(Im)possible Alliance The Rocky Relationship of the Zionist Left and the Israeli Arabs

Marzuq Al-Halabi (Im)possible Alliance The Rocky Relationship of the Zionist Left and the Israeli Arabs

Marzuq Al-Halabi

A quarter of a century later, it is safe to shifts began to alter the political climate say that the assassination of Yitzhak in and throughout the region. These Rabin (1995) was a turning point in the changes affected the Palestinian-Arab relationship between the Palestinian-Arab minority in Israel and its relationship with minority and the Jewish majority in Israel. the state and with Jewish society. In the That was the moment in time when the following analysis I focus on the changing Israeli Arabs went from being welcome to relationship with the Zionist left, whose being “persona non grata” in Israeli society, governments – until Rabin’s assassination and when the Jewish majority shifted from – had enjoyed the unqualified support of actively promoting the inclusion of this the Arab electorate. minority in national politics to advancing their exclusion. Until that time, the ruling elites, who were commonly associated Arab citizens invited to with the Zionist left, had sought to include “participate in building the Palestinian citizens of Israel in parliamentary country” politics. This was based on the understanding that the Jewish majority needed the Arab Israel’s Declaration of Independence from minority’s blessing when the state was 1948 appealed to Arab citizens to take part first established, and that integrating them in building up the newly-formed country. into national politics would help reinforce Although policy on the ground was governed Israel’s status as a democracy[1] (there by security reasons – e.g., subjecting Arab were, of course, additional motivations, to citizens to a military administration for be discussed further on). almost twenty years – this founding principle was translated into an inclusive, respectful Then came the events of October 2000 and discourse that prevailed for many decades. the beginning of a reverse trend among The integration of Arab citizens into Israeli the Jewish-Israeli elites, especially on the society and politics was initially a way to right. The growing right-wing bloc began to reinforce the government’s legitimacy, by reiterate its objection to the participation receiving the blessing of the of Arab citizens in Israeli politics[2]. Arab who had remained in Israel while others citizens found themselves navigating became refugees. The Israeli Communist between these opposing views, as profound Party, which relied upon Jewish-Arab

Heinrich Böll Stiftung 2/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi partnership, treated the establishment of the Zionist narrative of the conflict and the state as a welcome anti-imperialist lent legitimacy to its existence within the move to counter the reactionary Arab forces Arab region. in the region[3]. The party advocated for a progressive socialist state that would The state’s motivations coincided with the benefit all the working classes in Israel, Jews interests of the local Arab elites, although and Arabs alike. The local Arab leadership, arguably the latter had no promising on its part, embraced the new state’s alternative. The war between their country invitation and eagerly joined in national and their nation actually increased the politics. Yet this minority still struggled motivation of Israeli Arabs to participate in to gain full legitimacy from the Israeli politics and distinguish themselves from establishment. Jews and Arabs in Israel met the Palestinians outside Israel’s sovereign at the intersection of common interests, borders, including those fighting against it. driven by a mutual wish for legitimacy, with As far back as the early 1950s, MK Tawfik both seeking an alliance between the new Tuby of the Communist Party even proposed state and its Arab citizens. that Arab citizens be enlisted to the Israeli army in order to strengthen their Jews and Arabs in Israel met identity and integrate them as equal citizens. Communist circles later ״ at the intersection of common argued that his real goal had been interests, driven by a mutual wish to prevent the deportation of Arabs .remaining in Israel after the war ״for legitimacy

Over time, this idea expanded to serve In the first few decades of Israel’s existence, other goals. The Jewish elites, namely the domestic Arab politics operated on the pragmatic Zionist left, wished to emphasize assumption that at least some parts of the existence of moderate Arabs – i.e., the Israeli governments wished to see citizens of Israel who vote for parliament the Arab minority integrated into the – as opposed to extremist Arabs who call country’s political and social life. In our for destroying the Zionist entity. These conversations over the years, the late writer elites also wanted to prove that Israel Emil Habibi, who was an MK for the Israeli was the only democracy in the Middle Communist Party “Maki” in the 1960s and East, as exemplified by giving all citizens 1970s, stressed the good ties that existed the vote. The image of a lone democracy between Arab MKs and many actors in Israeli grew more important as regional tensions politics, including Jewish religious parties rose. Also, giving Palestinians in Israel the and the socialist Mapam Party. The Israeli vote helped to distinguish them from the Communist Party, which dominated Arab Palestinians remaining outside Israel’s Israeli society until the 1980s, assumed borders, and became a key feature in that reasonable coexistence depended shaping this minority as first Israeli and on an alliance between Jewish and Arab only then affiliated to the Arab region or workers, and that Israel’s future lay in the the Palestinian nation. Channeling Arab ability of these two groups to cooperate. The activism into parliamentary politics expected resolution of the Israel-Palestinian also helped thwart potential challenges conflict according to the 1947 Partition to the state, such as armed struggle or Plan also necessitated a positive approach civil disobedience[4]. Finally, the political to relations with the state and its Jewish participation of Arab citizens reinforced majority. During these decades, Arab politics

PEACEMISM | What Happened to the Israeli Peace Camp? 3/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi in Israel focused on civil rights and equality, lands, a policy that eventually led to the first not on collective national aspirations. Given . On that day, March 30, 1976, the the assumption that in any scenario, they Arab community first held mass marches would remain an integral part of Israeli and rallies against ongoing expropriation society, that is where they invested their of their land, mainly in the Galilee region efforts and political resources. located in northern Israel. The government chose to forcefully suppress the protest, Arab politics in Israel focused with tragic results: six young Arab Israeli״ on civil rights and equality, men were killed and hundreds wounded. not on collective national The first Land Day, marked annually since then, became a milestone in the development ״aspirations of the Palestinian-Arab identity in Israel and However, this strategy did not achieve the the relationship between this minority and desired results. The Arab minority remained the state. The Israeli Arab leadership saw suspect to parts of Jewish-Israeli society it as the day the wall of fear that had held with more political power than those who this power structure in place collapsed. advocated for a domestic alliance. The They hoped to leverage the event to form military administration imposed on Arab a collective representative body, such as citizens from 1948 to 1966 evidenced the an Arab Israeli parliament, a notion that suspicion with which the first- and second- matured only in the late 1980s, when an generation Jewish leadership viewed them. attempt was made to organize a nationwide While the rhetoric of the Zionist left favored conference of Arabs in Israel. Then-Prime political participation, in practice Israeli Minister banned the event, Arabs suffered discrimination and were legally relying upon the national emergency barred from fully enjoying the fruits of the regulations. It became clear that abiding by young country’s progress, its growing wealth the law and working towards egalitarian and speedy development. Worse still, the coexistence was not going well. state continued to dispossess Arabs of their

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Pamphlet of the Israeli Communist Party calling for unity and brotherhood of the working class beyond the borders of race, ethnicity and nationality

Heinrich Böll Stiftung Tel Aviv 4/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi

October 2000: Arab communities in Israel and ended in Disillusionment sets in tragedy. The riots, which lasted throughout the first week of October 2000, marked Despite these vicissitudes, the Arab parties the end of Jewish-Arab coexistence. The supported ’s government until partnership collapsed, along with the hopes his assassination. They helped form the of Israeli Arabs that the conflict was on the majority bloc that allowed the verge of resolution and they on the brink of to go ahead. This was the heyday of relations flourishing coexistence with their Jewish between Israeli Arabs and the Zionist left. neighbors. That was the watershed moment The rhetoric of Jewish-Arab partnership that shattered their confidence in Arab citizens״ – was translated into action, and resources cooperation with the Zionist left were allocated closing socioeconomic whose government, headed by Ehud saw themselves gaps and developing infrastructure in Arab Barak and Minister of Public Security as not only communities. Arab participation in public Shlomo Ben-Ami, had sent the forces life was viewed more positively, and this to forcefully suppress the protests. part of Israeli minority went from being the ultimate society, but also suspects to legitimate and even desirable At the time, I was working as an as key players political partners. Three years were enough organizational consultant for the in achieving to create a feeling of euphoria that the New Israel Fund. I saw firsthand the peace with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was about to be havoc that this mutual crisis of faith Palestinians and resolved, thanks to the Oslo Accords, and wreaked on Jewish-Arab relations the rest of the that Arab citizens could expect a bright in general, and specifically in joint ״future of civic equality and fulfillment of organizations. The feeling was one of Arab world their rights. Official declarations spurred a mutual betrayal. The Zionist left was this sentiment, drawing Jews and Arabs seen as unwilling to recognize the basic right together and generating high hopes. In of Arab citizens to mass protest, while the those years, Arab citizens saw themselves latter were seen as having crossed a line and as not only part of Israeli society, but also betrayed Israel in favor of their Palestinian as key players in achieving peace with the brethren in the Occupied Territories. Once Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world. the rupture occurred, it was difficult to go The political partnership with the Jewish back. It was also hard to formulate a joint majority seemed poised to improve their manifesto by Jews and Arabs concerning lives and finally make them equal citizens. the October events. Both Arabs and Jews left their workplaces at joint nonprofits, and After Rabin was assassinated, the euphoria these ceased to function. I recall how the initially persisted. Yet willingness to teams at the New Israel Fund (an American cooperate with the Zionist left came to nonprofit working to promote equality and an abrupt end in the October 2000 riots, democracy in Israel) decided to hold an when 13 young Arabs were killed by Israeli internal dialogue between Jewish and Arab security forces deployed specially with employees in order to rebuild our relationship. sniper backup to suppress demonstrators The process took about two years and was, flooding the streets. The protests had after hard work, declared a success. erupted in response to the violence of Israeli security forces against Palestinians, The crisis drove both sides, the Zionist left and especially in the al-Aqsa mosque compound, Arab , to examine what had happened where then-opposition leader to their relationship and how it could be had paid a visit. The violent clashes reached rebuilt. For the Arab community, the October

PEACEMISM | What Happened to the Israeli Peace Camp? 5/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi

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Demonstrations by Palestinian citizens of Israel in early October 2000 events dealt a severe blow to their sense of to demanding a bi-national state within affiliation with the state. The young people the 1967 borders with just distribution of killed were seen as the victims of a just resources and government. struggle for freedom of protest and for the existence of a national Palestinian identity. The documents[5] reframed the position of Israeli Arabs became bitterly disillusioned Israeli Arabs, calling for coexistence and for with the basic assumptions that had guided a historical resolution to their relationship their political activity for decades. with the state. The goal was to engage in dialogue with Zionist leftist circles The October events dealt a severe about the core issues, in the hope of״ blow to Israeli Arabs’ sense of correcting the distorted relationship between the two communities. ״affiliation with the state One major mistake was that the Large groups of Israeli Arab intellectuals Arab leadership in Israel did not adopt the and activists gathered to discuss the new documents or leverage them, despite great state of affairs and how best to respond. The interest expressed in Jewish circles. Another result was the publication of four “vision flaw was that the documents focused on the documents” in 2006-2007, outlining the desired future and ignored less favorable desired relationship between the Israeli scenarios. They did, however, challenge the state and its Arab minority. The significance assumptions of “traditional” Arab politics of the documents lay in being the first about an alliance with the Zionist left and coordinated measure taken to make the the feasibility of the two-state solution. They ambitions of Israeli Arabs clear to the Jewish also highlighted the need to examine other majority – not another party platform or potential solutions, such as civic nationalism nonprofit work plan, but the detailed, non- or a bi-national contractual democracy. They partisan credo of Arab society in Israel. were written in the language of international The visions outlined in the documents law and United Nations conventions on the ranged from expanding the idea of autonomy rights of national, linguistic and indigenous

Heinrich Böll Stiftung Tel Aviv 6/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi minorities, and also addressed issues into Israel’s legal system, political discourse such as a post-national state, historical and daily life. reconciliation, and distributive and transitional justice. This rhetorical style was A group of Israeli Arab researchers recently adopted in order to relate to international published several strategic analyses[9] norms beyond the local confines of the determining that the new right-wing elite Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The authors is systematically steering Israel away from believed that couching controversial issues the original Zionist vision of a Jewish Today, many״ in international language would create a and democratic state, towards a space for dialogue and offer a way out of future that may include one law for Israeli Arabs the impasse. Jews and another for Arabs. These new politics no longer aspire, even believe that the rhetorically, to resolve the conflict, Nation-State Conceptual change: From establish “two states for two peoples” law marked seeking a solution to or guarantee civil rights. Instead, they another phase, accepting the lack of one are reviving separatist elements in but certainly Israeli politics[10]. This is part of a not the last, in The vision documents of the ‘00s laid out broader context: many Jewish Israelis the sea-change constructive goals for the Israeli Arab believe that the Zionist enterprise community, such as working towards a bi- has achieved a historic victory, while sweeping Jewish ״national state, coexistence with the Jewish Arab nationalism has suffered defeat society community and historic reconciliation. in the wake of the Arab Spring[11]. Israeli Jewish politics, however, took a sharp The current mood of the Jewish public is turn to the right after the October 2000 reminiscent of the euphoria and intoxicating events and the . A belligerent sense of power that followed the 1967 war, nationalist discourse developed, culminating after Israel defeated the Arab armies in six so far in the 2018 Nation-State Law. Many days. The geopolitical power structure that saw this law as a significant move towards has formed in the region since the first Gulf excluding Arab citizens from the political War tends overwhelmingly in Israel’s favor. domain – a record low in Israeli anti-Arab The remaining strategic threats, such as legislation[6]. In addition, the government’s and , are not existential. decision to ignore the recommendations of Israel’s geo-strategic position has improved, the Or Commission[7], which investigated fomenting arrogance, racism and policies that the October events and strongly criticized run roughshod over Arab neighbors, including the establishment’s treatment of Arab its own citizens. Israeli Arabs are reaching the citizens, was taken as a sign of Jewish conclusion that their relationship with Jewish unwillingness to fix the ailing partnership. society is set to deteriorate, not improve. This The rift widened and hate speech against is creating a demand for different politics Israeli Arabs reached troubling heights, with that are better suited to the new right-wing manifestations of racism and harassment view of Arabs as second-class citizens who of Arab citizens increasing in the following belong to the Arab Middle East and are not years[8]. Today, many Israeli Arabs believe integral to Israel. that the Nation-State law marked another phase, but certainly not the last, in the sea- Meanwhile, their erstwhile ally, the Zionist change sweeping Jewish society. It is seen left, is struggling with its own crisis and as a meaningful constitutional change that holds little sway over the direction that will filter, in both spirit and terminology, Israel is taking. The new Jewish elites have

PEACEMISM | What Happened to the Israeli Peace Camp? 7/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi adopted nationalist rightwing ideas and situation will be volatile, as Israel will have to are gradually uprooting the cornerstones contend with demographic equality between laid by the Zionist left: Israel as a Jewish the Jewish and Palestinian collectives in and democratic state, the principle of rule the entire area stretching from the Jordan of law, the separation of powers and the River to the Mediterranean Sea. This will independence of the judiciary, and civil bring us back full circle to the origins of liberties. The Zionist left is busy defending the conflict. To counter this alarming trend, the rule of law, democratic institutions Jews and Arabs need to join forces and Jews and״ and its very existence and legitimacy, redefine the left as a shared ideological which in the current political climate, is space[12] promoting Jewish-Arab Arabs need to often evaluated via its attitudes towards partnership. join forces and the Palestinians, whether within Israel or redefine the in the Occupied Territories, whereby any Both Jewish and Arab activists are expression of support for the rights of Israeli trying to find an effective formula for left as a shared Arabs is met with widespread denunciation. such an alliance[13], to fight against ideological ״the dire political situation created space Being on the “left” has become synonymous by the rule of the right. Apparently, with being “pro-Arab”, ostensibly at the there can be no “liberation” or coexistence expense of the Jewish public. Since their without a shared struggle. Living together major ally has collapsed, Arab Israeli politics requires taking action together. Should the are now focusing on dealing with the political attempt ever be made to transfer nationalist right and the radical approaches Arab Israeli citizens out of the country, it it is trying to integrate into Israeli politics. will hopefully encounter joint, decisive The Zionist left, in turn, is not eager to Jewish-Arab resistance. Our mission is now renew its alliance with the Arab minority. to strengthen the alliance between Jews True, some Arab and Jewish political circles and Arabs in Israel who wish to support the still believe in joint action, but the overall existence of Israel as a democracy. dynamic is of separation. With the national discourse being led by the right, the Zionist left is trying to regain the support of the political center by undercutting the Arab public, while the Arab leadership is trying to emphasize its Palestinian-Arab identity and its loyalty to democracy and to resolving the conflict. The general feeling is that we are back to square one from 70 years ago, as though the Jewish-Arab conflict just began.

In summary, Arab politics in Israel are reorganizing around the perception of looming escalation. The guiding assumption is that the Israeli right will try to eliminate the boundary between sovereign Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories and annex some or all of the latter, while shrinking democratic space and pushing into a corner. The

Heinrich Böll Stiftung Tel Aviv 8/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi

Endnotes

[1] This position was consistently upheld, from [7] See: http://reut-institute.org/en/Publication. the Declaration of Independence that called for aspx?PublicationId=3482 (accessed 31 July 2019). the Arabs remaining within the boundaries of the new state to take part in building it up, to repeated [8] See, for example, the Association for Civil statements by the founding generation that the Rights in Israel: https://law.acri.org.il/en/category/ participation of Arab citizens in Israeli politics was arab-citizens-of-israel/arab-minority-rights/ desirable and would aid their integration into the (accessed 31 July 2019). life of the new state. [9] Two such reports have been published [2] The right began voicing this approach while by strategic thinking groups consisting of still in the opposition – demanding, for example, intellectuals and Palestinian-Arab scholars in that any concession in the Occupied Territories Israel. See the website of the I’lam Center in be contingent on a Jewish-only referendum, : http://www.ilam-center.org/en/default. or vilifying Arab citizens as a fifth column and aspx (accessed 31 July 2019). engaging in daily incitement against their elected leaders. One blatant manifestation was the [10] See the latest strategic report by the I’lam raising of the electoral threshold for the Knesset, Center: http://www.ilam-center.org/en/default. which was seen as an attempt to reduce Arab aspx. Also, many articles and conferences have representation. used this terminology to describe the situation in recent years. See: http://www.mada-research. [3] This discourse dominated the party until the org/2016/09/15 (accessed 31 July 2019). mid-1960s, when the party split and leaders Shmuel Mikonis and Moshe Sneh left. See https:// [11] See Marzuq Al-Halabi, “Palestinian Citizens en.idi.org.il/israeli-elections-and-parties/parties/ Must Decide What Kind of Future They Want”: maki/ (accessed 31 July 2019). https://972mag.com/palestinian-citizens-must- decide-what-kind-of-future-they-want/122851/ [4] In many rulings rejecting Arab lists or (accessed 31 July 2019). candidates for the Knesset, Israel’s High Court of Justice declared both implicitly and openly [12] See Marzuq al-Halabi et al., “You Have the that such cooperation would ensure control Power to Stop Apartheid: An Open Letter to AIPAC”: over the populace and circumvent unwanted https://972mag.com/you-have-the-power-to- developments. Also, the Arab leadership stop-apartheid-an-open-letter-to-aipac/140666/ emphasized its focus on nonviolent civil struggle, (accessed 31 July 2019). in keeping with the rule of law. [13] See an enlightening article by Prof. Gadi Algazi, [5] These documents are available on the an expert on Arab-Jewish partnership, critically websites of the organizations that helped lay analyzing relations in this partnership: “An Israeli- the groundwork for their formulation, including Palestinian Struggle for a Shared Future” (Hebrew): Adalah, Mada Al-Carmel and Mossawa. They were https://www.haokets.org/2019/04/21/%D7%9E published in Arabic, Hebrew and English. %D7%90%D7%91%D7%A7-%D7%99%D7%A9%D 7%A8%D7%90%D7%9C%D7%99-%D7%A4%D7% [6] See the reasoning for Adalah’s petition to the 9C%D7%A1%D7%98%D7%99%D7%A0%D7%99- Supreme Court against the Nation-State Law: %D7%9C%D7%A2%D7%AA%D7%99%D7%93- https://www.adalah.org/en/content/view/9569 %D7%9E%D7%A9%D7%95%D7%AA%D7%A3/ (accessed 31 July 2019). (accessed 31 July 2019).

PEACEMISM | What Happened to the Israeli Peace Camp? 9/10 (Im)possible Alliance Marzuq Al-Halabi

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Marzuq Al-Halabi Poet, journalist and writer

Marzouk AlHalabi is a poet, journalist and writer. He has a regular column in the daily Al-Hayat in which he is writing about literary criticism and culture criticism. Prior, he has been the editor of the culture pages in the daily Al-Ittihad and held various editing positions for about 14 years.

His academic education is in comparative its social and political functions, majority literature, political science, and law. He has and minority relations, globalization and expertise in diverse areas of knowledge the national state, nationalism, conflict such as, identity and culture, language and resolution and modern Arabic literature.

Heinrich Böll Stiftung Tel Aviv 10/10