The Miracle Rising® As Source for Teaching History: Theoretical and Practical Considerations
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Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits. -
South Africa: Economic Progress and Failures Since 1994
Università degli Studi di Padova Dipartimento di Studi Linguistici e Letterari Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Lingue Moderne per la Comunicazione e la Cooperazione Internazionale Classe LM-38 Tesi di Laurea South Africa: economic progress and failures since 1994 Laureando Relatore Monica Capuzzo Prof. Antonio Covi n° matr.1061228 / LMLCC Anno Accademico 2014 / 2015 South Africa: economic progress and failures since 1994 1 INTRODUCTION….…………………………………………………….. p. 1 2 SOUTH AFRICA: A GENERAL OVERVIEW..………………………... p. 3 2.1 A brief geographical description ………………………………………… p. 3 2.2 Historical background……………………………………………………. p. 5 2.2.1 The colonial age………………………………………………….. p. 6 2.2.2 The rise of Apartheid…………………………………………….. p. 7 2.2.3 The end of Apartheid and the birth of democracy……………….. p. 8 2.3 Political institutions and their historical development…………………... p. 9 2.3.1 Government structure during Apartheid…………………………. p. 9 2.3.2 South Africa’s Constitution………………………………………. p. 10 2.3.3 Institutions supporting democracy………………………………… p. 13 2.4 Social and economic consequences of Apartheid………………………… p. 15 2.4.1 Demography and racial discrimination……………………………. p. 16 2.4.2 GDP per capita and poverty rate…………………………………... p. 22 2.4.3 Income inequality and the gap between the rich and the poor…….. p. 28 2.4.4 Life expectancy and health care…………………………………… p. 30 2.4.5 Primary education…………………………………………………. p. 37 2.4.6 Employment……………………………………………………….. p. 40 2.4.7 The Human Development Index (HDI)…………………………… p. 44 3 SOUTH AFRICAN ECONOMY SINCE THE END OF APARTHEID… p. 51 3.1 Economic structure today………………………………………………… p. 51 3.2 Economic reforms………………………………………………………… p. 60 3.2.1 Land and agrarian reform…………………………………………. -
(Prexy) Nesbitt Anti-Apartheid Collection College Archives & Special Collections
Columbia College Chicago Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago Finding Aids College Archives & Special Collections 9-1-2017 Guide to the Rozell (Prexy) Nesbitt Anti-Apartheid Collection College Archives & Special Collections Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.colum.edu/casc_fa Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation "Rozell (Prexy) Nesbitt oC llection," 2017. Finding aid at the College Archives & Special Collections of Columbia College Chicago, Chicago, IL. http://digitalcommons.colum.edu/casc_fa/26/ This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College Archives & Special Collections at Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago. It has been accepted for inclusion in Finding Aids by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Columbia College Chicago. Rozell (Prexy) Nesbitt Collection This finding aid was produced using ArchivesSpace on September 01, 2017. eng Describing Archives: A Content Standard College Archives & Special Collections at Columbia College Chicago Chicago, IL [email protected] URL: http://www.colum.edu/archives Rozell (Prexy) Nesbitt Collection Table of Contents Summary Information .................................................................................................................................... 4 Biography ....................................................................................................................................................... 5 About the Collection ..................................................................................................................................... -
THE UNITED STATES and SOUTH AFRICA in the NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This Thesis Examines Relat
ABSTRACT THE SIN OF OMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This thesis examines relations between the United States and South Africa during Richard Nixon’s first presidential administration. While South Africa was not crucial to Nixon’s foreign policy, the racially-divided nation offered the United States a stabile economic partner and ally against communism on the otherwise chaotic post-colonial African continent. Nixon strengthened relations with the white minority government by quietly lifting sanctions, increasing economic and cultural ties, and improving communications between Washington and Pretoria. However, while Nixon’s policy was shortsighted and hypocritical, the Afrikaner government remained suspicious, believing that the Nixon administration continued to interfere in South Africa’s domestic affairs despite its new policy relaxations. The Nixon administration concluded that change in South Africa could only be achieved through the Afrikaner government, and therefore ignored black South Africans. Nixon’s indifference strengthened apartheid and hindered liberation efforts, helping to delay black South African freedom for nearly two decades beyond his presidency. THE SIN OF OMMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History by Eric J. Morgan Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2003 Advisor __________________________________ (Dr. Jeffrey P. Kimball) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Allan M. Winkler) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Osaak Olumwullah) TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements . iii Prologue The Wonderful Tar Baby Story . 1 Chapter One The Unmovable Monolith . 3 Chapter Two Foresight and Folly . -
The Church As a Peace Broker: the Case of the Natal Church Leaders' Group and Political Violence in Kwazulu-Natal (1990-1994)1
The Church as a peace broker: the case of the Natal Church Leaders’ Group and political violence in KwaZulu-Natal (1990-1994)1 Michael Mbona 2 School of Religion and Theology, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa Abstract Moves by the state to reform the political landscape in South Africa at the beginning of 1990 led to increased tension between the Inkatha Freedom Party and the African National Congress in the province of Natal and the KwaZulu homeland. Earlier efforts by the Natal Church Leaders’ Group to end hostilities through mediation had yielded minimal results. Hopes of holding the first general democratic election in April 1994 were almost dashed due to Inkatha’s standoff position until the eleventh hour. This article traces the role played by church leaders in seeking to end the bloody clashes taking place at that time by engaging with the state and the rival political parties between 1990 and 1994. Despite the adoption of new strategies, challenges such as internal divisions, blunders at mediation, and the fact that the church leaders were also “political sympathisers”, hampered progress in achieving peace. While paying tribute to the contribution of other team players, this article argues that an ecumenical initiative was responsible for ending the politically motivated brutal killings in KwaZulu-Natal in the early years of 1990. Introduction The announcement in 1990 by State President FW de Klerk about the release of political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela, and the unbanning of all political parties was a crucial milestone on the journey towards reforming the South African political landscape.3 While these reforms were acclaimed by progressive thinkers within and outside South Africa, tension between 1 This article follows on, as part two, from a previous article by the same author. -
From Apartheid to Neoliberalism
From Apartheid to Neoliberalism - A study of the Economic Development in Post-Apartheid South Africa By Thomas Bakken Abstract This thesis describes the social and economic development in Post-Apartheid South Africa and the role of neoliberal advocates in the shaping of the country‘s broader developmental path after 1994. South Africa‘s ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), inherited a two folded legacy. On the one hand it took over the most developed economy on the African continent. On the other, a legacy of massive inequality and racial segregation. This thesis describes why a neoliberal trajectory was triumphant in the crossroad where the ANC had the choice between following a progressive developmental path or a neoliberal one, and its impact on South Africa‘s social and economic system. i ii Acknowledgements - I thank Professor Moses for his patience, comments and insights in helping this thesis to completion. - I also thank my one and only: Nina iii iv Content 1.1 - Background and motivation ........................................................................................... 1 1.2 - My argument .................................................................................................................. 3 1.3 - Problem statement ......................................................................................................... 3 1.4 - Research aims ................................................................................................................. 4 1.5 - Research design and methodology -
165–69 Book Review the Indispensable Man Mark O. Hatfield
Book Review The Indispensable Man Mark O. Hatfield Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela. By Nelson Mandela. Little, Brown, 1994. 558 pp. On 10 May 1994, South Africa held celebrations to mark the inauguration of the first president it had ever chosen through nonracial elections. The new president was Nelson Mandela, a 75-year-old black man who decades earlier had initiated an armed struggle against the white-controlled apartheid regime and spent 10,000 days in prison for his revolutionary activities. His release from this long captivity in February 1990 marked the beginning of the end of apartheid. This memoir is Mandela's own story, tracing his life from boyhood to the leadership of the outlawed African National Congress (ANC), the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize that he shared with then-President Frederik W. de Klerk, and the presidency. Mandela had earlier put his story on paper, only to have it confiscated when construction workers accidentally uncovered its hiding place. The present volume, written and published after his 1990 release, gracefully and reflectively combines an account of his life with the larger story of the growth of the revitalized ANC and the efforts of nonwhite South Africans to claim the freedom so long denied them. He describes the larger aspects of the struggle against apartheid, always emphasizing that it was a collaborative effort bringing together vast numbers of people, while retaining the essential human tone and singular outlook of an autobiographer. Some passages are as striking as they are simple, such as the sentence where he tells of being allowed to embrace his wife after 21 years of enforced physical separation. -
From Long Walk to Freedom: the Autobiography of Nelson Mandela
Name ___________________ Date _____ Class _____ Africa South of the Sahara Primary Source Reading A Interpreting the Source Reader's Dictionary Nelson Mandela (1918- ) was trained to politicized: involved in politics be a leader of the Thembu people. Later, epiphany: a sudden understanding he received a Western education. In 1952 of something important Mandela became one of the leaders of the revelation: the act of revealing a African National Congress (ANC). The ANC at divine truth first followed a policy of nonviolent resistance slights: humiliating slurs to white rule and apartheid in South Africa. castigated: criticized Later, itsupported more violent methods. Mandela was arrested in 1962 and sentenced Guided Reading to life imprisonment. During his 28 years in In this passage, Mandela tells how he became prison, Mandela's reputation grew throughout interested in fighting for civil rights in South Africa and the world. Finally, the South African Africa. Read the passage, and then answer government released him and agreed to hold the questions that follow. free elections. In 1994 Mandela became the first black president of South Africa. From Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela I cannot pinpoint a moment when I became ner of Dr. Pixley ka Seme, one of the founders politicized, when I knew that I would spend of the ANC. my life in the liberation struggle. I had no Lembede said that Africa was a black man's epiphany, no singular revelation, no moment of continent, and it was up to Africans to reassert truth, but a steady accumulation of a thousand themselves and reclaim what vyas rightfully slights, and a thousand indignities produced in theirs. -
The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition. -
The Constitution of South Africa of 1996 (Bill of Rights /Chapter Two)
University of Oran 2 Faculty of Foreign Languages THESIS In Candidacy for the Degree of Doctorate in Science, English Language. THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS IN TRANSITION: FROM A RESISTANCE MOVEMENT TO A GOVERNING PARTY (1961-1999) Publicly Presented by: Mrs DEHMOUNE AMEL Before a Jury Composed of: Benhattab Abdelkader Professor University of Oran 2 President Moulfi Leila Professor University of Oran 2 Supervisor Meberbeche Faiza Professor University of Tlemcen Examiner Dani Fatiha MCA University of Oran 1 Examiner Academic Year 2018/2019 University of Oran 2 Faculty of Foreign Languages THESIS In Candidacy for the Degree of Doctorate in Science, English Language. THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS IN TRANSITION: FROM A RESISTANCE MOVEMENT TO A GOVERNING PARTY (1961-1999) Publicly Presented by: Mrs DEHMOUNE AMEL Before a Jury Composed of: Benhattab Abdelkader Professor University of Oran 2 President Moulfi Leila Professor University of Oran 2 Supervisor Meberbeche Faiza Professor University of Tlemcen Examiner Dani Fatiha MCA University of Oran 1 Examiner Academic Year 2018/2019 I DECLARATION I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my original research. References to other people’s research have been duty cited and acknowledged in this research work accordingly. Amel DEHMOUNE II Dedication “No one in this world can love a girl more than her father “ Michael Ratnadeepak To my everlasting love, my beloved father, Mr. DEHMOUNE Mohammed III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First of all, I shall thank Almighty Allah for all His blessings. I would like to express my deepest gratefulness to my supervisor Prof. Leila Moulfi for the continuous support, patience and motivation throughout the writing of this thesis. -
Race, History and the Internet: the Use of the Internet in White Supremacist Propaganda in the Late 1990’S, with Particular Reference to South Africa
Race, History and the Internet: The use of the Internet in White Supremacist Propaganda in the late 1990’s, with particular reference to South Africa Inez Mary Stephney A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences and Wits School of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters Degree. Abstract This dissertation aims to investigate the use of History by white supremacist groups in South Africa particularly, to rework their identity on the Internet. The disserta- tion argues that white supremacist groups use older traditions of history, particu- larly, in the South African case, the ‘sacred saga’, as explained by Dunbar Moodie to create a sense of historical continuity with the past and to forge an unbroken link to the present. The South African white supremacists have been influenced by the His- tory written by Van Jaarsveld for example, as will be shown in the chapters analysing the three chosen South African white supremacist groups. The white supremacists in the international arena also use history, mixed with 1930s Nazi propaganda to promote their ideas. i Acknowledgements There are a few people who must be acknowledged for their assistance during the research and preparation of this dissertation. First and foremost, my supervisor Dr Cynthia Kros for her invaluable advice and assistance- thank you. I also wish to thank Nina Lewin and Nicole Ulrich for all the encouragement, reading of drafts and all round unconditional love and friendship that has helped me keep it together, when this project seemed to flounder. Katie Mooney for saying I should just realised I am a historian and keep on going. -
Abstract This Paper Explores the Under-Appreciated Role of Business
Business and the South African Transition Itumeleng Makgetla and Ian Shapiro Draft: February 20, 2016 Abstract This paper explores the under-appreciated role of business in negotiated transitions to democracy. Drawing on our interviews of key South African business leaders and political elites, we show how business played a vital role in enabling politicians to break out of the prisoners’ dilemma in which they had been trapped since the 1960s and move the country toward the democratic transition that took place in 1994. Business leaders were uniquely positioned to play this role, but it was not easy because they were internally divided and deeply implicated in Apartheid’s injustices. We explain how they overcame these challenges, how they facilitated negotiations, and how they helped keep them back on track when the going got rough. We also look at business in other transitional settings, drawing on South Africa’s experience to illuminate why business efforts to play a comparable role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have failed. We end by drawing out the implications of our findings for debates about democratic transitions and the role of business interests in them. Department of Political Science, P.O. Box 208301, New Haven, CT 06520-830. Phone:(203) 432-3415; Fax: (203): 432- 93-83. Email: [email protected] or [email protected] On March 21, 1960, police opened fire on a demonstration against South Africa’s pass laws in Sharpeville, fifty miles south of Johannesburg, killing 69 people. The callousness of the massacre – many victims were shot in the back while fleeing – triggered a major escalation in the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) government.