(Im)Possible Alliance the Rocky Relationship of the Zionist Left and the Israeli Arabs

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(Im)Possible Alliance the Rocky Relationship of the Zionist Left and the Israeli Arabs (Im)possible Alliance The Rocky Relationship of the Zionist Left and the Israeli Arabs Marzuq Al-Halabi (Im)possible Alliance The Rocky Relationship of the Zionist Left and the Israeli Arabs Marzuq Al-Halabi A quarter of a century later, it is safe to shifts began to alter the political climate say that the assassination of Yitzhak in Israel and throughout the region. These Rabin (1995) was a turning point in the changes affected the Palestinian-Arab relationship between the Palestinian-Arab minority in Israel and its relationship with minority and the Jewish majority in Israel. the state and with Jewish society. In the That was the moment in time when the following analysis I focus on the changing Israeli Arabs went from being welcome to relationship with the Zionist left, whose being “persona non grata” in Israeli society, governments – until Rabin’s assassination and when the Jewish majority shifted from – had enjoyed the unqualified support of actively promoting the inclusion of this the Arab electorate. minority in national politics to advancing their exclusion. Until that time, the ruling elites, who were commonly associated Arab citizens invited to with the Zionist left, had sought to include “participate in building the Palestinian citizens of Israel in parliamentary country” politics. This was based on the understanding that the Jewish majority needed the Arab Israel’s Declaration of Independence from minority’s blessing when the state was 1948 appealed to Arab citizens to take part first established, and that integrating them in building up the newly-formed country. into national politics would help reinforce Although policy on the ground was governed Israel’s status as a democracy[1] (there by security reasons – e.g., subjecting Arab were, of course, additional motivations, to citizens to a military administration for be discussed further on). almost twenty years – this founding principle was translated into an inclusive, respectful Then came the events of October 2000 and discourse that prevailed for many decades. the beginning of a reverse trend among The integration of Arab citizens into Israeli the Jewish-Israeli elites, especially on the society and politics was initially a way to right. The growing right-wing bloc began to reinforce the government’s legitimacy, by reiterate its objection to the participation receiving the blessing of the Palestinians of Arab citizens in Israeli politics[2]. Arab who had remained in Israel while others citizens found themselves navigating became refugees. The Israeli Communist between these opposing views, as profound Party, which relied upon Jewish-Arab Heinrich Böll Stiftung Tel Aviv 2/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi partnership, treated the establishment of the Zionist narrative of the conflict and the state as a welcome anti-imperialist lent legitimacy to its existence within the move to counter the reactionary Arab forces Arab region. in the region[3]. The party advocated for a progressive socialist state that would The state’s motivations coincided with the benefit all the working classes in Israel, Jews interests of the local Arab elites, although and Arabs alike. The local Arab leadership, arguably the latter had no promising on its part, embraced the new state’s alternative. The war between their country invitation and eagerly joined in national and their nation actually increased the politics. Yet this minority still struggled motivation of Israeli Arabs to participate in to gain full legitimacy from the Israeli politics and distinguish themselves from establishment. Jews and Arabs in Israel met the Palestinians outside Israel’s sovereign at the intersection of common interests, borders, including those fighting against it. driven by a mutual wish for legitimacy, with As far back as the early 1950s, MK Tawfik both seeking an alliance between the new Tuby of the Communist Party even proposed state and its Arab citizens. that Arab citizens be enlisted to the Israeli army in order to strengthen their Jews and Arabs in Israel met identity and integrate them as equal citizens. Communist circles later ״ at the intersection of common argued that his real goal had been interests, driven by a mutual wish to prevent the deportation of Arabs .remaining in Israel after the war ״for legitimacy Over time, this idea expanded to serve In the first few decades of Israel’s existence, other goals. The Jewish elites, namely the domestic Arab politics operated on the pragmatic Zionist left, wished to emphasize assumption that at least some parts of the existence of moderate Arabs – i.e., the Israeli governments wished to see citizens of Israel who vote for parliament the Arab minority integrated into the – as opposed to extremist Arabs who call country’s political and social life. In our for destroying the Zionist entity. These conversations over the years, the late writer elites also wanted to prove that Israel Emil Habibi, who was an MK for the Israeli was the only democracy in the Middle Communist Party “Maki” in the 1960s and East, as exemplified by giving all citizens 1970s, stressed the good ties that existed the vote. The image of a lone democracy between Arab MKs and many actors in Israeli grew more important as regional tensions politics, including Jewish religious parties rose. Also, giving Palestinians in Israel the and the socialist Mapam Party. The Israeli vote helped to distinguish them from the Communist Party, which dominated Arab Palestinians remaining outside Israel’s Israeli society until the 1980s, assumed borders, and became a key feature in that reasonable coexistence depended shaping this minority as first Israeli and on an alliance between Jewish and Arab only then affiliated to the Arab region or workers, and that Israel’s future lay in the the Palestinian nation. Channeling Arab ability of these two groups to cooperate. The activism into parliamentary politics expected resolution of the Israel-Palestinian also helped thwart potential challenges conflict according to the 1947 Partition to the state, such as armed struggle or Plan also necessitated a positive approach civil disobedience[4]. Finally, the political to relations with the state and its Jewish participation of Arab citizens reinforced majority. During these decades, Arab politics PEACEMISM | What Happened to the Israeli Peace Camp? 3/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi in Israel focused on civil rights and equality, lands, a policy that eventually led to the first not on collective national aspirations. Given Land Day. On that day, March 30, 1976, the the assumption that in any scenario, they Arab community first held mass marches would remain an integral part of Israeli and rallies against ongoing expropriation society, that is where they invested their of their land, mainly in the Galilee region efforts and political resources. located in northern Israel. The government chose to forcefully suppress the protest, Arab politics in Israel focused with tragic results: six young Arab Israeli״ on civil rights and equality, men were killed and hundreds wounded. not on collective national The first Land Day, marked annually since then, became a milestone in the development ״aspirations of the Palestinian-Arab identity in Israel and However, this strategy did not achieve the the relationship between this minority and desired results. The Arab minority remained the state. The Israeli Arab leadership saw suspect to parts of Jewish-Israeli society it as the day the wall of fear that had held with more political power than those who this power structure in place collapsed. advocated for a domestic alliance. The They hoped to leverage the event to form military administration imposed on Arab a collective representative body, such as citizens from 1948 to 1966 evidenced the an Arab Israeli parliament, a notion that suspicion with which the first- and second- matured only in the late 1980s, when an generation Jewish leadership viewed them. attempt was made to organize a nationwide While the rhetoric of the Zionist left favored conference of Arabs in Israel. Then-Prime political participation, in practice Israeli Minister Menachem Begin banned the event, Arabs suffered discrimination and were legally relying upon the national emergency barred from fully enjoying the fruits of the regulations. It became clear that abiding by young country’s progress, its growing wealth the law and working towards egalitarian and speedy development. Worse still, the coexistence was not going well. state continued to dispossess Arabs of their ← Pamphlet of the Israeli Communist Party calling for unity and brotherhood of the working class beyond the borders of race, ethnicity and nationality Heinrich Böll Stiftung Tel Aviv 4/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi October 2000: Arab communities in Israel and ended in Disillusionment sets in tragedy. The riots, which lasted throughout the first week of October 2000, marked Despite these vicissitudes, the Arab parties the end of Jewish-Arab coexistence. The supported Yitzhak Rabin’s government until partnership collapsed, along with the hopes his assassination. They helped form the of Israeli Arabs that the conflict was on the majority bloc that allowed the Oslo Accords verge of resolution and they on the brink of to go ahead. This was the heyday of relations flourishing coexistence with their Jewish between Israeli Arabs and the Zionist left. neighbors. That was the watershed moment The rhetoric of Jewish-Arab partnership that shattered their confidence in Arab citizens״ – was translated into action, and resources cooperation with the Zionist left were allocated closing socioeconomic whose government, headed by Ehud saw themselves gaps and developing infrastructure in Arab Barak and Minister of Public Security as not only communities. Arab participation in public Shlomo Ben-Ami, had sent the forces life was viewed more positively, and this to forcefully suppress the protests. part of Israeli minority went from being the ultimate society, but also suspects to legitimate and even desirable At the time, I was working as an as key players political partners.
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