Tackling Labour Exploitation in Poland, Bulgaria and Romania
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Studia Politica 32014
www.ssoar.info The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland Sula, Piotr Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sula, P. (2014). The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 14(3), 395-406. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445354 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The 2014 European Elections The Case of Poland PIOTR SULA Introduction This article presents the conduct and consequence of the election to the European Parliament held in Poland on 25 May 2014. It is a commonly accepted view that elections are inherent in the democratic order. Members of the European Parliament are elected following a similar procedure to that governing the elections to national Parliaments. Probably as widespread is the opinion that, since they do not result in the election of the executive branch of government, European elections are of less significance to the competing parties – which appear to prioritise their participation in the future government – than the competition for seats in the national parliament. As a consequence, the lesser impact of the decisions made at the ballot box is also translated into a less intense interest in the European elections expressed by the electorate. -
Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
— SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament. -
Re-Branding a Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism
Re-Branding a Nation Online Re-Branding a Nation Online Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism Magdalena Kania-Lundholm Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Sal IX, Universitets- huset, Uppsala, Friday, October 26, 2012 at 10:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Kania-Lundholm, M. 2012. Re-Branding A Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism. Sociologiska institutionen. 258 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-506-2302-4. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more criti- cal literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an “updated” form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the ”bottom-up” processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the na- tionalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endur- ance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing con- texts. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform. -
Domestic Aspects of Polish Membership in the European Union
Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Retrospective Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 1-1-2002 Domestic aspects of Polish membership in the European Union Aurelia Wiktoria Trywianska Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd Recommended Citation Trywianska, Aurelia Wiktoria, "Domestic aspects of Polish membership in the European Union" (2002). Retrospective Theses and Dissertations. 21337. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd/21337 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Retrospective Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Domestic aspects of Polish membership in the European Union by Aurelia Wiktoria Trywianska A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: Political Science Program of Study Committ~e: Matthias Kaelberer, Major Professor Joel Moses Andrejs Plakans Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2002 ii Graduate College Iowa State University This is to certify that the master's thesis of Aurelia Wiktoria Trywianska has met the thesis requirements of Iowa State University Signatures have been redacted for privacy iii Dia Najukochatiszych Rodzicow z nadziejq o lepszq Polskf iv TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION iii LIST OF FIGURES v1 LIST OF TABLES vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vm CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 2. IDSTORICAL CONTEXT 3 Cooperation and Trade Agreements as a first step toward integration process 3 Association agreements and public opinion responses 9 Benefits of the European Union membership 15 Mutual advantages between Poland and the European Union CHAPTER 3. -
A Place at the Top Table? Poland and the Euro Crisis
Reinvention of Europe Project A place at the top table? Poland and the euro crisis By Konstanty Gebert If you want to dine at the European Union’s top table it is important to be able to count on powerful friends who can help you pull up a chair. With an economy only one quarter that of Germany’s, and a population half its size, Poland cannot and does not aspire to have a permanent chair at that top table. But neither can it – with a population accounting for half of all the 2004 enlargement states and an economy among the best-performing in a crisis-ridden EU – content itself with merely a seat at the lower table. This is the challenge facing Poland, as it seeks to follow its developing interests and make its voice heard at a time when the most powerful countries in the EU are pulling in very different directions. Poland’s position within the EU is further complicated by its straddling of several dividing lines. For instance, its future is fundamentally tied to the Eurozone club that it does not belong to but very deeply desires to participate in. It managed to assume the rotating EU presidency for the first time just as the deepest crisis to affect the Union was deepening even further. Following on from the Lisbon Treaty, however, the presidency’s influence is now much reduced, and so Poland was relegated to being a mere observer of decisions made by others, mostly over the future of the Eurozone. Poland also straddles the demographic and economic boundaries between the EU’s major players and its smaller ones (the sixth largest in both categories). -
The 2015 Elections to the Senate of the Republic of Poland
Polish Political Science Yearbook vol. 45 (2016), pp. 205–218 DOI: 10.15804/ppsy2016016 PL ISSN 0208-7375 Krystyna Leszczyńska Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin (Poland) The 2015 Elections to the Senate of the Republic of Poland Abstract: The discussion about justification for the very existence of Senate, as it was the case in previous years, also took place prior to the 2015 parliamentary elections. Postulates for the second chamber of parliament to be abolished are the inseparable element of election campaigns in Poland. Announcements of total abolishment or change of: form, competencies or number and the election prin- ciples for members of Senate, although they found their expression in the 2015 election programs of some of the political parties, but they were never applied after elections. The single member Senate constituencies secured seats almost ex- clusively for candidates supported by one of the two strongest political parties, that is the Law and Justice (PiS) and the Civic Platform (PO). Even if in the result of 25 October 2015 elections four independent candidates were elected for senators, three of them used support of political parties, using a rule well proven four years earlier: there is not senator without a political party protector. The 40% support for PiS which turned into 61% of seats indicates that the election system for Senate leads to overrepresentation of election winners. Keywords: Senate; election campaign; single member constituencies; deformation of election result; overrepresentation of the winning party Introduction The analysis of the 2015 Senate election campaign aims at verification of two hy- potheses. First of the assumes that the announcements of abolishment or change of Senate’s character are solely an element of pre-election strategy and in those catego- ries we may perceive the votes that negate the justification for its very existence. -
Marcin KULCZYK Family Rights and Family Policy in Poland
Family rights and family policy in Poland By Marcin KULCZYK, PhD Research fellow at the ECLJ Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 2 I. Towards a new family policy ........................................................................................... 4 A. New family policy as an answer to the demographic crisis ........................................... 4 B. Amendment of the Family and Guardianship Code as an example of the principle of subsidiarity of public authorities towards the family ............................................................. 9 II. Government’s programmes for families ...................................................................... 10 A. The “Family 500+” programme .................................................................................. 11 B. The “Home+” programme ........................................................................................... 14 Conclusions ............................................................................................................................. 17 September 2016 1 Introduction The last parliamentary elections in Poland, held on October 25 th 2015, have deeply changed the political climate. For the first time since 1989, one election committee 1 obtained an absolute majority in Parliament clearing the way for the largest opposition party, Law and Justice ( Prawo i Sprawiedliwo ść ), to form a one-party government. This occurred just few months -
The Development of Online Political Communication in Poland in European Parliamentary Elections 2014: Technological Innovation V
ORIGINAL ARTICLE The development of online political communication in Poland in European Parliamentary elections 2014: Technological innovation versus old habits Michał Jacuński UNIVERSITY OF WROCŁAW, POLAND Michał Jacuński, Paweł Baranowski UNIVERSITY OF WROCŁAW, POLAND ABSTRACT: Th is article analyzes the methods of electoral communication during the 2014 European Parliament election in Poland. Are Polish candidates to the European Parliament stuck with the old habits and patterns of communication or have they adopted all the available technological innova- tions? Constant technological evolution and increasing Internet usage-rate are not only giving the candidates new possibilities to reach potential voters, but they also pose a challenge. By using content analysis, we have analyzed the structure of candidates’ websites and their offi cial Facebook and Twit- ter profi les. We also analyzed the level of interactivity with candidates’ fans on Facebook and open- ness to two-way communication on websites, a “must” in the late web 2.0 era. KEYWORDS: European Parliament, elections, online political communication, owned media, so- cial media, web campaigning, participation INTRODUCTION According to communication research theoreticians, nowadays “one cannot not communicate” (Motley, 1990). Th rough communication one can fully participate in social groups and processes. When it comes to cyberspace, the above men- tioned rule, originating from communication theoreticians of the Palo Alto school of the 1960s and 1970s, is particularly evident and relates mainly to two- way communication processes in social media. Social media are the media (Dew- ing, 2012) which we use to become socialized (Safk o, 2010), using one of the basic attributes of the human species — communication with other members of the group. -
Title: Civic Platform Party (PO) Partisans and Law and Justice (Pis) Partisans
Title: Civic Platform Party (PO) partisans and Law and Justice (PiS) partisans. Meanders of two political identity narratives. Empirical study Author: Zbigniew Zagała Citation style: Zagała Zbigniew. (2018). Civic Platform Party (PO) partisans and Law and Justice (PiS) partisans. Meanders of two political identity narratives. Empirical study. W: M. S. Szczepański, W. Tomala-Kania, Z. Zagała (red.), "Identity narratives : interdisciplinary perspectives" (S. 167- 187). Katowice : Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. Zbigniew Zagała University of Silesia in Katowice Civic Platform Party (PO) Partisans and Law and Justice (PiS) Partisans Meanders of Two Political Identity Narratives Empirical Study And how can we ever come to an understanding if we all have a world of things inside ourselves and each one of us has his own private world. I put in the words I utter the sense and the value that I expect them to have, but whoever is listening to me inevitably thinks that those same words have a different sense and value, because of the private world he has inside himself. We think we understand each other, but we never really do! Luigi Pirandello, Six Characters in Search of an Author Introduction For over ten years, the political life in Poland has been significantly affected by the dispute between two parties: Civic Platform (PO) and Law and Justice (PiS). For a long period of time the controversy has been something more than a struggle between two different sets of opinions concerning political issues ex- pressed inside and outside the Parliament. These are two different narratives that concern almost every problem or situation that can be a subject to political interpretation. -
How Will Poland's Law and Justice Party Govern?
blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2015/11/30/how-will-polands-law-and-justice-party-govern/ How will Poland’s Law and Justice party govern? Poland’s new right-wing government has prioritised implementation of the expensive social spending pledges that were critical to its election victory. However, its determination to radically reform the Polish state has drawn accusations of authoritarianism from the opposition while the new prime minister has yet to stamp her authority on the administration. Aleks Szczerbiak assesses all of the main players in the new government. The October parliamentary election saw a stunning victory for the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party. It became the first political grouping in post-communist Poland to secure election to government with an outright parliamentary majority, winning 235 seats in the 460-member Sejm, the country’s more powerful lower chamber. This month, the party’s deputy leader Beata Szydło was sworn in as the new prime minister and her government received a parliamentary vote of confidence. In her inaugural address, Mrs Szydło devoted most attention to socio-economic issues, promising to introduce programmes aimed at spurring investment and innovation. She also promised to increase social spending and quickly implement Law and Justice’s key election pledges, including: its flagship 500 złoties per child monthly subsidy for poorer households, and for second and subsequent children in all families; reversing the deeply unpopular increase in the retirement age to 67 (from 60 for women and 65 for men) introduced by the previous government, led by the centrist Civic Platform (PO) party; increasing tax-free income thresholds to 8,000 złoties; raising the hourly minimum wage to 12 złoties; and introducing free medicines for over-75s.