti- cal literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an “updated” form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the ”bottom-up” processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the na- tionalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endur- ance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing con- texts. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.