Crossroads in Modern Russian History
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The Killing of William Browder
THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER Bill Browder, the fa lse crusader for justice and human rights and the self - styled No. 1 enemy of Vladimir Putin has perpetrated a brazen and dangerous deception upon the Weste rn world. This book traces the anatomy of this deception, unmasking the powerful forces that are pushing the West ern world toward yet another great war with Russia. ALEX KRAINER EQUILIBRIUM MONACO First published in Monaco in 20 17 Copyright © 201 7 by Alex Krainer ISBN 978 - 2 - 9556923 - 2 - 5 Material contained in this book may be reproduced with permission from its author and/or publisher, except for attributed brief quotations Cover page design, content editing a nd copy editing by Alex Krainer. Set in Times New Roman, book title in Imprint MT shadow To the people of Russia and the United States wh o together, hold the keys to the future of humanity. Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like the evil spirits at the dawn of day. Thomas Jefferson Table of Contents 1. Bill Browder and I ................................ ................................ ............... 1 Browder’s 2005 presentation in Monaco ................................ .............. 2 Harvard club presentation in 2010 ................................ ........................ 3 Ru ssophobia and Putin - bashing in the West ................................ ......... 4 Red notice ................................ ................................ ............................ 6 Reading -
Ukraine in a Geopolitical Game Between the West and the Russian Federation
Ukraine in a Geopolitical Game between the West and the Russian Federation Wiktor Możgin1 Ph.D. Student, Jagiellonian University in Kraków (Kraków, Poland) E-mail: [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5744-8103 The beginning of the 21st century told all observers of international politics about the phenomenon of a rivalry revival between the West and the Russian Federation. Moscow’s resurgent imperialist aspirations are being negated both by the United States and by the countries of the European Union. In the context of world events, Washington loses its hegemonic position in favor of the reviving powers, which Russia is also included to nowadays. The territory of the Ukrainian state is the area in which the active phase of rivalry between the West and the Russian Federation currently takes place. The Donbas war is an exemplification of the Kremlin’s expansionist plans, because by destabilizing the integrity of Ukraine, Russia wants to restore control over this territory. This raises the fundamental issue concerning the subjectivity of Ukraine in the international arena. Therefore, will Ukraine be able to cope with the struggle of the great powers in the context of geopolitical clash, in which it is treated as the object of struggle? The multifaceted nature of this phenomenon is the basis of this article, which presents the situation of Ukraine in the context of the geopolitical rivalry between the West and the Russian Federation. Keywords: geopolitics; objectivity of the state; Ukrainian-Russian war; destabilization; Ukraine Received: October 23, 2018; accepted: November 19, 2018 Ukrainian Policymaker, Volume 3, 2018: 36-42. -
Exorcising Stalin's Ghost
TURNING BACK TOTALITARIANISM: Exorcising Stalin’s Ghost Matthew R. Newton The Evergreen State College N e w t o n | 1 "During times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act." --George Orwell The death of Joseph Stalin left the Soviet Union in a state of dynastic confusion, and the most repressive elements of the society he established remained. After Nikita Khrushchev secured power in the mid-1950s, he embarked on a campaign to vanquish these elements. While boldly denouncing Stalin’s cult of personality and individual authority in his ‘Secret Speech’ of 1956, he failed to address the problems of a system that allowed Stalin to take power and empowered legions of Stalin-enablers. Khrushchev’s problem was complex in that he wanted to appease the entire Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 and yet legitimize his position of power. The level of embeddedness of Stalinism in the Soviet Union was the biggest obstacle for Khrushchev. Characterized with the “permanent” infrastructure of the Soviet Union, Stalin’s autocratic rule was intertwined with virtually all aspects of Soviet life. These aspects can be broken down into four elements: Stalin’s status as an absolute champion of Communism, and his cult of personality; the enormous amount of propaganda in all forms that underlined Stalin as the “protector” of the Soviet Union during threat and impact of foreign war, and the censorship of any content that was not aligned with this mindset; the necessity and place of the Gulag prison camp in the Soviet economy, and how it sustained itself; and the transformation of Soviet society into something horrifically uniform and populated with citizens whom were universally fearful of arrest and arbitrary repression. -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests
Order Code RL33407 Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Updated July 28, 2008 Stuart D. Goldman Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s chosen successor and long-time protege, was elected President of the Russian Federation on March 2, 2008 with about 70% of the vote. Medvedev, formerly First Deputy Prime Minister, announced during the campaign that if elected, he would propose Putin as Prime Minister. Medvedev was inaugurated as President on May 7; Putin was confirmed as Prime Minister the next day. The Kremlin’s Unified Russia party had previously swept the parliamentary election (December 2, 2007), winning more than two-thirds of the seats in the Duma. U.S. and EU observers criticized both elections as unfairly controlled by the governing authorities. Nevertheless, Putin’s widespread popularity in Russia led many to conclude that the election results corresponded to Russian public opinion. The economic upturn that began in 1999 is continuing. The GDP, domestic investment, and the general living standard have been growing impressively after a decade-long decline, fueled in large part by profits from oil and gas exports. There is a budget surplus, and the ruble is stable. Some major problems remain: 15% of the population live below the poverty line; foreign investment is relatively low; inflation is rising; and crime, corruption, capital flight, and unemployment remain high. Russian foreign policy has grown more self-confident, assertive and anti- western, fueled by its perceived status as an “energy superpower.” Russia’s drive to reassert dominance in and integration of the former Soviet states is most successful with Belarus and Armenia but arouses opposition in Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: the Role of Contingency in Party-System Development
The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: The Role of Contingency in Party-System Development HENRY E. HALE ocial science has generated an enormous amount of literature on the origins S of political party systems. In explaining the particular constellation of parties present in a given country, almost all theoretical work stresses the importance of systemic, structural, or deeply-rooted historical factors.1 While the development of social science theory certainly benefits from the focus on such enduring influ- ences, a smaller set of literature indicates that we must not lose sight of the crit- ical role that chance plays in politics.2 The same is true for the origins of politi- cal party systems. This claim is illustrated by the case of the United Russia Party, which burst onto the political scene with a strong second-place showing in the late 1999 elec- tions to Russia’s parliament (Duma), and then won a stunning majority in the 2003 elections. Most accounts have treated United Russia as simply the next in a succession of Kremlin-based “parties of power,” including Russia’s Choice (1993) and Our Home is Russia (1995), both groomed from the start primarily to win large delegations that provide support for the president to pass legislation.3 The present analysis, focusing on United Russia’s origin as the Unity Bloc in 1999, casts the party in a somewhat different light. When we train our attention on the party’s beginnings rather than on what it wound up becoming, we find that Unity was a profoundly different animal from Our Home and Russia’s Choice. -
Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach. -
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T
RUSSIA WATCH No.2, August 2000 Graham T. Allison, Director Editor: Ben Dunlap Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Production Director: Melissa C..Carr John F. Kennedy School of Government Researcher: Emily Van Buskirk Harvard University Production Assistant: Emily Goodhue SPOTLIGHT ON RUSSIA’S OLIGARCHS On July 28 Russian President Vladimir Putin met with 21 of Russia’s most influ- ential businessmen to “redefine the relationship between the state and big busi- ness.” At that meeting, Putin assured the tycoons that privatization results would remained unchallenged, but stopped far short of offering a general amnesty for crimes committed in that process. He opened the meeting by saying: “I only want to draw your attention straightaway to the fact that you have yourselves formed this very state, to a large extent through political and quasi-political structures under your control.” Putin assured the oligarchs that recent investi- The Kremlin roundtable comes at a crucial time for the oligarchs. In the last gations were not part of a policy of attacking big business, but said he would not try to restrict two months, many of them have found themselves subjects of investigations prosecutors who launch such cases. by the General Prosecutor’s Office, Tax Police, and Federal Security Serv- ice. After years of cozying up to the government, buying up the state’s most valuable resources in noncompetitive bidding, receiving state-guaranteed loans with little accountability, and flouting the country’s tax laws with imp u- nity, the heads of some of Russia’s leading financial-industrial groups have been thrust under the spotlight. -
Medvedev Succession
BR POLIC IEF MEETING MEDVEDEV: Y THE POLITICS OF THE PUTIN SUCCESSION Andrew Wilson SU On 2 March, Russians will in all probability elect Dmitry Dmitry Medvedev’s election on 2 March 2008 offers EU leaders a new chance to overcome their disunity and Medvedev as their new president. A 42 year-old, English- put their uncertain Russia policy on a better foundation. speaking, economically literate lawyer, often described as a Whatever his personal inclinations, Medvedev will be “liberal”, the ex-chairman of Gazprom cuts a different figure unable to behave like a democrat in his first years in office. MMARY from Putin and his political mentor’s KGB acolytes. Will his EU leaders should cautiously welcome the new president’s election bring a new start for EU-Russian relations? Or will election, but must wait and see whether Medvedev proves a willing interlocutor who can deliver. They should refrain it be more of the same - “Putinism without Putin”? Does from the foolish enthusiasm they displayed when the Medvedev represent a new opportunity, or false hope? sober and coherent Putin succeeded the ailing Yeltsin in 2000. Instead they should test Medvedev with specific This policy brief addresses four questions, each prompted demands over energy policy, Kosovo, and Iran. by one of the salient features of the system developed Medvedev, a lawyer by training, has often been depicted by Putin in Russia: Will Medvedev act like a democrat? as a “liberal”. Considering the alternatives and his own How will the proposed cohabitation with Putin work? record, he may well be one of the better options to succeed Will Medvedev eventually be his own man? And will Vladimir Putin, the outgoing autocratic president. -
Russian Politics in a Time of Economic Turmoil, Chapter in Andrew Kuchins and Anders Aslund
Russian politics in a time of economic turmoil Daniel Treisman University of California, Los Angeles [email protected] December 2009 Prepared for Russia After the Financial Crisis I thank Anders Åslund, Keith Crane, Thomas Graham, Andrei Illarionov, Andrew Kuchins, Ed Verona, and other participants in a seminar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies for helpful comments. To explain Russia’s politics in the last two decades, most scholars focus on the aims of the country’s leaders and the formal institutions they created. I argue here that such accounts miss the central element in Russia’s postcommunist political economy. Although the designs of those in the Kremlin obviously made a difference, what mattered more were economic forces that were largely beyond their control. Economic conditions shaped the contours of public opinion, which, in turn, determined how the formal institutions worked and whether the leaders would get a chance to implement their ideas. Checks—if not balances—arose spontaneously to constrain presidents who had become unpopular and then melted away when the public recovered confidence in the state’s chief executive.1 In advancing this argument, I make five claims and offer brief evidence for them. First, Russia’s dramatic economic contraction after 1990 and its vigorous recovery after 1998 were caused by factors over which the presidents in power at the time had little control. Boris Yeltsin inherited an economy that was imploding; his successor, Vladimir Putin, took over one that was poised to recover. Second, the economy’s fall and rise reshaped public opinion, first destroying Yeltsin’s popularity and then helping sustain the persistently high ratings of his successor. -
The Prospects for Russian Oil and Gas
Fueling the Future: The Prospects for Russian Oil and Gas By Fiona Hill and Florence Fee1 This article is published in Demokratizatsiya, Volume 10, Number 4, Fall 2002, pp. 462-487 http://www.demokratizatsiya.org Summary In February 2002, Russia briefly overtook Saudi Arabia to become the world’s largest oil producer. With its crude output well in excess of stagnant domestic demand, and ambitious oil industry plans to increase exports, Russia seemed poised to expand into European and other energy markets, potentially displacing Middle East oil suppliers. Russia, however, can not become a long-term replacement for Saudi Arabia or the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in global oil markets. It simply does not have the oil reserves or the production capacity. Russia’s future is in gas rather than oil. It is a world class gas producer, with gas fields stretching from Western to Eastern Siberia and particular dominance in Central Asia. Russia is already the primary gas supplier to Europe, and in the next two decades it will likely capture important gas markets in Northeast Asia and South Asia. Russian energy companies will pursue the penetration of these markets on their own with the strong backing of the State. There will be few major prospects for foreign investment in Russian oil and gas, especially for U.S. and other international companies seeking an equity stake in Russian energy reserves. Background Following the terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001, growing tensions in American relations with Middle East states coincided with OPEC’s efforts to impose production cuts to shore-up petroleum prices. -
Wiira No Me Mar.Pdf (2.061Mb)
UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL PAULISTA “JÚLIO DE MESQUITA FILHO” FACULDADE DE FILOSOFIA E CIÊNCIAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIAS SOCIAIS NAYARA DE OLIVEIRA WIIRA UMA ANÁLISE DA ESTRUTURAÇÃO DO CAPITALISMO RUSSO ATRAVÉS DA PRIVATIZAÇÃO NO GOVERNO YELTSIN (1991-1999). MARÍLIA 2020 NAYARA DE OLIVEIRA WIIRA UMA ANÁLISE DA ESTRUTURAÇÃO DO CAPITALISMO RUSSO ATRAVÉS DA PRIVATIZAÇÃO NO GOVERNO YELTSIN (1991-1999). Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais da Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, da Universidade Estadual Paulista – UNESP – Campus de Marília, para a obtenção do título de Mestre em Ciências Sociais. Orientador: Prof. Dr. Francisco Luiz Corsi MARÍLIA 2020 Wiira, Nayara de Oliveira W662a Uma análise da estruturação do capitalismo russo através da privatização no governo Yeltsin (1991-1999) / Nayara de Oliveira Wiira. -- Marília, 2020 280 f. Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual Paulista (Unesp), Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, Marília Orientador: Francisco Luiz Corsi 1. História econômica. 2. História econômica russa. 3. Privatização. 4. Capitalismo. I. Título. Sistema de geração automática de fichas catalográficas da Unesp. Biblioteca da Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, Marília. Dados fornecidos pelo autor(a). Essa ficha não pode ser modificada. NAYARA DE OLIVEIRA WIIRA UMA ANÁLISE DA ESTRUTURAÇÃO DO CAPITALISMO RUSSO ATRAVÉS DA PRIVATIZAÇÃO NO GOVERNO YELTSIN (1991-1999). Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais da Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, da Universidade Estadual Paulista – UNESP – Campus de Marília, para a obtenção do título de Mestre em Ciências Sociais. Linha de pesquisa 4: Relações Internacionais e Desenvolvimento BANCA EXAMINADORA ________________________________________ Orientador: Prof. Dr. Francisco Luiz Corsi Universidade Estadual Paulista “Júlio de Mesquita Filho” Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências ________________________________________ Prof.