Inscription from Archaic Axos, Crete Author(S): Paula J

OF BATTLE, BOOTY, AND (CITIZEN) WOMEN: A "New" Inscription from Archaic Axos, Crete Author(s): Paula J. Perlman Source: Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 79, No. 1 (January-March 2010), pp. 79-112 Published by: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40835455 . Accessed: 18/03/2014 10:12

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This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:12:44 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions „..„..a„(»..) OF BATTLE, BOOTY, AND P"g"79"" (CITIZEN) WOMEN A "New" Inscription from Archaic Axos, Crete

ABSTRACT

The authorproposes a join betweentwo previously unassociated inscribed blocksfrom Axos, Crete. These Archaicinscriptions (IC II v 5 andIC II v 6) arenow lost, but published descriptions and drawings of the blocks, along with thetext that results from this virtual join, stronglysupport their association. The new,composite text preserves part of a law or interstateagreement and appearsto concernrituals attendant to war; it is examinedhere in the broader contextof Cretan dedicatory habits and societyduring the Late IronAge and theArchaic period.

INTRODUCTION

AncientAxos was located in north-central Crete in the foothills of Psiloritis (Mt. Ida), roughlymidway between the modern cities of Herakleion and Rethymnon.1Excavations on theacropolis of the polis-town late in the 19thcentury revealed the remains of a largepublic building dating to the Archaicperiod. A numberof blocks believed to havecome from the walls ofthis building bear inscriptions in theepichoric alphabet of Axos. This articlefocuses on twoof these inscriptions, Inscriptiones creticae (IC) II v 5 andIC II v 6. Althoughautopsy is notpossible, as thecurrent location of theblocks is unknown,the published descriptions and drawings of them, as wellas thetext that results from their proposed association, suggest that IC II v 5 andIC II v 6 belongtogether, perhaps even "joining" along the rightedge of IC II v 6 and theleft edge of IC II v 5. The newtext that resultsfrom this "join" seems to concernrituals attendant to war, possibly

1. See Perlman2004b, pp. 1153- AnnualMeeting of the American Gagarin,David Hill, Charalambos 1154,no. 950. PhilologicalAssociation (San Fran- Kritzas,Mark Southern,and thetwo Earlyversions of this paper were cisco,January 2-5, 2004). I wouldlike anonymousHesperia referees for their presentedat theinternational confer- to thankthe members of both audi- insightfulcomments, and to BethChi- ence"O M')À,otiót(X(ioçarcótt|v apxotió- encesfor their remarks and Constanze chesterfor preparing Figures 1 and 2. xT|xaa>ç af|(xepa" (Panormo, Crete, Wittfor delivering the paper for me in All translationsare my own. October24-30, 2003) and at the135th San Francisco.I am gratefulto Michael

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:12:44 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 8o PAULA J. PERLMAN includingsacrifice and the tithing of booty. Of particular interest is a referenceto páaxai ("citizen women") in this context, a reference that may shed lighton the cults of goddesses at several Cretan sanctuaries, including one at Axositself, with votive assemblages consisting ofarms, armor, and terracotta figurinesof naked and clothed females. I begin with a briefhistory of the discoveryand subsequent fate of the Archaic epichoric inscriptions from Axosbefore turning to a closestudy of the 19th- and early-20th-century drawingson whichthe new composite text is based.I concludewith an explorationofthe broader historical implications ofthe composite text for LateArchaic Axos and Crete.

DISCOVERY AND LOSS OF THE EPICHORIC INSCRIPTIONS OF AXOS

Modernstudy of the Archaic epichoric inscriptions of Axosbegan with thepublication in 1865of Colonel T. A. B. Spratts Travelsand Researches in Crete.In hisaccount of the remains of ancient Axos, Spratt described a slabof marble bearing a "verycurious inscription in characterspartially reversedand of very early date/'2 Spratt discovered this inscribed block at a springnear the modern village of Axos.3 Although local women had used it as a surfacefor scrubbing their clothes, thus wearing away much of the originalsurface, Spratt managed to transcribeparts of the text. In thefall of 1879, the French epigrapher Bernard Haussoullier visited Axosand transcribedan additionalfive epichoric inscriptions (Table 1, nos.5-8, 10A).These were published in 1885.4At aboutthe same time (1884-1887),the Italian archaeologist and epigrapher Federico Halbherr includedAxos in hisitinerary when he exploredCrete on behalfof the Ministerodell'Istruzione Pubblica.5 Although he was unable to locate the inscribed"marble slab" that Spratt had transcribed,Halbherr discovered fourpreviously unknown Archaic inscriptions (Table 1, nos. 1-3, 10B) and reexaminedthe ones that Haussoullier had already studied. In thefinal decades of the 19th century, Domenico Comparetti pub- lishedthe 11 Archaicinscriptions ofAxos that were then known, incor- poratingHalbherr's notes and drawings and adding some commentary of hisown (Table 1, nos.1-10B).6 Eight of these 11 texts(nos. 1-8) were inscribedon blocksof local limestone. Comparetti concluded that seven

2. Spratt1865, pp. 77-78 (with Descrittionedell'isola di Creta.See Teza pp. 131-162; Comparetti1893, quoteon p. 78), 424-425,pl. 11:5.It is 1883; Comparetti1884. Barozzidid pp. 381-418. Halbherrs notesappear veryunlikely that the block was marble. notindicate where at Axoshe saw the in identicalform as thecritical appa- All otherinscribed blocks from Axos inscribedblock. ratusin bothpublications. Compa- areof the local limestone. For the 4. Haussoullier1885. Haussoullier rettirevised his owncommentary of inscriptionto whichSpratt refers, see brieflydescribed a sixthinscription 1888 in thelater publication. The Table 1, no. 9. (Table 1, no. 4), butdid notinclude a fournew inscriptions included no. 10B 3. Sprattwas not,as it turnsout, drawingor a transcriptionofit. in Table 1, inscribedon theback of thefirst to havestudied this inscrip- 5. Foran accountof the pioneering theblock bearing one ofthe inscription.The VenetianFrancesco B arozzi researchof Halbherr and otherItalian tionsfirst published by Haussoullier (1537-1604) includeda transcription scholarsat Axos,see Aversa2006. (no. 10A). ofthe text in his 1577 manuscript, 6. Comparettiand Halbherr1888,

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TABLE 1. CONCORDANCE OF THE ARCHAIC INSCRIPTIONS FROM AXOS

Haussoullier Comparettiand Comparetti Bile1988, Koerner Inscription ICIIv 1885 Halbherr1888 1893 SGDI pp. 28-69 1993 Nomima 11 1,2 183 5125a no. 101 1.28 2 2 3a + b 184 5125b no. 102 1.28 3 3 4 185 5125c no. 103 4 4 (no drawing) 5 186 5125d no. 104 5 5 3 6 187 5126a,b 6 6 17 188 5126a,b 7 7 2 8 189 5126c 8 8 5 9 190 9 9 10 191 5128 nos. 106,107 10A 10A 4 lia 192a 5126d,5129a, b 10B 10B lib 192b lla-f lla-f 12A,B 12a + a',b + b' no. 108 13a-d 13a-d 14a-h 14a-h 15 15 16 no. 27 no. 105 1.29 17 no. 45 2.18

of them(nos. 1-7) camefrom the walls of theArchaic building whose remainswere visible on theancient acropolis.7 During the fall of 1899, Halbherrand Gaetano de Sanctisexcavated the Archaic building on the acropolis,which they identified as a temple,and a templein thesaddle belowand to theeast of the acropolis site.8 Their excavations yielded an additionalsix fragments ofinscribed blocks from the acropolis site and 16 fromthe vicinity of the temple in the saddle. The 22 inscriptionsfrom the excavationsof 1899, together with one additional fragment ofan early text inscribedon a blockreused in a villagehouse that de Sanctishad transcribed in 1899,were first published in 1939in thesecond volume of Margherita Guarduccis Inscriptiones creticae.9 Since then, the texts of two new epichoric inscriptionsfrom Axos have been published.10

7. Comparetti1893, p. 383.The (de Sanctis).Guarducci appears to have Inscriptionescreticae as Guarducci's. case forassociating these inscribed studiednos. 12 and 13 afterthey had 10.Jeffery 1949, pp. 34-36, no. 8 blockswith the Archaic structure on beentransferred to the museum in (= Table 1, no. 16); SEG XXIII 565A theacropolis is notconclusive; see Perl- Herakleion.Although the facsimile and B (= Table 1, no. 17). Jefferynoted man2004a, pp. 191-192. drawingsof the remaining Archaic thatthe local familyfrom whom the 8. Halbherr1899; Savignoni1900, inscriptionsof Axos thatshe presents GreekArchaeological Service acquired pp. 311-312; Levi 1930-1931,pp. 44- in IC II v arenot identical to thedraw- thetwo joining fragments of no. 16 48, figs.3, 4; Aversaand Monaco 2006. ingsin theearlier publications of Haus- indicatedthat the fragments had come The acropolisbuilding, if it was indeed soullier,Halbherr, and Comparetti,to fromthe acropolis. She suggestedthat a temple,may have belonged to Apollo thebest of my knowledge Guarducci theinscription came originally from and theone belowit to a goddess;see did notherself examine the stones. I thetemple in thesaddle. The details Perlman2000, pp.. 73-74; 2004a, suspectthat these drawings depend ofthe discovery of no. 17 arenot pp. 188-191;and below,pp. 104-105. uponthe unpublished notes and draw- published.Yannis Tzifopoulos (pers. 9. Table 1: no. 11 (sixfragments ingsof Halbherr and de Sanctis,or comm.)reports the recent discovery at fromthe acropolis); nos. 12-14 (16 upontheir personal communication. Axos ofat leastone additionalepicho- fragmentsfrom the saddle); no. 15 Even so,I shallrefer to thedrawings in ricinscription.

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The 20thcentury was notkind to theArchaic inscriptions of Axos. Of thosestudied by scholars in thepreceding century, including the ones discoveredby Halbherr and de Sanctisduring their excavations in 1899, I haveascertained the current locations of only two.11 Among the unlocated,12early inscriptions from Axos are IC II v 5 andIC II v 6 (Table1, nos.5 and6), thefocus of this article.

THE "NEW" INSCRIPTION: IC II v S + IC II v 6

In thefall of 1879, Haussoullier discovered ICH v 5,reused in a housein the modernvillage, and ICH v 6, on theacropolis of Axos.13 The blockswere examinedby Haussoullier and Halbherr,and published by Haussoullier, Halbherr,and Comparetti in thefinal two decades of the 19th century.14 AnneJeffery examined IC II v 5 (hereafter,Axos 5) inJune 1947 andis likelyto haveexamined IC II v 6 (hereafter,Axos 6) thenas well;she notedthat the block bearing Axos 5 was located"in theinner stable of thehouse Tioáicriç," and was "nearly illegible."15 The drawingsof Axos 5 ofHalbherr (Fig. 1:2b, 3b), Guarducci (Fig. 1:4b),and Jeffery (Fig. 1:5b) depicta roughlyrectangular block, broken across the top, with preserved edgesat theleft, right, and bottom. Because of the later reuse of Axos 5, we cannotconclude that these edges were original, although, as I argue below,I thinkthat they were. Axos 6, too,is inscribedon a blockthat is roughlyrectangular, except for a notchthat extends left from the lower rightcorner slightly more than halfway along the bottom edge of the block (Fig. l:2a-5a). Thereis no reasonto suspectthat the block was reçutfor reusefollowing its inscribing. The textsof both Axos 5 andAxos 6 beginat theright and proceed in continuousboustrophedon for seven lines. The factthat Axos 6, the onlyone of the acropolis texts with a preservedupper edge, begins with a linerunning from right to left is significant,as I discussfurther below. An eighthline of text is inscribedon the"tab" at thebottom left of Axos 6, butit is notpossible to determineits direction.

11.Table 1, no. 1 (on theacropolis, difficultyin provingthat unlocated nearthe remains of the Archaic build- inscriptionsare actually lost. ing)and no. 12A,B (Herakleion 13. Haussoullier1885, pp. 1-2. Museum98). Jeffery(LSAG, p. 316, 14. IC II v 5 (Table 1, no. 5): Haus- nos.21, 22) indicatedthat nos. 2-8, 11, soullier1885, p. 2, no. 3; Comparetti 13,and 14 werealso in theHerakleion and Halbherr1888, pp. 145-146,no. 6; Museum,but I was notable to find Comparetti1893, pp. 401-402,no. 187. themthere in 2007 or 2009. It appears IC II v 6 (Table 1, no. 6): Haussoul- thatJeffery examined many, perhaps all, lier1885, p. 2, no. 1; Comparettiand ofthe Archaic inscriptions from Axos Halbherr1888, pp. 147-148,no. 7; in 1947. Fordigitized images of her Comparetti1893, pp. 403-404,no. 188. notesand drawingsof these texts, see 15. Poinikastas:"notes, dwgs and Poinikastas.No. 16 is also in theHera- transliterationsof316.22 (IC 2.5.4, kleionMuseum (inv. no. 279), notin IC 2.5.5,IC 2.5.6,IC 2.5.7)." See theRethymnon Museum as Jeffery http://poinikastas.csad.ox.ac.uk, (LSAG,p. 316, no.23) stated. accessedunder LSAG referencenumber 12.Tzifopoulos (2006) notesthe 316.22.

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Halbherrand Guarduccirecorded the size ofthe letters in bothAxos 5 andAxos 6 as 0.07-0.08 m.16Thescale drawings of Guarducci17 suggest that thespacing of the letters and the spacingbetween lines are very similar on the two blocks,as are the shapesof the letters.For example,the crossbars ofall alphasthat are not horizontal slope down from left to right,regardless of the directionof theline. Furthermore, the samevariations in theforms of individualletters appear in both Axos 5 and Axos 6 (e.g., alpha witha horizontalor an oblique crossbar,epsilon with horizontal or oblique arms, tau witheither a shortor a long horizontalstroke).18 In lightof the similaritiesin thesize and shape ofthe letters, Compa- retti's suggestionthat the two blocks might belong to thesame inscription is not surprising.19If any attempt was evermade to determinewhether a physicaljoin of the two blockswas possible,there is no mentionof it in the publicationrecord.20 But when the leftedge of the scale drawingof Axos 5 is placed nextto the rightedge of the drawingof Axos 6, so that thelower left corner of Axos 5 alignswith the lower right corner of Axos 6, the similaritiesin the layoutof the textacross the two blocksare striking (Fig. 2). Not onlydoes the textalign perfectly across the two blocks,but the lettersappear to be slightlylarger and morewidely spaced in the first threelines on bothblocks than they are in the fourlines that follow. Fur- thermore,the lettersin line 7 on Axos 5 and the pi at the rightin line 7 on Axos 6 appearto reston thelower edges of theblocks, while the lower portionsof the six lettersto the leftof the pi (on Axos 6) are lost as the notchin Axos 6 rises slightlyfrom right to left.This suggeststhat the loweredge ofAxos 5 servedas a horizontalguide for line 7 acrossthe join. The orientationof line 7 was maintainedon Axos 6, eventhough the join betweenAxos 6 and the block immediatelybeneath it forcedthe mason to inscribethe lowertips of the letterson the blockbelow. An observationof a differentkind also recommendsassociating these twoinscribed blocks. The termnóXe[ioq occurs once in Axos 5, line2, and

16. Halbherrin Comparettiand scalefor these drawings has beenre- legalcode ofca. 525-500 b.c. It is not Halbherr1888, pp. 146-148,and Com- storedhere to approximately1:15 clearwhether Jeffery meant the term paretti1893, pp. 401-404; Guarducci (Fig. 1:2a,2b, 3a, 3b). "code"in thesense of an organized in IC II, p. 54. 18.The sameobservations concern- collectionof laws, or to indicatelaws 17. Halbherr(Comparetti and Halb- ingthe size and shapeof the letters are inscribedtogether on thewalls of the herr1888, pp. 129-130;Comparetti trueof an additionalsix of the Archaic samebuilding by the same mason. The 1893,p. 383) claimedthat his draw- inscriptionsfrom the acropolis (Table 1, evidenceis notsufficient to supportthe ingswere to scale(1:10). At thescale nos. 1-4, 7, and 11). It is possiblethat firstof the two alternatives. of 1:10,the drawings should measure thesame mason inscribed all ofthese 19. Comparettiand Halbherr1888, as follows(as theydo in Guarducci, inscriptions,although Ikonomaki p. 147; Comparetti1893, p. 403. IC II, and in Fig. 2, below):Axos 5: (2005) discernssufficient variation in 20. It is importantto keepin mind H. 0.063,W. 0.073 m; Axos6: theirletter forms to attributethem to theconsiderable size (and so weight)of H. 0.076 (at left),W. 0.094 m. How- differentmasons working during the theblocks (for measurements, see ever,Halbherr's drawings were not periodca. 550-475 b.c.Jeffery {LSAG, p. 87), as wellas thefact that they were reproducedat 1:10 in eitherpublica- p. 316, nos.21-23) attributedthe Ar- notfound together; as notedabove, tion(1888, 1893). See Comparetti chaicinscriptions from Axos to one of Axos 6 was discoveredon theacropolis, and Halbherr1888: Axos 5: H. 0.059, threelegal "codes": Table 1, nos. 12-14, whereasAxos 5 was reused(as building W. 0.072 m;Axos 6: H. 0.055 (at belongedto a legalcode ofthe early material?)in a housein themodern left),W. 0.076 m; Comparetti1893: 6thcentury b.c.; nos. 1-8 and 11 be- village,where it was studiedin situby Axos5: H. 0.064,W. 0.077 m;Axos 6: longedto a secondcode ofca. 525- Haussoullier,Halbherr, and Jeffery. H. 0.060 (at left),W. 0.082 m.The 500 b.c.; and no. 16 belongedto a third

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Figure 1. Drawingsof Axos 6 (left column)and Axos 5 (rightcolumn). la, lb (notto scale):Haussoullier 1885, p. 2, topleft (Axos 6) and bottom(Axos 5); 2a, 2b (scaleca. 1:15): afterComparetti and Halbherr1888, pp. 147-148 (Axos6), pp. 145-146 (Axos5); 3a, 3b (scaleca. 1:15): afterComparetti 1893, pp. 403-404 (Axos6), pp. 401-402 (Axos5)

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Figure 1 (continued). Drawings of Axos 6 (leftcolumn) and Axos 5 (right column). Scale 1:15. 4a, 4b: after Guarducciin IC II, p. 54,bottom (Axos 6) andtop (Axos 5), withtext of Guarducci below;5a, 5b: afterPoinikastas, courtesy L. H. JefferyArchive of the Centre for theStudy of Ancient Documents, Oxford University

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Figure2. Axos 6 + Axos 5. Scale 1:10.After Guarducci in /CII, p. 54 oncein Axos6, line3. The termis attestedin justone otherepichoric Cretaninscription, an early-5th-centurylaw fromGortyn exempting fromseizure certain kinds of property, including equipment used in war (/CIV 75B,lines 1-3). A secondlexical feature of the inscribed wall blocks fromAxos underscores the significance ofthis observation. Of the 13 texts thatpreserve more than a fewletters (Table 1, nos.1-7, 9-lla, 16),five (nos.1-4, 16) includevarious forms, both nominal and verbal, of the root *werg/.21The coincidencethat Axos 5 andAxos 6 do notpreserve *werg/ termsbut do share a termthat is otherwiseextremely rare in theArchaic Cretanlexicon is striking. Withtwo exceptions (Axos 6 andTable 1, no. 12B),the first line of allmultiline epichoric texts from Axos that are inscribed on blockswith a preservedupper edge begin at the left.22 Again with two exceptions (Table 1, nos.12A and14g), the same is trueof texts of only one line.23 These ob- servationssuggest that inscriptions from Axos usually began at theleft. Our originaltext, then, is likelyto havestarted with a linerunning from theleft to theright on a blockhigher up thewall. The distancebetween thetop of the letters in line1 ofAxos 6 andthe upper edge ofthat block appearsto be aboutthe same as theinterlinear space elsewhere in Axos 5 andAxos 6. The finalline inscribed on theblocks immediately above Axos5 andAxos 6 may,then, have rested directly on thelower edge of thoseblocks, as does line 7 on Axos 5. The textmust have continued ontoa block(or blocks)to theleft of Axos 6. On theother hand, as I arguebelow, it is likelythat the text is completeat theright. It is not possibleto determineif line 8, on the"tab" at thebottom of Axos 6, is thefinal line of the text.

21. Table 1, no. 1, lines6-7: fep- line7: [- fe]pyaaxa. 23. Table 1, nos.8, lib, 14f,15. yaKaáaxai; no. 2, line9: to fépyov; 22. Table 1, nos. 1, 4, 7, 9, 10B, 13a, No. 14c preservesone lineof text that no. 3, line4: pepyaÇe[- ]; no.4, 13b.It is notpossible to determinethe beginsat theright, but it is notpossible line5: xof£pyo[ - ]; no. 16,lines 3-4: directionof no. 10A,line 1, or no. 14a, to determineif the upper edge of the xovf[epya]oxáv, line 5: pepyaaxáç, linei. blockis preserved.

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Text and Translation

Axos6 Fig.l:la-5a H. 0.76 (at left),W. 0.94,Th. 0.36 m L.H. 0.07-0.08m Limestoneblock, roughly rectangular except for a notchthat extends leftfrom the lower right corner slightly more than halfway along the lower edgeof the block. Found by Haussoullier in 1879 on the acropolis of ancient Axos.Dimensions from Guarducci, IC II, p. 54.

Axos5 Fig. l:lb-5b P.H. 0.63,W. 0.73,Th. ca. 0.23 m L.H. 0.07-0.08m Roughlyrectangular limestone block. Left, right, and loweredges preserved.Found by Haussoullier in 1879reused in a housein the modern villageof Axos. Dimensions from Guarducci, ICH, p. 54. The underlinedletters are inscribed on Axos5.

ca. 500 b.c. boustrophedon [---- - i [èv] piSoci,mill FloxeiÔavio[ - ] <~ [- ]e0evTi|iev I to noXe'i'o'. I là ápxf)U£V TÔ K0Xé,[i0 I [ ] [- x]6 5' âta> Ô£K(xtoFíev r' ÀoyKÍ- 5 ov ove alé. I to jjièvôékoctov [- ] v [- ]ev tocGiva. I ai 8' a' aaTal r' a- - - foiTOAnEi.inEiriAI ò kócuo[ç -] ¿.AT^-'-i [ ] [ on] Mt. Ida, andto Poseidon[ ] [ ] fromthe war shall be [ ].

The thingsfrom the war here [ ] [ ] fromthe other dekaton a wien or a spear 5 theones who at thetime. The dekaton[ ] [ ] thesacred things. But if the citizen women, after itwas seized,[ ], thekosmos [ ]

Epigraphical Commentary

The majorityof the difficult readings occur in Axos 5. Haussoulliers draw- ingofthat block (Fig. 1:1b),which is theearliest documentation ofthe inscription,represents the left, right, and lower edges as jagged, rather than thestraight edges depicted in the later drawings of Halbherr (Fig. 1:2b, 3b), Guarducci(Fig. 1:4b), and Jeffery (Fig. 1:5b), and he recordsconsiderably fewerletters than they do. It is likelythat at thetime Haussoullier exam- inedthe block, some material (stucco, mortar, or perhaps paint) associated withits reuse obscured portions of thetext, particularly at the edges of theblock. Halbherr must have cleaned the stone before drawing it. Even so,the letters along the left and right edges of Axos 5 appearto havebeen difficultto read(Fig. l:lb-5b).

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Line 1: f Halbherr(Fig. 1:2b,3b) recordsthe lower two-thirds of the obliquestrokes and what looks like a bitof a crossbarat theright. Haussoul- lier(Fig. 1:1b),Guarducci (Fig. 1:4b),and Jeffery (Fig. 1:5b) showonly the oblique strokes.Guarducci records the letteras a dottedalpha. 8 Halbherr(Fig. 1:2b, 3b) recordstwo oblique strokesand tracesof thebase of the delta.Haussoullier (Fig. 1:1b), Guarducci(Fig. 1:4b), and Jeffery(Fig. 1:5b) recordonly the oblique strokes. Restoringan iota wherethe stonehas brokenaway at the proposed join betweenAxos 5 and Axos 6 yields m[i]. At the end of the line (Axos 6), possiblyo[w - ]. Line 2: e Apartfrom Haussoullier s (Fig. 1:1a), the drawingsdepict tracesof the vertical stroke and ofthe upper and middlehorizontal strokes (13is also possible); e.g., [ to 8Kaoup]e6ev(jiépoç) tíuevtô TtoÀiujo] "the (share) thathas been set aside fromthe war shall be [ ]"; [ u]e0evTijiev tô 7coX,éjui[o]"from the war shall be invalid"(jLieGév or ur|9évfor ur|ôév;cf. uT|0évoc [IC II xii 20, line 6]). For ur|ôèvr''iev "shall be invalid," see SEG XXVII 620; IC IV 72x, lines 24-25. Comparettiand Halbherr 1888 and Comparetti1893 [ótvT]e0év,Guarducci [ T]e0ev. |i All of the drawingsrecord the firstthree strokes of the mu. For the ablativeuse of the genitive(tô 7ioÄijx[o]"from the war"),see Bile 1988, pp. 302-303. The end of line 2 coincideswith the end of a sentence. Line 3: aprii = olvtov(adv., "[just] there/here"). See /CIV 87, line 9; 172, lines 1, 3. Line 4: i Haussoullier(Fig. 1:1b) and Jeffery(Fig. 1:5b) recorda shortoblique strokehigh in theletter space. Halbherr(Fig. 1:2b,3b) and Guarducci(Fig. 1:4b) recordwhat looks like a smallchi with the right half drawnwith greater certainty than the left.Comparetti (Comparetti and Halbherr1888, Comparetti1893) and Guarducciinterpret the letter as k, but the oblique strokesof the fullypreserved kappas appearto be longer and to forma moreacute angle than do the two strokesin question. The termpiev is notattested elsewhere. It can be explainedas a nominal derivativeof Indo-European *wiH- "pursue," from which both ïç "strength" and itijii"send" derive. It is mostlikely either a nominalizedneuter parti- ciplemeaning "pursuing/being strong thing," or a nominalizedpossessive adjectivemeaning "pursuit-full/force-full thing." This derivationsuggests thatthe termperhaps refers to a projectileweapon (arrowor javelin). r| Halbherr(Fig. 1:2b,3b) recordsan abradedvertical stroke and two abradedhorizontal strokes extending to theright of the vertical, one at the top and one at the bottom,with a shorthorizontal stroke that does not attachto thevertical between the two longerones. Guarducci(Fig. 1:4b) andJeffery (Fig. 1:5b) recorda verticalstroke and a nearlyhorizontal stroke thatextends to the rightfrom the top of thevertical (e is also possible). yAll drawingsrepresent the two legs. Halbherr (Fig. 1:2b,3b) indicates the tailof a digammain a roughspot on the stone.Comparetti (Compa- rettiand Halbherr1888, Comparetti1893) printsa digamma(no dot) in the editedtext. Guarducci(Fig. 1:4b) representsthe tail as a dottedline 24. Haussoullierdoes notrecord the and a dotted NeitherHaussoullier prints digamma. (Fig. 1:1b) norJeffery digammas tailanywhere in Axos5 or (Fig. 1:5b) recordsthe tail.24 Axos 6 (Fig. 1:1a, lb).

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1 Haussoullier(Fig. 1:1b) recordsan unambiguousiota. Halbherr (Fig. 1:2b,3b) and Guarducci(Fig. 1:4b) recorda shortoblique stroke highin theletter space and a yetshorter oblique stroke that intersects it to forma Y-shapedmark. Jeffery (Fig. 1:5b)records nothing to theright ofthe kappa. Line5: Apartfrom Jeffery 's (Fig. 1:5b), the drawings record traces of a letterat theright edge of Axos 5. Haussoullier(Fig. 1:1b) recordsthe upperpart of a verticalstroke; Halbherr (Fig. 1:2b,3b) recordsa short verticalstroke and a curvedstroke that joins the vertical at top and bottom creatinga small loop to theright; Guarducci (Fig. 1:4b)records the join- ingupper tips of a verticaland obliquestroke. Halbherr 's remarkthat this"letter" is inscribedvery deeply suggests that it did notresemble the inscribingof the other letters.25 Perhaps what was interpretedas part of a letterwas insteaddeep pitting in thestone that forced the mason to inscribethe omicron some distance to theleft of theright edge of the stone(cf. the vacat in line 6 ofAxos 5 betweeniota and eta). In thiscase, thetext could be understoodto wraparound lines 4-5 to formthe word XoyKÍov"(small) spear." For p/v, compare OTtopôôáv for orcovôriv (Table 1, no. 1, line 9); forthe -lov suffix,rare before the Hellenisticperiod,26 compareTtociôíov (IC IV 72iv, line 5); èrceviocÓTiov"annual sacrifice"? (SEG XXVII 631B,line 13). If thetext does wrap around from line 4 to line5, theright edge of Axos 5 is theright edge of the inscription and thereshould not be anytext missing between the end of the lines reading fromthe left (lines 2, 4, and6) andthe beginning of lines reading from the right.This works for lines 2-3, where we canrestore the final omicron of 7toXé|i[o]at theend of line 2. Line 3, as indicatedby the vertical dividing lineand the postpositive |iév following toc àpríi, begins a newunit of text. Forlines 6-7, seebelow. OVÇ= ox>q.övoai = oticouis alsopossible, perhaps referring tothe àaxocí in line6. Butwhat follows on Axos6 (punctuationand postpositive uev) suggeststhe beginning of a sentence(see below, p. 91),thus making it difficultto construethe epsilon at theend of the sentence (övooci e). aíé = aieí/àeí(Herodian GG 3.1.497[Lentz]). The adverboccurs in onlyone other early inscription from Crete, where it is spelledccíeí (/CIV 72xi,line25). I Halbherr(Fig. 1:2a, 3a) andJeffery (Fig. 1:5a) record a vertical stroke consistentwith a verticaldividing line; Guarducci (Fig. 1 :4a) drawsa stroke thattilts slightly toward the right and resembles a leg of a san.Comparetti 1893records the sign as a verticaldividing line. Guarducci does not suggesta letterin heredited text. The verticaldividing line here marks the divisionbetween sentences. juLThe drawingsof Halbherr(Fig. 1:2a,3a) permitthe reading of a mu.Comparetti and Halbherr 1888 and Comparetti 1893 record xò (|i)ev ôémxovin the edited text. The drawingsof Haussoullier (Fig. 1:1a), Guar- ducci(Fig. 1:4a), and Jeffery (Fig. 1:5a) recorda clearnu. Guarducci, who 25.In andHalbherr Comparetti notesthat Halbherr confirmed the reading of nu here, has tov èvôémiov 1888,p. 146,and Comparetti 1893, 402:"II delTOè in heredited text. p. segnoprima scolpito assaiprofondamente." Line 6: [ ]ev perhapsan infinitiveending, e.g., [ xéMJevtoc 26.Bile 1988, pp. 171-172. Giva"fulfill the sacred obligations" (IC IV 72x,line 42); [ 'n' ivii]|iev

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:12:44 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 9O PAULA J. PERLMAN xà Giva"shall not be eligibleto participate in rituals"(cf. IC II xii22 with Chaniotis1996, pp. 402-403). The verticaldividing line here marks the division between sentences. a' forai. The firstletter in line 6 onAxos 5 is an alphainscribed some distanceto theright of the left edge of the stone. The drawingsof Haus- soullier(Fig. 1:1b),Guarducci (Fig. 1:4b),and Jeffery (Fig. 1:5b) record nothingto theleft of this initial alpha. Halbherr (Fig. 1:2b, 3b) suggestsa shortoblique stroke high in the letter space that would be consistentwith i or K.27Comparetti records this as a k; Guarducciasserts that there are no tracesof the kappa. Reading an iota does not alter the meaning of the text: aí ô' ai àaxaí. Forthe spelling àaxaí withoutan initial digamma, compare SEG XXIII 566,line 7, a lawof the 4th or 3rd century b.c. from Axos that men- tionsàaxáç inthe context of the dedication of apanhai. All drawings indicate thatthere is a flawin thestone aaxai thatwas left uninscribed. following* r' = temporaladverb "after"/"when or adverb of place "where" (Bile 1988,pp. 211-212). In itstemporal sense r' usually appears with m + sub- junctive;see Willetts 1967, pp. 67-68. For the use of the optative (ocAxnxo) throughassimilation intemporal clauses, see, e.g., SEG XXVII 620;/CIV 72iv,line 10, with Willetts 1967, p. 63, andBile 1988,pp. 256-257. The adverbof place seems to be ruledout by the optative. Line 7: X Halbherr(Fig. 1:2b,3b) and Guarducci(Fig. 1:4b)record a shorthorizontal stroke high in theletter space. Haussoullier (Fig. 1:1b) andJeffery (Fig. 1:5b) record no tracesto theright of the initial omicron. The shortstrokes of the other lambdas in Axos5 (lines2 and4) forma moreacute angle than the abraded trace of the stroke in line 7, but reading a dottedlambda yields ocA,oixo, aor. opt. aAioKojiai (x is alsopossible). A Halbherr(Fig. 1:2b,3b) recordsthe upper part of twointersect- ingoblique strokes and thecrossbar; Guarducci (Fig. 1:4b) andJeffery (Fig.1:5b) do notshow the crossbar. n Alldrawings record the upper part of two vertical strokes and a hori- zontalbetween their upper tips (H is alsopossible). E Halbherr(Fig. 1:2b, 3b), Guarducci (Fig. 1:4b), and Jeffery (Fig. 1:5b) recorda horizontalstroke at thetop of the letter space and a bitof the verticalstroke. There is roomfor one letter following E. n All drawingsbut Haussoullier's (Fig. 1:1a) recordthe upper part of twovertical strokes and a connectinghorizontal. A Halbherr(Fig. 1:2a, 3a), Guarducci (Fig. 1:4a), and Jeffery (Fig. 1:5a) recordthe upper parts of two intersecting oblique strokes. Theremay be oneletter lost (on Axos 5) betweenthe second omicron andA andanother lost between A andFI, although it is alsopossible that here,too, the stone was pitted and the mason left the spaces uninscribed. Line 8: Guarducci(Fig. 1:4a,following Halbherr?) records the two centraloblique strokes and part of the right leg of san (I) andan oblique strokein theletter space to theright of the I. The a.oax shesuggests in theapparatus criticus does not tally with her drawing.

27. The letterf is ruledout by the inscribedacross the proposed join positionof the stroke so closeto the betweenthe two blocks. leftedge of the stone. No lettersare

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Punctuation

Punctuation(a verticalline) is preservedin all but one of the early inscriptionsfrom Axos.28 It occursfive times in theeight preserved lines of our "new,"composite inscription: once each in lines2, 5, and6, andtwice in line3. In line3, the postpositive uev, which is inscribedacross the proposed join betweenthe two blocks, indicates that toc àfxx] is phrase-initialand followsa pause,as is also suggestedby the punctuation immediately in front(to the right) of xá at thebeginning of the line on Axos5. Punctua- tionis usedin a similarposition in lines5 and6, where the postpositives uév(line 5) and8' (forôé, line 6) indicatethat to andai arephrase-initial. I suggestthat in all three cases, the punctuation denotes the pause between sentences.29The sameclaim cannot be madefor the punctuation in line2 followingthe verb tìuev. As understoodhere, the genitive to rcoXiuois a nominaldependent of the subject noun phrase (e.g., [ tò £Kaaip]e6èv (uépoç)to 7ioA,éu[o]"the [share] that has been set aside from the war"). The punctuationthat precedes the genitive might represent a pause reflecting theappositional force of the nominal dependent and its dislocation from thenoun it dependsupon. In line3, in contrast,the nominal dependent (to rcoAiuo)is adjacentto thesubject noun phrase upon which it depends (tÒcàpcrj), and an interpunctfollows rather than precedes it. The lacuna afterthe second punctuation mark in line 3 makesit impossible to determineif it represents a pause following the complete subject. In theother fouroccurrences in the"new" text where the use ofthe punctuation can be analyzed,it occurs where we mightexpect it, and so presentsno chal- lengeto theproposed join ofthese two blocks. As a finalobservation on theuse of punctuation in the"new" text, it is worth pointing out that here as elsewhereon Cretethe vertical dividing line occurs both between and withinsentences.

Date

Featuresof the writing itself (letter forms, layout of the texts on the blocks, and use ofpunctuation) provide the only clues for dating the "new" inscriptionfrom Axos.30 Scholars agree, albeit for slightly different reasons, thatthe inscribed blocks from the acropolis belong to thelate 6th or early 5thcentury b.c. Guarducci emphasized the absence of the letter qoppa and thefact that the inscriptions from Axos, unlike the epichoric inscriptions fromelsewhere on the island, begin at the left.31 The letterqoppa, however, doesnot appear to have been included in all of the 7th-6th-century alpha- betsused by various Cretan communities (it is notattested, for example,

28. The exceptionis Table 1, no. 3. pp. 189-190; Gagarin2008, p. 48. fromthe walls of the building on the The verticaldividing line is themost 29. The verticaldividing line occurs acropolis,the date ofthat structure is commonform of punctuation in the in thisposition in Table 1, no. 1, lines4, notknown. Cult activitiesappear to earlyinscriptions (public and private) 12,and 14. havetaken place in itsvicinity from the fromCrete and is widelyattested on 30. The archaeologicalcontext is of 7thcentury b.c. onward;see Prent theisland. For discussion, see Bile littlehelp in datingthe inscription. 2005,p. 248. 1988,pp. 73-74;Jeffery LSAG, pp. 308 Even ifit couldbe demonstratedthat 31. IC II, p. 48. (esp.fig. 45), 309; Perlman2002, Axos5 and Axos 6 cameoriginally

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:12:44 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 92 PAULA J. PERLMAN in thelaws of the 7th-6th century b.c. fromDreros), and so itspresence orabsence is nota goodcriterion for dating.32 Furthermore,the preference for beginning a textfrom the left may be a practicepeculiar to Axosrather than an indicationof date. Masons workingin other communities on theisland, where writing began from the rightduring the 7th and 6th centuries, continued to begin their inscribing fromthe right until well into the 5th century b.c.33 Unless the masons of Axoswere precocious in switchingto retrogradewriting, or theearliest inscriptionsfrom Axos are one to twogenerations later than commonly proposed,itwould seem that writing from the left was a peculiarityofthis Archaiccommunity. Jeffery assigned the acropolis inscriptions tothe period ca. 525-500b.c., adducing the late forms of several letters (e3, i2, p3,d3) andthe absence of "archaic paragraphing."34 Ifdeveloped letter forms and theabsence of archaic paragraphing suggest a Late Archaic or Early Classi- - caldate, the use of the vertical dividing line whichseems to go outof use, - atleast at Gortyn, before the beginning ofthe 5th century cautions against takingthe acropolis inscriptions too far into the Classical period.35 In sum, then,the admittedly weak criteria of letter forms, layout, and punctuation recommenda Late Archaic date for the acropolis inscriptions.

Commentary Line 1: Sacrifices to Poseidon and to Zeus As notedearlier (p. 86),the direction of line 1 suggeststhat the inscription beganhigher up on the wall. It is notpossible to estimate how much text is missing.What survives in line 1 clearlybelongs to a provisionconcerning sacrifices,perhaps including a sheep(o[iv]),36 or someother form of gift to at leasttwo gods: Zeus, inferred from the mention of his famous cave sanctuaryon Mt. Ida, and Poseidon. Apart from this reference toPoseidon, theonly other evidence for the god s cultat Axosis a six-letterfragment ofan Archaicinscription that has been restored [ uoxeJiSavA0[ ] (Table1, no. lib).37 The referencetoZeus s sanctuaryon Mt. Ida inthe "new" inscription is byfar the earliest evidence from Axos for his cult;38 other sources for his cultthere are no earlierthan the end of the 4th century or beginning of the3rd. A sacredlaw of theLate Classicalor EarlyHellenistic period requiredthe officials of Axos (the kosmos or theapokosmos) to sacrificea

32. Bile 1988,p. 75. 35. Perlman2002, pp. 189-190; wearsa peplosand holdsa shieldand a 33. Guarducci(IC IV, p. 40) dated Gagarin2008, p. 123. sword.Levi (1925-1926,pp. 124-134; theearliest inscriptions from Gortyn 36. Cf.IC IV 3 (Gortyn,7th-6th cen- 1945,pp. 293-313) identifiedthe figure thatare certain to havebegun at theleft turyb.c.) forthe sacrifice of ewes (oiç as Apollo.Hoffmann (1972, pp. 23-24, (IC IV 78, 80) to theperiod ca. 450- Ondeia)to Apollo,Hera, and Demeter. 37) confirmed(on thebasis of the fig- 400 b.c. Cf.Nomima 1.7 and 1.16,early 37. Forthe worship of Poseidon on urespeplos) the suggestion of Guar- 5thcentury. Crete,see Willetts1962, pp. 289-290; ducci(1937) thatthe figure is a female, 34.Jeffery LSAG, pp. 308-309,314. Sporn2002, p. 388,table 13. mostlikely Athena. Capdeville (1990, "Archaicparagraphing" refers to the 38. An engravedbronze mitra (ab- pp. 94-95), who does notmention practiceof beginning a newunit of text dominalarmor) from Axos (late7th- Hoffmann,identifies the figure either witha linefrom the right regardless of early6th century b.c.) depictsa long- as Zeus himself,or as theyouthful pre- theboustrophedon pattern; see Jeffery hairedbeardless figure emerging(?) Hellenicgod withwhom Zeus was L&4G,pp.44,311. froma tripodcauldron. The figure laterassimilated.

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hekatombto Zeus Agoraios if theyfailed to performtheir duties as the law prescribed.39The god's thunderboltwas depictedwith a tripodon the reverseof one of the citys silverissues (with Apollo s head on the obverse)of about the same period (ca. 320-270 b.c.).40On laterissues (3rd-2nd century),the head of Zeus replacesthat of Apollo on the obverse,while on the reversethe god s thunderboltis showneither alone or witha tripod.41 The worshipof Idaian Zeus is nototherwise attested at Axos untillater still,in a decreeof the 1stcentury b.c. thatmentions the god in a provision - - concerningAxioi (or perhapsthe officials proedroiand kosmoi ofAxos) whoviolate the terms of the decree.42 Although the clause mentioning Zeus Idatas is not fullypreserved, the occurrenceof his name in the accusative suggeststhat he was invokedas a divineguardian of this public enactment: "let Zeus Idatas punishthe wrongdoer."43 Worship at the Idaian Cave began in Middle Minoan III or Late Minoan I (ca. 1700-1425 b.c.) and continuedwithout interruption until the 5th centuryA.D.44 Although the earliestsecure evidence for the wor- shipthere of Idaian Zeus is late,45there is generalagreement that his cult was introducedby the EarlyIron Age (ca. 970-630 b.c.), supplantingthe olderMinoan worshipof an annuallydying and risingvegetation god.46 Notableamong the dedicatory objects are the bronze tripod cauldrons and thebronze armor and weapons(the decorated bronze shields in particular) thatbegan to appear in the 9th centuryand continuedthrough the end of the 7th.47The cult celebratedthere has been variouslyidentified as a vegetation/fertilitycult associated with the dying and risinggod, an initiatorycult of male maturation,or an initiatorycult for male warriors.48 The presenceof dedicatoryofferings that imply a femaleclientele (e.g., gold jewelry)suggests that the cult of Idaian Zeus was ofbroader appeal, or that the male god was worshippedthere together with a femaledeity.49

39. SEG XXIII 566,lines 13-16. 43. Cf, e.g.,IC III iii 3B, lines17- dedicatoryhabits at thesanctuary, see Zeus,whom Hesychios identified as 18: erciopKovTiuèv tjuev toç Geòçéuuá- Prent2005, pp. 314-318,367-388, thegod ofthe hekatomb in Arcadia viaç Kai yíveaBaircávxa xa tmevavxía, 571-572. and Crete(s.v. 'EKaxoußaioc- Zeùç èv and withvery slight rewording, lines 48. Robertson1996, pp. 251-252; Topiwfl Kai Tcap''Apmoi Kai KpTiaiv), 23-24; JCIII iii 5, lines22-23: ai ôé Prent2005, pp. 594-601; Chaniotis hasbeen proposed as therecipient of xi e7ciopKT|aai|iitcov œuoaa r' xcovRhea? Hera?) was wor- deville(1990, pp. 96-97) identifies Prent2005, pp. 592, 603. Prentsug- shippedtogether with Zeus, see Rob- boththe youthfiil divinity on theearlier gests(p. 603) thatZeus's cult was ertson1996, pp. 251-253; Prent2005, silverissues and thebearded god rep- introducedtoward the end ofthe pp. 375, 603. Robertsonconcludes that resentedon thelater bronze ones as 2nd millenniumb.c. beforeZeus's arrivalthe sanctuary Zeus. 47. Forthe bronze votives from the hosteda cultof Mater. 42. IC II v 35,line 11: AíivaFiôáxav. cavesanctuary on Ida and shiftsin

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The cave'sremote location, just below the summit on thenorth side ofMt. Ida at an altitudeof 1,500 m, and the types, quality, and quantity of theobjects dedicated there suggest that during the EarlyIron Age andArchaic period the cave was an interregionalsanctuary and a locus ofaristocratic display.50 Axos is theclosest substantial settlement known to havebeen occupied in theEarly Iron Age and subsequentperiods.51 The "new"inscription from Axos provides the earliest evidence for state interestin thecult. Such interest on thepart of Gortyn is attestedin the mid-5thcentury b.c. in a provisionof the agreement between Gortyn and theRhittenioi stipulating that the Rhittenioi were to contribute"to Ida" sacrificialanimals worth 350 statersfor the trieteric sacrifice.52 Later, state interestin the cult of Zeus Idaios is attestedbeyond the immediate vicinity ofMt. Ida. Zeus Idataswas numberedamong the oath gods in alliances notonly of Gortyn and its neighbor Priansos, but also of Olous, Lyktos, andHierapytna in centraland eastern Crete.53 State interest in thecult is attestedas wellin western Crete, at Kydonia(modern Chania).54 If line1 doesrefer to sacrificialofferings rather than to someother formof gift, what, if anything, does this suggest about the nature of the "new"inscription from Axos? The earlyinscriptions from Crete men- tionsacrifices inseveral different contexts. They are prescribed for expiation orpurification inone early law, listed in what appear to be fragmentsfrom sacrificialcalendars, and required of treaty partners in interstate agreements andof individuals in agreementsbetween the polis and membersof the community,and their performance is regulated in lawsthat appear to be largelysacred in content.55Some textsspecify the sanctuary where the

50. Prent(2005, pp. 159,314, 567- line7). "Trieteric"probably does refer thefact that although they had depos- 569) discussesthe location of the sanc- to a festivalor sacrifice,but it is notat itedwith Idaian Zeus a copyof the tuaryand itslikely function as a region- all certainthat this ritual took place on treatyof sympoliteia that they had al (or interregional)gathering place Mt. Ida. Anotherof the early laws from swornwith the Apolloniatai, the Kydo- duringthe Early Iron Age and theAr- theacropolis at Axos refersto a trieteric niatainevertheless destroyed Apollonia chaicperiod (ca. 970-480 b.c.). See also sacrifice(Table 1, no. 9), butagain and itsinhabitants. The episodeis Chaniotis2006b, pp. 202-203. Forthe thereis no reasonto associateit with datedto theperiod ca. 184-170 b.c.; functionof (inter)regionalsanctuaries thecave sanctuary on Ida. see Chaniotis1996, pp. 285-287. It is as loci ofelite display and competition, 53. Allianceof Gortyn and Hiera- likelythat the sanctuary in question see Prent2005, pp. 216, 560-566. pytnawith Priansos (IC IV 174, was thefamous one on Mt. Ida, butit 51. Capdeville(1990, pp. 93-94) lines57 [restored]and 72-73,late shouldbe notedthat another sanctuary suggeststhat the cave lay within the 3rdcentury b.c.); allianceof Olous and ofthe god was locatedon theborder territoryof Axos. Rhodes,201/200 b.c. (SEG XXIII 547, betweenGortyn and Priansos(IC IV 52. IC IV 80,lines 1-3: xà 6[t)]uaxa line51); allianceof Olous and Lyktos, 174,line 23; forthe location of the sanc- rcapEKovxeçéç Bíôav xpí[x]oi[pé]xei 111/110b.c. (ICI xviii9C, Une5). tuary,see Chaniotis1996, pp. 251-252). xpiaicaxíovç(a)[x]axfip(xvç Kai rcevxé- Zeus Idatashas beenrestored in the 55. Expiation/purification:SEG XV Kovxa.Chaniotis (1988, pp. 34-35) oathsof several other Cretan treaties: 564. Sacrificialcalendars: Bile 1988, suggeststhat an amphictyonyofwhich Eleuthernaand ? (SEGXLl 743,line 6, no. 8 (Dreros);IC IV 3 and 65 (Gor- Gortynwas a leadingmember may early3rd century b.c.); Gortynand tyn).Interstate agreements: /CIV 80, havemanaged the sanctuary and cult. Arkades(/CIV 171,line 12, ca. 250 b.c.); lines1-3 (Gortynand theRhittenioi); A somewhatlater law fromGortyn Gortynand Sybrita(IC IV 183,lines ML 42B, lines14-17, 29-31, 34-38 preservespart of a provisionthat 19-20,late 3rd-early 2nd centuryb.c.). (Knossos,Tylisos, and Argos).Agree- appearsto regulatepublic sacrifice at Forthe restorations in thelatter two mentsbetween the polis and members thesanctuary on Mt. Ida (IC IV 146, texts,see Chaniotis1996, p. 201, no. 8 ofthe community: Table 1, no. 1, lines line6, late5th-early 4th century b.c.: (Gortynand Arkades),and p. 268, 12-13 (Axos);SEG XXVII 631B,Unes [ ] ai [k'] év FíÔocià nòXiqOúcovxi no. 32 (Gortynand Sybrita). 4-6, 11-16 (Datala). Sacredlaws: Table xàv èva[- ]). This laterlaw goeson 54. Polybios(28.14) tookas a mea- 1, no. 9 (Axos);Nomima 2.27 (Dreros); to mentiona "trieteric"(xpipexripiav, sureof the impiety of the Kydoniatai SEGXLl 739 (Eleutherna).

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sacrificeis to be offered,as appearsto have been the case here;56others name the god to whom the sacrificeis offered,as herefor Poseidon.57 The 5th-centuryagreement of Knossos,Tylisos, and Argos (ML 42) prescribedin greatdetail not onlythe divinerecipients of the sacrifices, but also specificsof therituals, including where, when, and bywhom they were to be performed.The firstof the provisionsin this agreementthat concernsacrifice required the priests of the Knosioi to sacrificeto Poseidon on lutos.58Apart fromthe "new"inscription from Axos, thisis the only secureevidence for the worship of Poseidon on Cretebefore the Hellenistic period.The identificationof Toxóç as the ancientname forMt. Juktas, located13 kmsouthwest of Knossos,has been widelyaccepted despite the factthat a sanctuaryto Poseidon has not been located there.59If lutos is Mt. Juktas,we mayregard Poseidon's sanctuary there as an extraurbanone, and compareit withthe cave sanctuaryof Zeus on Mt. Ida.60

Lines 2-5: The Dekaton

The termTtótauoc occurs in lines2 and 3 of the"new" inscription. We do not knowhow muchtext has been lost betweenthe end of line 1 and the beginningof line 2, butif lines 1 and 2 belongto thesame or to tworelated provisions,the offeringsto Poseidon and to Zeus on Mt. Ida shouldbe understoodin the contextof warfare.In lightof the referencesto divine offeringsand to war,it is temptingto understandto Semxov (lines4 and 5) eitheras a shareof the booty distributedto the participants,or as a synonymfor dekate (r' 8emxr|),the portionof the bootyset aside forthe gods.61The latter(i' ôemxr|)occurs in anotherprovision of the agreement of Knossos,Tylisos, and Argos (ML 42B, lines4-11): ho x[i] [ôé Ka EKôi)ou£vé]ov ¿éta)|Li£ç GDvavcpÓTEpoi, ôa[a]- [u5i tôv kôcxy]av xò xpíxovuipoç ë%evrcávxov, x[ô]- [v ôè kòcx]QáXaaav xà ¿éuioa e%evTiávxov xccv ôè [8]- [eK]áxavxòvç Kvooíovç e%ev, ho xí %' eÀojiiEçkoi[v]- [a]i- xôvôè cpaMpovxôt (lèv KocXÀ,oxeía IToGóôe a7t[(x]- yevKoivai àuxpoxépovç,xôc 5' aMa xoi ['ÀpeiKvoa]- oí àvxioéjievkoiv&i àuipoxépovç.

56. See, e.g.,Bile 1988,p. 31, no. 8 tieswith a certaincommunity, but the (Dreros);/CIV80. implicationis thata regionalor even 57. See, e.g.,IC IV 3, 65; ML 42B. interregionalfunction should at least 58. ML 42B, lines14-16: [to]i be considereda possibilityfor many of Iloaeiôavi toi évTuxôi xòv Kvoaío[v them."She distinguishesthe function iapéa 0t>]ev. of EarlyIron Age suburbansanctuaries, 59. The peaksanctuary on Mt. Juk- suchas thelower sanctuary at Axos,in tas appearsto havegone out of use integratingthe elite into the political beforethe end ofthe 7th century b.c.; community(Prent 2005, pp. 476-502) see Prent2005, pp. 160-162,319- fromthe function of extraurban sanc- 320. tuaries,such as theone on Mt. Ida, in 60. Prent(2005, p. 311) defines establishinginterregional elite networks an extraurbansanctuary as one that (pp. 559-606). "cannotbe easilyconnected with one 61. Forthe dekate, see Pritchett particularsettlement." Extraurban 1974-1991,vol. 1, pp. 93-100. sanctuaries"may . . . havehad close

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Whateverwe bothtogether take from the enemyby land, [Tyli- sos] shallby divisionhave the thirdshare of everything,and half of everythingthat is takenby sea. Whateverwe takein common, the Knosioi shallhave the dekate.But of the spoils 'phalurafor laphura'y62both shall send the finestjointly to Delphi, and the rest both shalldedicate jointly to Ares at Knossos. This passage preservesone of the earliestregulations concerning the al- locationof the profits of war to thecontingents (i.e., to theircommanders or hometownofficials) that the partiesto the agreementcontributed to a joint force.63The propertyseized on land was to be dividedinto three shares,while property captured at sea was dividedinto two.64 Knossos alone receivedthe dekatey presumably set aside from the booty prior to itsdivision into sharesfor distribution to the participants.This and the factthat the spoils thatremained after the best had been set aside to send to Delphi werededicated to Ares at Knossoscontribute to theview that Tylisos was in some sensesubordinate to Knossos.65 What,if anything, does thismid-5 th-century agreement suggest about the meaningof dekatonin the "new"inscription from Axos? Was dekaton perhapsused hereas a synonymfor dekatei66 Or does it referto a shareof thebooty allocated to thevictors (cf. to xpíxovjiépoç in ML 42B, line 6), implyingthat the bootywas to be dividedinto 10 sharesand distributed to (10?) differentrecipients? The phraseto ocA,ovôémxov (line 4) clearly impliesthat the text referred to at leasttwo dekata.If lines3 and 4 belong to thesame provision, the continuation of line 3 perhapsconcerned the first of two or moredekata implied by to ¿xÀ,oôekocto in line 4; t

62. Laphurais usuallyunderstood to whowas to receivethe shares of booty, propertyfrom the enemy, as theKno- - referto booty theproperty seized by butthere is generalagreement that sioi and Argeioiagree, so shallit be"). - thevictorious army and skula(spoils) Tylisosreceived a thirdand Knossos See Vollgraff(1948, p. 72), who sug- to theweapons and armsstripped from two-thirdsof the booty taken on land, geststhat the provision presupposes thecorpses of the vanquished enemy on and each receivedhalf of the booty theexistence of a leagueof Cretan thebattlefield. The skulawere dedi- takenat sea: Vollgraff1948, pp. 44-45; cities. catedin thetemples and sanctuariesof Graham1983, pp. 242-243; in con- 65. Kahrstedt(1941-1942) argues thevictors. The bestof the skula might trast,Kahrstedt (1941-1942) argues thatTylisos was a foreignpossession of be sentto one ofthe Panhellenic sanc- thatthe division was betweenKnossos Argos. tuariesfor public display. There is gen- and Argos.A secondprovision seems 66. It is worthobserving that ML eralagreement that here, contrary to to concernthe distribution of booty in 42 is writtenin theepichoric alphabet commonusage, xôv (paA,t>pov xôckoKXi- theevent that communities not party ofArgos and in theArgolic dialect. axeîa refersto thefairest of the spoils; to theagreement contributed forces to Thus,the use oí dekatein thistext for see,e.g., Pritchett 1974-1991, vol. 5, a jointexpedition (ML 42B, lines31- theshare set aside for the gods should pp. 132-147,365. 34): ai ôè crulurc^éoveçrcóXieç èie noXe- notbe takenas compellingevidence 63. See Pritchett1974-1991, vol. 5, jiíovëXoiev xpéuaxa I hónaicruvyvoíev thatthis term was currentin 6th-or pp. 363-368. ¿oi KvóaioiKai xoiApyeîoi I hox>%Q 5th-century Crete. 64. The passagedoes notidentify êuev("If several cities together capture

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our possessionright now?], [something shall be done withone of them]; fromanother dekatony let thosewho are [in officededicate?] a wienor a spear").67Alternatively, perhaps line 4 is partof the provision that answers xa apiriuiv in line 3 and concernsproperty seized in war thatis not apcf). The neuterplural xá in line 3 mightequally well referto spoils (aicûXa), booty(taxcpDpa), or dekata.In thatcase, lines 3-4 wouldconcern (1) thedis- positionof propertyseized in war thatis in some sense àprí', and (2) the dispositionof dekata,possibly from goods thatare not ócpcrj. If we understanddekaton as a synonymfor dekate, I knowof no case whereone communityset aside morethan one dekate,although it is perhaps possiblethat Axos setaside one dekatefor each oftwo (or more)gods (e.g.,Zeus and Poseidon).Thus, ifdekaton is used herefor the share of the bootyreserved for the gods, the evidencefor two or more dekatamight implythat the "new" inscription from Axos regulatedthe behavior of two ormore communities. A provisionconcerning the distribution of booty in a Hellenistictreaty between two east Cretan poleis, Hierapytna and Priansos, providessome supportfor this interpretation of multipledekatai: ai Ôé ti 06COVßcoôuivcov ëtanu£v àyalGòv arcò xcov rcoêuicov, r' Koiv&iéôôoâavxeç r' iôíai xilvèçnap9 èmiépcovr' mia yav r' Kaxà QáXaacav, taxvlxavóvxcovèicáxepoi Kaxòc xòç avôpaç xòç EprcovxaçI Kai xàç SeicáxaçAa|ußavovxcov emxepoi éc xàv íôílocv KÒXlV.

If,gods willing,we capturefrom the enemybooty (àyaoóv) by land or at sea, havingmarched out eitheron an officialexpedition or as privateers,each of us shallhave a shareof thebooty in propor- tionto the numberof menwho go along,and each of us shalltake the dekataifor our own polis.68 This Hellenistictreaty, like the earlierone forKnossos and Tylisos,in- cludes provisionsconcerning both booty (here simplyàya0óv) and the tithe(ôemxri) for the gods.69Here, however,each of the treatypartners was to receiveits own dekate. Allowingthe possibility that dekaton means dekate in the"new" inscriptionfrom Axos, are we justifiedin appealingto measuresin theHellenistic treatyas evidencefor earlier practice? Provisions concerning the distribution of bootyare foundin otherHellenistic treaties from Crete.70 In two of these,regulations concerning the profitsof war and those concerning importand exportoccur in succession.71This same patternis foundin the

67. Forthe interpretation ofovç aie was usedin theArchaic period on xvi5, lines17-18 (Lato and Olous, (line5), see below,p. 98. Crete. ca. 110-108 b.c.); SEGXXVl 1049, 68. JCIII iii 4, lines53-58 (shortly 70. IC I xix1, lines4-8 (Malla and lines23-25 (Hierapytnaand Lato, 111/ after205 b.c.). Lyttos,mid-3rd century b.c.); IC III 110 b.c.). Fordiscussion, see Pritchett 69. The lexiconof the Hellenistic iii 3A, lines56-58 (Hierapytnaand 1974-1991,vol. 5, pp. 363-368; Chani- treatiesfrom Crete reflects common Rhodes,late 3rd century b.c.); IC III otis1996, pp. 93-94. usagethroughout the Greek world. The iii 3B, lines7-8 (Hierapytnaand 71. ICI xvi5: distributionof booty use ofthe term ôeicáiri in theselate Rhodes,early 2nd centuryb.c.); IC IV (lines17-18), import-export(lines 15- treatiesfrom Crete for the share of the 180 (Gortynand ?,early 2nd cen- 17); SEGXXVl 1049: distributionof bootyset aside for the gods should not turyb.c.); IC IV 182,lines 14-16 (Gor- booty(lines 23-25); import-export be takenas proofthat the same term tynand Knossos,ca. 167/6b.c.); IC I (lines20-23).

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5th-centuiyagreement of Knossos, Tylisos, and Argos,72 which suggests thatat leastin thisrespect the later treaties attest some conservatism in bothcontent (regulations for the distribution ofbooty and regulations for interstatecommerce) and structure, the latter implying that booty and interstatecommerce were linked conceptually as sources of public and private revenue.73Thus, the use oflater Cretan treaties to shedlight on earlier practicesfinds some support.74 In conclusion,then, the references to dekatonin the"new" inscription mostlikely concern the distribution ofthe profits of war, either as shares ofthe booty for the men who seizedthem or as sharesof the booty set asidefor the gods. In eithercase, the reference to "theother dekaton' suggeststhat there were two or more of them, perhaps implying that the text concernedat leasttwo communities.

Lines 5-6: Public Officials and the Dedication of Weapons

The phraseovç aie (line5) mayrefer to individuals (possibly officials) who wereresponsible for some future, and presumablyrepeated, action. The - contextsuggests that the action involved the separating out of items a - wtenand a spear fromone dekatonfor special treatment, possibly as dedicationsto a god,e.g., ovç aie (KOGjiíovxaçxiGéuev) "those who (serve as kosmoi)at thetime (shall dedicate)." We mightcompare this with the phraseoí kóouoioí xok'óceì Koouiovxec ("the kosmoi who areserving at thetime"), which occurs in asylia decrees enacted by several of the Cretan poleisfor Teos.75 This latter phrase is found,albeit partially restored, in a decreefrom Malia in an accusative/infinitiveconstruction similar to that suggestedhere (IC I xix3, lines39-41, 2nd century b.c.): òcyevôè Kai e')áu£povxòç kóouoç xòç [àei Koa]|níovxaçmx' éviauxòvév xai ëicxaixã> BaK[iv0íco] ur|vóç kzX. Each yearthe kosmoi who are serving at thetime shall hold the festivalon thesixth day of the month of Hyakinthios. A shortenedform is preservedinone of the early laws from Axos: xôi xóm KOG|iíov[xi]("to the one who serves as kosmosat thetime").76

72. ML 42B: distributionof booty thesubstance and organizationof the lines9-10; IC I xiv1, line38; IC I xvi (lines4-11), import-export(lines 11- agreement.The former(alphabet and 2, line29; IC I xvi15, lines 32-33; 14). dialect)suggest that the treaty was IC II xxvi1, lines24-25; IC III iii 2, 73. The practicesattested in ML 42 inscribedin Argos,or, for the inscrip- Une9. Cf. SEG XXIII 563,Unes 22-23, differin detailsomewhat from those in tionfrom Tylisos (ML 42A), byan a 3rd-centuryb.c. alUancebetween theHellenistic treaties. For example, Argivemason working in Crete(or at Axos and Gortyn. thelater treaties adopted a policyfor leasta masonworking from an Argive 76. Table 1, no. 16. Cf. theprovi- distributingthe booty that is essentially exemplar).Even so,the communities of sionsin a decreeof Itanos providing percapita, unlike the distribution Tylisosand Knossosno doubtcon- thatxoi Tom otpxovxeçshaU in thefu- describedin ML 42. tributedto theformulation of the tureadminister the new civic oath to 74. The implicationsof the observa- agreement.Thus, the substance of its citizenswho were not present when it tionmade above (n. 66) concerningthe provisionsand itsstructure might well was firstsworn (IC III iv 7, Unes10-11, foreign(Argolic) alphabet and thedia- reflectlocal, Cretan practices. 16-17, 19). lectof ML 42 neednot carry over to 75. IC I vi 1, Une8; IC I viii8,

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The occurrenceof the hapax legomenonpiev at the join between Axos 5 and Axos 6 is, admittedly,worrisome. Yet, the incidencein the epichoricinscriptions of Crete of both hapax legomena and stringsof lettersthat defycomprehension is noteworthy,77as is the incidenceof otherwiseunattested terms identified as "Cretan"in the lexicographers.78 The etymologyfor piev proposed above (fromïr||ii; see p. 88) and the contextof itsappearance as an alternativefor a spear(XofKiov) imply that pievrefers to a projectileweapon (i.e., an arrowor perhapsanother kind ofspear). The wordióç (arrow)occurs in an epichoricinscription from the centralCretan village of Aphrati.79Even so, thisshould not ruleout the use of othernon- Greek, local, or Archaicterms for "arrow" elsewhere on the island.80The diminutiveA,oy%iov was used both fora shortspear (or spearhead)and forpendants that were spear-shaped.81 Both objects(spear/ spearheadand pendant)are attestedas votives.82 The inscriptionfrom Aphrati that mentions arrows (ICI v 4) is ofgreat interestto us.83Although the limestone stele is brokenacross the top and the beginningof the textis lost,it is clearthat the inscriptionconcerned a dedication.The public natureof the dedicationis indicatedby the use of the datingformula, [e]k' koouiÓvtov0oc|JA)vSá[pi]oç to TrjÀeyvóxoKai riavxavSpíôa xô NiKotaxo("during the kosmateof Thamundaris, the son of Telegnotos,and Pantandridas,the son of Nikolaos").This formulais commonin publicinscriptions, including dedications, but is not attested in privateinscriptions.84 The dedicationfrom Aphrati concludes with an imprecationagainst would-be thieves: ogxi[ç] a7coaxepí[ôô]oi xôv iôv ëuocviv íiiievorùxôi A6[a]vaíocv ("Whoever mightremove arrows, may Athena

77. Bile (1988,pp. 361-362) re- discoveredthe inscription in thevillage 82. E.g., spear:/GIP 1541, marksupon the frequency of Greek church. line17; pendant:/GXI.2 161B, hapaxlegomena in theCretan lexicon. 80. Cf. Hesych.s.v. ioßAric- mtaxuoç lines23-24. Two hapaxesare attested at Axosin 7tapàKpTiGÍv. Brown (1985, p. 64) notes 83. Levi (1925-1926,pp. 15-23) Table 1, no. 1: line3, xo m)uev[- ] thatmXauoç hereprobably means identifiedthe ancient settlement on (cf.Hesych. s.v. ivúeaGoti- Koaueîv, "arrowshaft" and thatthe glossed term theridge (Ayios Elias) abovethe village iôpúvecGai);line 8, ôiáâioç (gen.sing. means"arrow." Other words for arrow ofAphrati as ancientArkades; Viviers *Ôiátanç?).Comparetti (in Comparetti (e.g.,ßeôc, òigtóç, TÓêüuoc) are not (1994,pp. 234-241) as ancientDatala. and Halbherr1888, pp. 135-136) en- attestedon Crete,but compare Arte- Forthe history of the settlement (9th- tertainedthe possibility that letters are mis'sepithet Tokoìoc in theGreat Code late5th/early 4th centuries b.c.), see missingat theend ofline 8 and/orat fromGortyn (IC IV 72iii,line 9). Erickson2002; Prent2005, pp. 278- thebeginning of line 9, and proposed Hesychiosidentifies as Cretanthree 280. [p]iôia[iai KocVléoi.Comparetti (1893, otherwiseunattested terms for arms 84. IC I v 4 preservesthe earliest pp. 390-391) and Baunack(apud and armor:s.w. môuoç-Ôópi), À,ó(poç, exampleof this dating formula. For the Comparetti)associated *6iáXciq with àarciçKpfjxeç; taxíaç- àc7u8aç. Kpfjieç; use ofthe formula in publicdedications àÀôaivco"cause to grow,"suggesting pucTÓvÔópi). Kpfjxeç. The firsttwo (all Hellenisticor later),see, e.g., IC I "provisions"for *Òiakaiq. Van Effen- (môîoç,Xocíaç) appear to be ofnon- xvi26; IC I xviii12. These latertexts terre(1946, p. 592) associated*ôiáÀ,aiç Greekderivation; see Brown1985, includethe name of the tribe that held withïMxo (*eïtao), aor.2 pass. è.áXr'v, in pp. 65-66, 76. thekosmate in thedating formula; the thesense of "assembly/assemble." 81.Spear:/GII21541,linel7 nameof the tribe first appears in the 78. Forterms identified as Cretan (Athens,357/6 b.c.); SEG XLVl 185, datingformula in theGreat Code from in thelexicographers, see below,n. 80. lines14-15 (Panakton,343/2 b.c.); Gortyn(IC IV 72v,lines 5-6): ÖV ò Fornon-Greek terms in theCretan pendant:7GXI.2 161B,lines 23-24 Ai0[a]ta')ç 'xctpTÒç¿KÓouiov ot guv vocabulary,see Duhoux 1982; Brown (Delos, 278 b.c.).The mostcommon Kt>[AJAx)i);forthe identification of 1985. termfor a javelinor throwingspear startosas tribe,not genos, see most 79. IC I v 4, late6th-early 5th cen- (ctKcov)is notattested in theinscrip- recentlyKristensen 2002. turyb.c. Halbherr(1901, pp. 397-398) tionsfrom Crete.

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be angrywith him"). Halbherr suggested that the dedicationwas a battle trophy,or perhapsa bunchof arrowsdedicated to thegoddess from booty seized in war.85 Arrowheadsand spearheads/spearbutts have been found in votive con- textsat a numberof sanctuaries in Crete,most notably at Axos itself,where two bronzespear butts were recovered from the late-7th- or 6th-century b.c. depositsof bronzes(primarily armor and arms)that were discovered in thelower sanctuary.86 The dedicationof weapons, both as partof a battle trophyand by themselves, was commonthroughout the Greek world during theArchaic period.87 Inscriptions on thebutts of spearsindicate that both individualsand poleiswere responsible for these offerings.88 In some cases, the inscriptionsproclaim that the weapons were seized froman enemy;89 the dedicationsinscribed on threebronze spearbutts found at Olympia identifythe objectsas spoils (aid)tax) takenby the Tarantinoi fromthe Thourioiand dedicatedto Zeus Olympiosas a dekate.90 None ofthe arrow or spearheads/spear butts from Crete were inscribed, so thereis nothingto indicatewhether they were public gifts, as appears to have been the case forthe arrowsdedicated to Athena at Aphrati,or privateones. Assumingthat the provisionin the "new"inscription from Axos does concernthe dedication of weapons, we mayconclude that such gifts,whether public or private,were regulated by the state.If the phrase OVÇocié refers to officialsof Axos, the dedicationwas probablypublic. On the otherhand, if the dekatonfrom which the objects (wien and spear) were separatedout was a shareof the bootyintended for distribution to thosewho participatedin its capture,the regulationperhaps required the recipientsof the dekatonto dedicatea shareof what theyreceived. If the"new" inscription from Axos does provideevidence for the public dedicationof weapons seized in battle,or, for that matter, for the public

85. Halbherr1901, pp. 397-398. Cf. 587-591). Forthe bronze armor from SecondMessenian War in book4 as a Guarducci(IC I, p. 9), who suggested Axos (one helmet,one corselet,nine 4th-centuryand laterconstruction. thatthe dedication was an imageof an mitrai),see Levi 1930-1931;Hoffmann 88. Publicdedications: e.g., IvO armedAthena. 1972,esp. pp. 21-25; Monaco 2006. 245, 247, 254-256; private:e.g., Green- 86. Levi 1930-1931,pp. 69-70, 87. Simon(1986, pp. 234-259) well 1881,pp. 76-82. 82-83; Prent2005, p. 249. Arrow-and catalogues36 sanctuariesoutside of 89. E.g., IvO 247, 254-256; SEGX1 spearheadsdating to theArchaic period Cretewhere spears were dedicated and 1045. Epigramsfrom the Anthology havealso beenrecovered from the 32 wherearrows were dedicated in the suggestthat individuals might dedicate Idaiancave (Prent 2005, p. 317),Altar Archaicperiod. Cretan archers were theirown weapons to thegods upon Hill at Praisos(Prent 2005, p. 304), laterregarded as particularlyskilled; reachingadulthood {Anth. Pal. 6.282), TemplesA and B at Kommos(Shaw poetsof the Classical and Hellenistic in thanksfor success in hunting(Anth. and Harlan2000, pp. 363-370; Prent periodsalluded to theislanders' asso- Pal. 6.75,326; cf.above, n. 86), and 2005,pp. 324, 326), theacropolis at ciationwith the bow (e.g.,Callim. whenold age renderedthe dedicator Gortyn(Levi 1955-1956,p. 262 and Hymn3.81-83), while the service of unfitfor battle {Anth. Pal. 6.52). In- fig.34), thesanctuary (of Demeter?) Cretanbowmen in foreignarmies is scriptionsattesting both public and at Vrysses(Mortzos 1985, pp. 50-51; amplyattested (e.g.,Thuc. 6.43, 7.57.9; privatededications are much more - Sporn2002, pp. 281-282), and Psychro Xen.An. 1.2.9).The ubiquityof dedi- commonon itemsof armor helmets - cave(Boardman 1961, pp. 24-31, 54- catoryarrows in theArchaic period and shieldsin particular thanthey are 55; Prent2005, p. 341). The bronze perhapsbelies any earlier particular on weapons.See, e.g.,Kunze 1967 for spearheadsand bronzeand ironarrow- associationof Cretansand archery. inscribedarmor from Olympia. headsfrom the sanctuary of Aphrodite Pausanias(4.8.3) providesthe only 90. GKÛXaarcò 0o')píov Tapavxwoi and Hermesat Kato Symeare more evidencefor Cretan mercenary archers àvéoeravÀii 'OÀ')U7tíoi ôemxav (IvO likelyassociated with hunting than in theArchaic period; Luraghi (2008), 254-256,ca. 443-433 b.c.). withwarfare (Prent 2005, pp. 346, however,exposes his accountof the

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regulationof private dedications, it is worthconsidering the provision in lightof the votive weapons and armor discovered there. As notedabove, thetwo bronze spear butts from Axos comefrom votive deposits that includedother bronzes, most notably items of armor. The depositshave beendated on thebasis of the armor to the period ca. 625-575b.c., and so areconsiderably earlier than the "new" inscription from Axos.91 The armor fromAxos is notinscribed;92 the archaeological context indicates that the objectswere dedications, but it is notpossible to determine anything further aboutthe dedicators (private or public) or the source of the objects (seized fromthe enemy or the personal property of the dedicators). Votivearmor, both life-size and miniature,has beenfound at sev- eralother Cretan sanctuaries, all ofit uninscribedand so subjectto the samequestions of interpretation as the armor from Axos.93 Exceptional in thisregard is thebronze armor reportedly from Aphrati that came to lightthrough illicit excavations.94 Fourteen of the 24 itemsof armor wereinscribed; the inscriptions consist of personal names in thenomin- ative,in somecases with the demonstrative pronoun in theaccusative (xóôeor xóvôe)for the object,and in somecases with r'Xe indicating thatthe objects were captured.95 Clearly the inscriptions were not meant merelyto record ownership, but the absence of either a dedicatoryformula or thename of a divinitymakes it difficultto recognizethe objects as dedications.96 Rescueexcavations undertaken by Angelike Lebessi on thesoutheast slopeof the acropolis of Aphrati, in thearea where the armor was report- edlyfound, revealed an IronAge complexthat in itslatest architectural phase(7th century b.c.?) consistedof a walledrectangular area with a benchedroom in itsnorthwest corner.97 A bronze mitra, uninscribed but otherwisesimilar to thosediscussed above, was among the finds from the fill.Lebessi identified the complex as a sanctuary.98If she is right,and if thearmor believed to havecome from Aphrati is to be associatedwith it, we mayidentify the armor as dedicatorydespite the unusual formulary of theinscriptions. Didier Viviers, who identified the 7th-century complex as an andreton,stresses the role of such visible signs of individual courage and prowessin battlein educatingthe young, who, according to latersources, werenot excluded from the adult male activities that took place in the men s halls.99In eithercase, as dedicationsor as pedagogicaides-mémoire, the

91. Hoffmann1972, pp. 41-46. subsequentfate of this material. 97. Lebessi1969, 1970; Prent2005, 92. In 1951 theGiamalakis Archae- 95. E.g., inscribedon a mitra:Aiao- pp. 279-280. Lebessi(1970, pp. 456- ologicalCollection purchased two víôocçtóvÔ' fì^e ò KA,opiôío(SEG LII 458) identifiedtraces of an earlier bronzemitrai said to havecome from 838). The inscribeditems include three (ca. 750-700 b.c.) three-roomstruc- Axos.Platon (1951, p. 450) described ofthe five helmets (SEG LII 829-830, turebeneath the 7th-century building one ofthem as undecoratedbut in- 832), nineof the 16 mitrai(SEG LII complex. scribedin archaicletters with the name 831,833, 835, 837-842), and twoof the 98. Lebessi1969, p. 417. Hoffmann ofthe dedicatori?): Oépei . . . e7tvypa(pTiveight corselets (SEG LII 834, 836). The (1972,p. 16) suggeststhat the complex a%exiioìvuè tòvàvaoéaavxa. The mi- verbàny'ke')Ge "brought away" (from was dedicatedto Athena. trairemain unpublished. éÀ,e'>6co)replaces r'Xz in SEG LII 839. 99. Viviers1994, pp. 244-249; see 93. See Prent2005, pp. 383-388,for 96. Raubitschek(1972) notesthe also Prent2005, pp. 385-386. Forthe generaldiscussion, and p. 703,table 4, difficulties,but identifies the items of valueof the later literary tradition in fora listof the sanctuaries. armoras spoilsor booty that were reconstructingCretan practices and 94. See Hoffmann(1972, pp. xi, 1) inscribedby or forthe victors and then socialinstitutions of the Archaic and foran accountof the discovery and dedicatedby them. Classicalperiods, see Perlman2005.

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:12:44 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions IO2 PAULA J. PERLMAN inscriptionson thearmor from Aphrati quite clearly emphasize individual ratherthan corporate prowess. The bulkof the armor from Aphrati dates to thesame period as the armorfrom Axos (late 7th and early 6th centuries b.c.), with isolated ex- amplesfrom the mid-7th century.100 Ifwe maypress the parallels between Axosand Aphrati further,101 we might suggest that the offerings of arms andarmor at Axos were private, as thearmor from Aphrati appears to have been.The dedicationof valuable bronze armor seems to have stopped early inthe 6th century b.c., not only at Aphrati and Axos, but also at the other sanctuarieson Cretewhere the practice is attested.102It is possiblethat someof the armor should be datedslightly later than it has been,103 orthat someof the arrowheads and spearheads/spear butts found in sanctuaries dateto the6th century, but the late-6th-century inscriptions from Axos andAphrati provide the next secure evidence for the dedication of weapons on Crete(IC II v 5 + 6; IC I v 4); in bothcases, the inscriptions indicate thatthe dedications were public, or at least that the state regulated private dedications,and so suggesta transformationin dedicatory habits. Even so,one cannot claim that in either case the epigraphically attested dedica- tionsof the late 6th century were offered to thesame gods or in thesame sanctuariesas werethe earlier dedications of arms and armor. As notedin theepigraphical commentary on line5, it is uncertain whetherthe third letter from the right in Axos 6 is muor nu. Both are pos- sibleepigraphically and both yield Greek (to uevSémxov, xòv évôémiov). The formeris preferablehere, both because of the occurrence of ôémiov in thepreceding line and becauseof the difficultyin identifyingwhat "eleventh"might refer to in thecontext of war and booty. The masculine formof the ordinal rules out terms for booty, which are either feminine or neuter,as wellas theneuter uépoç (i.e., the 11th share). An accusativeof - - time forexample, xòv évôémiov (uf|va) "during the 11th month" on theother hand, cannot be ruledout. Boththe punctuation and the preferred reading with the postpositive jjivindicate that the phrase to uèvSémxov (line 5) standsat the beginning ofa newsentence; [- ]evlà 9îva (line6) comesat theend of one.104 Al- thoughit is notpossible to determineifthey belong to thesame sentence, therepetition of dekaton in lines4 and5 indicatesthat the new sentence thatbegins in line 5 concernedthe same or similar matters as theprovision inlines 3-5. Mentionof toc Bîvot ("the sacred things") would certainly not

100. Hoffmann1972, pp. 41-46. changein dedicatoryhabits as one of ing,thanks in largepart to thework 101. Prent(2005, pp. 493-495,498) severallate-7th-early-6th-century ofBrice Erickson (forthcoming), who identifiesthe lower temple at Axos as a discontinuitiesthat reflect a periodof has establishedfor several Cretan majorcommunity (suburban) sanctuary transitionassociated with the emer- communitieslocal ceramicsequences thatserved as a locusfor socially inte- genceof the polis in centralCrete. spanningthe 6th and 5thcenturies b.c. grativerituals. The buildingcomplex at 103. Failureto recognizethe mate- Furthermore,Bile (1988,pp. 35-36, Aphrati,in contrast,she associateswith rialrecord of 6th- and 5th-century nos. 15-25) datesthe inscriptions on severalurban hearth temples (pp. 428- Cretehas contributedto thelong-held theAphrati armor to the5th century. 429) whereritual dining and sacrifice viewthat settlement on theisland Theremay not be, then,such a large by"an elite of established male citizens" experienceda severerecession during gap betweenthe falling off of the servedto distinguishthis group from theLate Archaicand Classicalperiods. dedicationof armor and theepigraphic othersin thecommunity (see pp. 453- Fora statementof the problem, see evidencefrom Aphrati for the public 456,with quotation on p. 498). Perlman2004b, p. 1149. Formuch of dedicationof booty (arrows). 102. Kotsonas(2002) identifiesthis Cretethis so-called gap is nowclos- 104. See above,p. 91.

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be out ofplace in thecontext of thededication of booty. The termtoc Giva occursin twoother laws from Axos. The earlierof these (Table 1, no.2) was probablyinscribed on thesame wall as the"new" inscription, but not enough survivesof the text to determinewhat, exactly, the regulation concerned.105 The other,a poorlypreserved law of the late 4th-early3rd centuryb.c., appearsto regulateritual practice (SEG XXIII 566). The termGiva occurs twicein thislater law (lines6-7 and 10-11), inboth cases in closeassociation withrcáuocxa xòc ôoGévxoc ("cattle that have been offered").106 Citizen women (ócoTOcí)are mentioned together with noncitizen women at the end of line 7 in a provisionthat has somethingto do with(Apollo) Pythios,or with a sanctu- aryor festivalnamed for him.107 The kosmosand apokosmoswere responsible forproviding the cattle(lines 13-14); the consequencesof theirfailure to do so werespelled out (lines 13-19). Giacomo Manganaroidentified nine instancesof scribalerror in thisone inscriptionand adducedgrammatical peculiarities(sudden changes of person, use ofmoods) in claimingthat the inscriptionis a copyof an earlierlaw.108 Although it does notappear to have anythingto do withwar or its profits, the parallels with the "new" inscription fromAxos areintriguing: citizen women and kosmoiare mentioned in close successionin provisionsregulating xòc Giva. This is particularlytrue if the law is a republicationof an earlier,possibly Archaic one.

Lines 6-7: Women, War, and Ritual

Citizenwomen are the subjectof theprotasis of a conditionalsentence in . line 6 of the "new"inscription. The termàaxocí is not attestedelsewhere in the Archaicand Classical inscriptionsfrom Crete. The phrasepaaxia Sim ("citizen'strial") occurs in two earlylaws fromGortyn (/CIV 13g-i, line2; 64, line 4), but thenoun does not appearagain until the Hellenistic periodwhen, in additionto the law fromAxos (SEG XXIII 566), it is foundin funeraryepigrams in expressionsof the sadnessfelt by the com- munityof citizens(and noncitizens)at the deathof one of itsown.109 The adverbialclause r' ocXovco("after it was seized") embeddedin the protasis permitsthe conclusionthat warfare and bootycontinue to be the focusof the regulation.110The subjectof theverb in the adverbialclause does not

105.Table 1, no.2, line4: [- - -]uev togetherin thesame provision. Cf. SEG theHellenistic period. See LGPN, s.v. xà Givami i[- ]. It is worthobserving XXIII 566: . . . 8o0évx[cr[lk'òe ëprcev 'Aax')áva£,'Aoxuôáuaç, 'AaxúÔiicoç, thatan infinitivemay have preceded Xaé]vcxçr' àaxàç xcoiITuxuoi. For the 'Aoxúvouoç,'Aaxcòxoç. xà 0ÎVOChere, as wellas in line6 ofthe meaningoîxenas (noncitizen rather 110. Cf. theprovision concern- "new"inscription. thanforeigner), see Perlman2004c, ingthe division of booty in the 106. SEG XXIII 566,lines 6-7 pp. 109-118.There may be a reference agreementbetween Hierapytna and

(confirmedby autopsy): [rcaluaxoc 9wot to a malecitizen in line8: [ xòv] Rhodes(IC III 3 A, lines56-58, xà é£ànapxâq ÔoGévx[a Kaé]- àoxóv. late3rd century b.c.): Kai xoi uèv vaç r' àaxàç xcoiITuxícoi; lines 10-11 108. Manganaro1966, p. 15; Xocaxaixol àÀ,iGKÓuevoi Kai xà nXdia (textof Sokolowski1969, p. 245): Giva Sokolowski(1969, p. 246) agreedwith aùxcòv7tapa§iôóo0co 'Poôíoiç, xœv ôè x' àpxaìa [o]x(x)a[xe] 0eir| (i)y theconclusion, but provided no argu- ocÄAcoveaxco xò jaipoçèmcxcoi xcòv Ttáuaxaxà 8o0évxa. mentfor it. Cf. van Effenterre(1989, cruvaycovi^auévcov("Both the brigands 107. It appearsthat at least10 pp. 3, 5-7) ywho impliedthat the who havebeen captured and theirships lettersare lost in line7 betweenthe so-calledscribal errors may in factbe shallbe handedover to theRhodians; referenceto thesacred cattle and the editorialerrors. each ofthose who participatedin the mentionof noncitizen and citizen 109. E.g., IC II vi 10; IC II xxi2. battleshall have a shareof everything women;it is notpossible to conclude Personalnames with 'Agx'>- are fairly else"). thatthe cattle and thewomen occur commonon Crete,but again only in

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appearto havebeen stated;but the singularform of the verb seems to rule out thecitizen women as thesubject, and so thepossibility that the provi- sionconcerned women who had been capturedin battle.One ofthe neuter pluralterms for property seized in war (e.g., ôémioc,gkvXöl, Xáípupcc), on the otherhand, would be possible.111 If the clause is temporal,as the use of the optativesuggests, the pro- visionfocuses on the orderof events;that is, the activitiesof the citizen women were regulatedin relationto anotherevent. What, exactly,they were called upon to do (or prohibitedfrom doing?) has been lost to us. If the adverbialclause refersto the captureof spoilsor booty,the citizen womenof Axos mayhave participatedin its distributionto, for example, the citizenhouseholds of Axos, to the gods,or to the andreia.112 Neitheris it possibleto make anyclaims about the roleof the kosmos mentionedin line 7. Officialswith this title are widely attested in the in- scribedlaws ofArchaic Crete; the duties of the kosmos appear to havebeen largelyexecutive, as is the case in IC II v 9, an earlylaw fromAxos that mentionsthis official.113 The verbof the protasis (that is, the actionof the citizenwomen) should be foundin line7.114The kosmos could be thesubject of the apodosis,or the subjectof anotherhypothetical clause introduced byai, thatis, "If the citizen women do somethingafter the booty has been "115 seized,if the kosmosdoes/does not do something,then The mentionof women and warfarein a publicinscription from Ar- chaic Crete should not surpriseus, particularlywhen, as here,the text seemsto concernrituals attendant to war.116Female deitiespresided over severalof the sanctuarieswhere arms and armorwere dedicatedduring the Iron Age and laterperiods. The so-called lower sanctuaryat Axos was probablyone of these;in additionto the depositsof bronze arms and armordiscussed above, a greatnumber of predominantly female terracotta figures(figurines and plaques) of severaldifferent types (seated/standing,

111. See Pritchett1974-1991, publicrole assigned to thepresumably functions(köxi koout|gi£ [accent uncer- vol. 1,pp. 54-58, and vol.5, pp. 73- citizenwomen in distributingsome- tain],"and whatever he doesas kosmos"). 152,for the terms used for spoils and thing(in thiscase, food to those 114.Without the particle m the forbooty. deemedmost worthy) is interesting, verbshould be in theoptative or 112.The termandreion (in thesin- butthe historical value of this passage perhapsindicative. For the modal gular)occurs in one ofthe epichoric forArchaic Lyktos, let aloneArchaic use ofthe indicative, see Bile 1988, inscriptionsfrom Axos (Table 1, no. 1, Axos,is questionable.See Perlman pp.253-254. The formeris preferable lines8, 14?,and 15). The finalrefer- 2005,pp. 309-311 and passim. in lightof the optative in theadverbial enceshows that communal dining took 113.Table 1, no. 9, Unes9-10: ai ô' clause. placethere (lines 14-15): xôv8' vXqn ò Koauíov'jlx' àrcoÔoíri xà e7ußata>vxa 115. Fora constructionsimilar rcávxovàxéXeiav Kai xporcàviv àvxpT|- fíaavç xixoupéaoo(if the kosmos does to theone proposedhere, see, e.g., íoi ("But [theyshall be] exemptfrom notcollect and depositwith the polis Table 1, no. 1,lines 4-5: ai Ô' ènek- all othertaxes and [shallreceive] thefine assessed against the defendant 0oieviv xaîai rcevxe,ai 'ir'A,éoi[ev - ] rationsin theandreion"). Dosiadas who has beenfound guilty, the kosmos ("Butif they come forward [lodge a (FGrH45$ F2) reportsthat at Lyktos himselfshall pay the fine). The famous complaint?]within five [days], if they a woman(yuvn) was putin charge 7th-centuryb.c. law fromDreros con- do notwant [ , then ]"). (xf]vèrciuéXeiav è'xei) of each of the cerningthe kosmos (SEGXXVll 620) 116. Cf. Graf(1984), who denies syssitia;she was assignedthe task of suggeststhat there, at least,the kosmos womena rolein therituals connected selectingthe best of the table's offer- adjudicateddisputes (orce ôiicaicaie withwarfare, arguing instead that ritu- ingsfor men distinguished either in [accentuncertain], "whenever he gives als thatsuggest their participation in battleor fortheir intelligence. The judgment"),as wellas exercisingother warfareare rituals of inversion.

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clothed/naked)were discovered in fourdeposits in itsvicinity.117 The terracottafigures were dedicated over a muchlonger period of time than were the bronzes,beginning perhaps as earlyas the 9th centuryand continu- ing on into the Hellenisticperiod. They suggestthat the patrondeity of the sanctuarywas female.She has been identifiedas Astarte-Aphrodite, Artemis,or Athena,118and it is assumedthat the worshipperswho gave thesegifts were women. The terracottafigures from Axos makeno overtreferences to themar- tial functionof the goddess,and so it cannotbe claimed thatthe worshipperswho dedicatedthem did so withthis function of the goddessin mind.119Similar 7th-century votive types (terracotta figurines and plaques of seated/standingand clothed/nakedfemales) were discovered at Gortyn in the terracedarea on the steepsoutheastern slope of AyiosIoannis and in thevicinity of the early(7th centuryb.c.?) cultbuilding located above on the summitof the acropolis.120Bronze votiveswere also foundon the summitand the terracedarea below: a life-sizemitra as well as miniature armorin bronze and clay (mitrai,corselets, greaves, and shields).121The martialaspect of the cult at Gortynwas reflectednot onlyin the bronze and clayvotives of weapons and armor,but also in the terracottafigures

117. Forthe terracotta votives from werefound in someabundance. 120. Rizza and SantaMaria Scri- Axos,see Rizza 1967-1968.The other Bosanquet(1939-1940, pp. 65-66) nari1968, pp. 160-188,nos. 53-266, sanctuarieswith female deities and vo- identifiedDictaian Zeus as thepatron pp. 213-245; Cassimatis(1982) pro- tivearms and armorare the sanctuary deityof the cult there, but among the videsa detaileddiscussion of the (templeand terracedplatform) on terracottavotives were female figurines, 7th-century(Daedalic) figurinesof AyiosIoannis at Gortyn,the temple at someearly but most 6th century and standing(clothed and naked)females. thesouthwestern edge of the palace at later;see Prent2005, pp. 304-306. Forpreliminary reports of the excava- Phaistos,and theshrine at Vrysses.For Finally,the patron deity of the 7th- tionson AyiosIoannis conducted by thecult at Gortyn,see below.Pernier centuryTemple A at Priniashas been theScuola Archeologica Italiana di (1910) identifiedMagna Materas the identifiedas a goddesson thebasis of Atene(1954-1957), see Levi 1955- patrondeity of the late-7th-century b.c. thearchitectural sculpture from the 1956,1956; forthe final publication templeat Phaistos;Cucuzza (1993), building.Very little votive material was ofthe material, see Rizza and Santa however,attributes the temple and cult foundin associationwith the structure, Maria Scrinari1968; Johannowsky to Leto. Fragmentsof bronze shields butthe iconography of the sculpture 2002. The ScuolaItaliana renewed andvessels dating to the9th-7th cen- suggestsa strongmartial element to her explorationon theacropolis in 2002. turieswere found beneath the pave- cult.Pernier (1914) identifedher as Bejor(2003) reportson theinitial mentof the pronaos of the Hellenistic Rhea;Marinatos (2000, pp. 67-78, 89) campaign.D'Acunto (2002) presents successorto thelate-7th-century tem- hesitatesto identifyher with any of the a newinterpretation ofthe acropolis ple.The associationof this material canonicalGreek goddesses. cult(chronology of the sanctuary on withthe 7th-century and latercult of 118. Astarte-Aphrodite:Levi thesummit and ofthe terraced area, thegoddess is notcertain. Cucuzza 1930-1931,p. 50; Artemis:REXVU2, planof the cult building on thesummit, (1993,pp. 21-22) suggeststhat the 1937,col. 1689,s.v. Oaxos (E. Kirsten). functionof the terraced area, relation- materialcame from a foundation Hoffmann(1972, pp. 16,35-37) im- shipbetween the sanctuary on the deposit.Sporn (2002, pp. 281-282) pliesthat the goddess was Athena. summitand theterraced area below, identifiesDemeter as thepatron of the Rizza (1967-1968,p. 293) hesitatesto and theidentity of the deity). See also Late Classicalshrine at Vrysseswhere identifythe deity, suggesting instead Prent2005. od. 267-273. votivearrow- and spearheadswere thatan undifferentiated(i.e., eastern? 121. Levi 1955-1956,pp. 227-228, discovered. pre-Greek?)goddess of sexuality,fertil- 260-262;Johannowsky 2002, p. 75, Mentionshould also be madeof ity,and war took on a morecanonical nos.508-510, pp. 78-80, nos.551-601. thecave sanctuary on Mt. Ida (forthe Greekform in theClassical period. Marginesu(2003) publishesa min- worshipof a femaledeity there, see 119.The Axosterracottas include iatureclay shield with a dedicatory above,p. 93) and thecult on AltarHill one head ofa malewarrior (Rizza inscription. at Praisos,where votive arms and armor 1967-1968,p. 220, no. 31).

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ofmale warriors and armedfemales that appear, albeit in muchsmaller numbers,together with the other 7th-century terracotta votive types.122 The cultseems to have fallen out of favor during the 6th and 5th centuries b.c.123 Whenactivity resumed there in the 4th century, there is little question that Athenawas the patron deity.124 It is notpossible to determineifthis was thecase before then.125 Othertypes are prominent in the7th-century votive assemblage of thecult on AyiosIoannis (cult building and terraced area): kernoiy repre- sentationsof animals and hybrid creatures (horses, lions, sphinxes, griffins, gorgons),and images of the mistress and the master of animals.126 In a recent study,Nanno Marinatos distinguishes two types of femaledeities com- monto 7th-centuryCrete and the Greek mainland: an Aegean vegetation goddesswith upraised arms, and an eastern(North Syrian and Levantine) goddesswho was patron of the male warrior elite.127 Marinatos identifies boththe seated/standing, clothed/naked female figures and the mistress of animalswith this eastern goddess, for whom nudity and female sexuality werenot associated with fertility, but rather with danger, male authority, andwarrior ideology.128 Indeed,the iconographie repertoire of thedecorated bronze armor fromCrete (snake daemons, a "warriorgoddess" on a mitraof uncertain provenance,and the goddess rising(?) from the tripod cauldron on the mitra fromAxos) has long been recognized as evidencethat a femaledeity served as thepatron of aristocratic warriors on Crete.129 Marinatos recognizes this goddessas thepatron of theacropolis cult at Gortyn,preferring not to identifythe 7th-century deity as Athenaor another of the canonical Greek goddesses.130The presenceof kernoiy the votive type most clearly associatedwith cults of agricultural fertility, in the votive assemblage from the acropolissuggests that the function of the goddess worshipped there was notas divorcedfrom rituals of fertility asMarinatos suggests, or at least that

122. Levi 1955-1956,pp. 260-266; ofarmed Athena), see Rizza and Santa discoveredat otherAthena sanctuaries 1956; Rizza and SantaMaria Scrinari Maria Scrinari1968, pp. 193-197, (e.g.,the cults of Athena at Lindosand 1968,pp. 249-250,252-253. nos.324-352; pp. 249-250. [Athena]Aphaia on Aigina),and so 123. Perlman2000, p. 60. Cf. 125. Levi (1956,pp. 306-310), can all be associatedwith an early, D'Acunto2002, esp. pp. 212-214, DAcunto (2002,pp. 215-217), and polysémieversion of the goddess. who arguesthat worship continued at Johannowsky(2002, pp. 108-116) 127. Marinatos2000. thesanctuary on thesummit through- identifyAthena as thepatron deity of 128. Marinatos2000, pp. 27-31; cf. outthe Archaic and Classicalperiods; thecult already in the7th century. Cassimatis1982. MacLachlan (1995) onlythe terraced area on thesoutheast- A 5th-centurylaw namingAthena as discernsa similarconnection between ernslope of the acropolis was aban- an oathgod providesthe earliest secure femalesexuality and warin thecult of donedas a repositoryfor votives during evidencefor her worship at Gortyn Aphroditeat Lokri.The dedicatory the6th and 5thcenturies b.c. Bejor (IC IV 51, ca. 500-450 b.c.),but if her inscriptionson twohelmets from Lokri (2003) describesthe foundations of a mentionin theoath does implya spe- (ca. 500-480 b.c.) identifythem as the substantialbuilding (a temple?)to the cificcult, there is no reasonto associate privategifts of two men to Persephone eastof the 7th-century cult building on it withthe sanctuary on theacropolis. (IG XIV 631; IGASMG V 49). theacropolis; he refersto it as "Classi- 126. Kernoi:Johannowsky 2002, 129. Hoffmann1972, pp. 34-40; cal"in theheading "Strutture del Peri- pp. 22-39; animalsand hybridcrea- Prent2005, pp. 387-388. Forthe mitra odo Classico"(p. 831),but as an Ar- tures:Rizza and SantaMaria Scrinari withthe "warrior goddess," see Hoff- chaic(7th-century?) foundation 1968,pp. 257-265; mistressand master mann1972, pp. 25-26, pls.46:1 and (p. 832) thatmay have continued in ofanimals: Rizza and SantaMaria 47:1; forthe mitra from Axos, see use throughthe 4th centurv b.c. Scrinari1968, pp. 254-256. D'Acunto above,n. 38. 124. Forthe evidence (Late Classi- (2002,pp. 219-221) arguesthat these 130. Marinatos2000, pp. 27-31, cal and Hellenisticterracotta figurines votivetypes are consistent with types 78-83, 89-91.

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morethan one deitywas worshippedon the acropolis.But if she is right about the functionof the goddessto whom the seated/standing,clothed/ nakedfigures were dedicated, the implications for the cult at Axos and for the"new" inscription are significant. It has been assumedthat two differentgroups operating in different ritualcontexts were responsiblefor offering the two differentcategories of votiveassociated with the lowersanctuary at Axos (the bronze arms/ armorand the terracottafigures). Elite adult males offeredthe goddess bronze arms and armorin a ritualassociated with adult male authority and warfare;131women, most likely unmarried adolescent women, offered herterracotta figures emphasizing female sexuality, possibly in a ritualas- sociatedwith their coming of age.132It is difficultto imagineeither that women offeredthe arms and armoror that men dedicatedthe female figures.Yet, the provisionin the "new"inscription that mentions citizen womenin thecontext of the disposition of the booty or spoilsof war and the interpretationof thegoddess of the seated/standing, clothed/naked figures primarilyas a patronof warriors and sourceof male authoritysuggest that the femaleworshippers of the femaledeity played a role in perpetuating one of the mainstaysof male authority,not to mentionof the survivalof - the community namely,success in battle.133

CONCLUSIONS

Without forcingmajor changes in the textsrecorded in the drawingsof Haussoullier,Halbherr, Guarducci, and Jeffery, we can "join"the right edge ofAxos 6 and theleft edge ofAxos 5 to producea new,albeit incomplete, documentof earlyAxos. The "new"inscription begins with a provision concerningofferings, perhaps animal sacrifice,to Poseidon and possibly to Zeus, the latterindicated by the referenceto the god s cave sanctuary on Mt. Ida. The remainderof thetext seems to concernthe dispositionof propertyseized in battle.I havesuggested that the inscription treats goods thathave been takento Axos (line 3) and twoor moredekata (shares of the bootyor sacredtithes), from one ofwhich a weapon (a wienor a spear)is singledout forspecial handling of some kind.The mentionof "the sacred things"in line 6 mayindicate that dekaton here refers to the sacredtithe or dekate,although it is not certainthat the dekatonin line 5 belongsto the same provision.The textprovides for repeated action in the future, probablyby officialsof the state(line 5), and foraction that takes place afterthe battle, perhaps involving citizen women (lines6-7). The kosmos, the mostwidely attested official on Crete,is mentioned,but the context is not retrievable.

131. Prent(2005, p. 494) associates theemphasis on femalesexuality and withmale worshippers, but notes thefull-scale arms and armorfrom theabsence of votive types that imply (p. 75) thatwomen most surely partic- Axoswith adult warriors. Marinatos human(e.g., kouro trophic figures) or ipatedin therites celebrated at Prinias (2000,pp. 73-74) similarlyidentifies agricultural(e.g., kernoi) fertility in (TempleA), wherethe "eastern" god- themounted warriors of the Horsemen suggestingthat the dedicators were desswas patron,performing auxiliary Friezefrom Temple A at Priniasas adolescentwomen (parthenoi) . rolesin templemaintenance and offer- adultsrather than youths (ephebes). 133. Marinatos(2000) stressesthe ingother types of votives (e.g., textiles). 132. Prent(2005, p. 494) adduces associationof the "eastern" goddess

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Provisionsconcerning the distribution ofbooty seized in war occur in severalHellenistic alliances of the Cretan poleis, but are so farattested in onlyone earlierinscription, the mid-5th-century agreement of Knossos, Tylisos,and Argos. This inscription, with its references both to the distributionof booty, including the disposition of the dekate or sacred tithe, and to animalsacrifice, including one made by priests of the Knosioi to Poseidon on Mt. lutos,provides the closest parallels for the "new" inscription from Axos.The referencein the"new" inscription to 10(?)portions of booty or to twoor more sacred tithes may suggest that the provision concerns two or morecommunities. If so, the"new" inscription might well preserve partof an alliance,as Guarduccialready proposed for Axos 6.134 If thisis indeedthe case, it is oneof the earliest interstate agreements from Crete, ifnot the earliest.135 In the absence of other firm evidence for the worship ofPoseidon at Axos,it is temptingto suggestthat the "new" inscription recordsan alliancebetween Axos and Knossos, requiring that each of the - treatypartners sacrifice to thegod of the local extraurban sanctuary the Axioito Zeus onIda, and the Knosioi to Poseidon on lutos- andthat the godsshould receive a sacred tithe of the booty.136 In any event, we find here thefirst reference from Axos to thesanctuary of Zeus on Mt. Ida andthe earliestreference from Crete to thecult of Zeus Idaios. The historicalimplications of a late-6th-centuryalliance between Axosand Knossosare of great interest and areworth exploring briefly, thoughI acknowledgethat the identification ofthe "new" inscription as an alliance,let alone an alliancebetween these two communities, is very farfrom secure. The materialrecord of ancient Knossos presents a strong casefor continuity of settlementin thevicinity of the Bronze Age palace fromat leastMinoan times through the third quarter of the 7th century (ca. 630 b.c.), and then,after a nearlycomplete break in thearchaeo- logicalrecord, from the final quarter of the6th century(ca. 525 b.c.) throughthe establishment at Knossos of the Roman colony Julia Nobilis towardthe end of the 1stcentury A.D.137 Various explanations for this gapin thematerial record of Knossos, ranging from climatic crisis to at- tackby one of Knossos s neighbors,have been offered.138 What interests

134./cn, p. 55. elite-networkingindependent of state and mayhave been dumped from 135.Apart from the mid-5 th-cen- affiliationhad shiftedsomewhat, as elsewhere.For the Colonia Julia turyagreement of Knossos,Tylisos, and nearbycommunities asserted their Nobilis,see Paton1994. Argos(ML 42), thereare two early authorityover the cults. 138. Forsurveys of the explanations interstateagreements: IC IV 63 (Gor- 137. Forthe continuous occupation thathave been proposed, see Cold- tynand Leben,6th-5th century b.c.) of Knossosduring the Late Bronzeand streamand Huxley1999, pp. 303-304; andIC IV 80 (Gortynand theRhit- DarkAges, see Coldstream1991. Cold- Erickson(forthcoming). All prefera tenioi,5th century b.c.). Jeffery (LSAG, streamand Huxley(1999) summarize militaryexplanation; Coldstream and p. 315, nos.3 and 8) datedIC IV 63 theevidence for the gap. Most note- Huxleysuggest that Lyktos attacked to ca. 525-500 b.c. andIC IV 80 to worthyhas beenthe absence of burials and laidwaste to Knossos;Erickson ca. 450-400 b.c. Forthe dependent datingto thegap. Coldstreamand suggestsinstead that Gortyn was the statusof Leben and Rhitten(deduced Catling(1996, vol. 2, p. 722) noted culprit.According to Strabo(10.4.7), in fromthe ethnic Rhittenioi), see Perlman fragmentsof Late Archaicand Clas- thetime of Homer and fora longwhile 1996.As notedabove, Tylisos appears sicalpithos sherds in thedisturbed soil thereafterKnossos was themost illus- to havebeen subordinate to Knossos. abovethe North Cemetery. These may triouspolis on Crete.Knossos later lost 136.This wouldsuggest that the havecome from pithos burials, but the itsleading position to Gortynand Lyk- functionof extraurban sanctuaries as authorsobserve that they are "more tos,but managed to recoverits former EarlyIron Age loci of(inter)regional appropriatein a domestic. . . context" statusas themetropolis of Crete.

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us hereis theevidence for renewed activity at Knossosnot more than a generationbefore the enactment of the"new" inscription from Axos. Axoswas thenearest major polis to thewest of Knossos.Two smaller states,Tylisos and Apellonia,the latter located at modernAyia Pelagia on thecoast due north of Tylisos, lay between them.139 A military alliance betweenAxos and Knossos might be readin thecontext of the territorial consolidationoflarger states at the expense of smaller ones, a phenomenon thathas beenobserved elsewhere on theisland during the Late Archaic period.140At thevery least, if the "new" inscription does preserve part of an alliancebetween Axos and Knossos,it wouldbe importantearly evidencefor the revival of Knossosas a politicalcommunity following the 6th-centurygap.141 Evenif it is moreprudent to read the "new" inscription as a law,rather thanan interstateagreement, the evidence it providesfor the participa- tionof citizen women in therituals attendant to waris ofgreat interest. Scholarshave long noted the connection between female deities and war- riorsattested by the Iron Age andEarly Archaic votive assemblages from severalCretan sanctuaries. The coincidenceof votives of female figures, andin thecase ofGortyn of armed and armoredones, at manyof these samesanctuaries has occasionedcomment, but no directconnection has been suggestedbetween the femaleworshippers who are assumedto havededicated these figures and the martialinterests of the deitiesto whomthey were offered. If theinterpretation ofthe provision concerningthe citizen women proposed here is correct,and theywere in some wayinvolved in the dispositionof propertyseized in battle,the "new" inscriptionmay provide a moredirect link between the warrior function ofthe female deity and her female worshippers than has previously been proposed. The nexusof citizenwomen and war may be explainedin different - ways forexample, as a consequenceof theirfunction as producersof warriors,or as an expressionof the economicequation of humanand naturalfertility with other kinds of production (including war and trade) thatis attestedon Cretein thefamous "Hymn to theGreatest Kouros" fromPalaikastro and in oaths from Crete and elsewhere in Greece.142The explicitrestriction of thewomen to thoseof a particularpolitical status, namelycitizens, in the"new" inscription should be viewedalong with the publicregulation of the dedication of arms as a signof the political self- consciousnessand cohesion of the state.

139.The borderof Knossosand followingthe course of the rainwater, penseof others. The latterwere either Tylisosis describedin themid-5th- and Laos"). If theriver is themodern abandoned(e.g., Prinias, Azoria), or centuryagreement of Knossos,Tylisos, Platyperama,the territory of Knossos survivedas second-ordersettlements. andArgos (ML 42B, lines26-29): opoi reachedthe north coast between Forthis process in thecentral Mesara, tac yac• #uôvopoç Kai Aiexoimpxa- Herakleionand Apellonia.Knossos and see Perlman1996, pp. 258-270. (xíxiovKai to xôApxô xéjievoç koc[í] ho Axos mayhave shared a borderfurther 141. IC I viii2 preservesa small rcoTauòçkeA, Aei)KÓrcopov KayaOoia, ha' to thesouth. fragmentof an Archaiclaw from húhoç)peí TÖußpiov, Kai Aaoç ("The 140. Van Effenterre(1991) identi- Knossos. bordersof the land [are]:Swine Moun- fiesthe Archaic period as a timeof ter- 142. IC III ii 2. ElsewhereI have tainand Eagles and theArtemision and ritorialand politicalreconfiguration; comparedthe language of the hymn theprecinct of Archos and theriver somesettlements expanded their terri- withthat of oaths (Perlman 1995). and to Leukoporosand Agathoia, torialand politicalcontrol at theex-

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Paula J.Perlman University of Texas department of classics wag 123, mail code c34oo austin, texas 78712-0308 [email protected]

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