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The Week in Review on the ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: the Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) Announced That GDP Growth for the Second Quarter Totaled 1.5%
POLICY MONITOR August 26 – 30 , 2013 The Week in Review ON THE ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: The Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) announced that GDP growth for the second quarter totaled 1.5%. This year, GDP grew by 2.1%. Interest Rate: The Monetary Policy Committee (COPOM) of the Central Bank unanimously decided to raise interest rates by 0.5% to 9%--the fourth increase in a row. The Committee will hold two more meetings this year. Market analysts expect interest rates to rise by at least one more point to 10%. Strikes: Numerous groups of workers are under negotiations with the government for salary adjustments. Among those are regulatory agencies, national transportation department (DNIT), and livestock inspectors. DNIT workers have been on strike since June and livestock inspectors begun their strike on Thursday. On Friday, union workers will hold demonstrations throughout the country. Tourism: A study conducted by the Ministry of Tourism showed that the greatest cause of discontent for tourists coming to Brazil was high prices. The second most important reason was telecommunication services. Airport infrastructure, safety, and public transportation did not bother tourists as much and were ranked below both issues. Credit Protection: The Agency for Credit Protection Services (SPC Brasil) announced that the largest defaulting groups are in the middle class (Brazilian Class C). Forty-seven percent of all defaults are within Class C, 34% in Class B, and 13% in Class D. Forty-six percent of respondents claim to have been added to the list of default due to credit card payment delays and 40% due to bank loans. -
India-Brazil Bilateral Relations Are in a State of Clearly Discernible Upswing
India-Brazil Relations Political: India-Brazil bilateral relations are in a state of clearly discernible upswing. Although the two countries are divided by geography and distance, they share common democratic values and developmental aspirations. Both are large developing countries, each an important player in its region, both stable, secular, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, large democracies as well as trillion-dollar economies. There has been frequent exchange of VVIP, Ministerial and official-level visits in recent years resulting in strengthening of bilateral relationship in various fields. Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding for 2006 and Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development for 2010 was conferred on President Lula. Our shared vision of the evolving global order has enabled forging of close cooperation and coordination in the multilateral arena, be in IBSA, BRICS, G-4, BASIC, G-20 or other organizations. VVIP visits from India: Vice President S. Radhakrishnan (1954), Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (1968), Prime Minister Narasimha Rao (1992 - for Earth Summit), President K.R. Narayanan (1998), Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh (2006 and April 2010) ,President Pratibha Patil (2008) and Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh (June 2012-for Rio+20 summit). Other important visits from India in recent years: Kumari Selja, Minister of State of Urban Development and Poverty Alleviation, Mr. Anand Sharma, Minister of State for External Affairs, Mr. Rao Inderjit Singh, Minister of State for Defence Production, Mr. Subodh Kant Sahai, Minister of State for Food Processing Industries, Shri Pranab Mukherjee, Minister of External Affairs (Feb 2008), Shri P. Chidambaram, Finance Minister from India (Nov 2008) and Shri S.M. -
BRAZIL, a LEGITIMATE LEADER: from PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS to PERMANENT VACANCY in the UN SECURITY COUNCIL Giulia Scortegagna1 Jeancezar Ditzz De Souza Ribeiro2
DOI 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p 492-516 BRAZIL, A LEGITIMATE LEADER: FROM PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS TO PERMANENT VACANCY IN THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL Giulia Scortegagna1 Jeancezar Ditzz de Souza Ribeiro2 ABSTRACT From a brief analysis of its performance in the United Nations Security Council during the 2010-2011 biennium, it is intended to examine the legitimacy of the discourses and leadership of the Brazilian performance in the Council and in Peacekeeping Operations. Brazil, as an actor that values diplomatic and multilateral means, has gained great prominence within the United Nations and its instruments of maintenance of international security. The mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH, had great repercussions, because besides the military component being led by a Brazilian, Brazil was engaged in it in various ways, even emotionally, as said by Chancellor Celso Amorim. But the major problem is: would Brazil be a leader? How did it perform in the years 2010 and 2011, when it was a temporary member of the Security Council? And finally, does its legitimacy emanate from the Missions of Peace? Keywords: Peacekeeping Operations. Brazilian Foreign Policy. Security Council. 1 Bachelor’s degree from the Laureate International Universities (IBMR – Centro Universitário), Rio de Janeiro (RJ), Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] / Orcid: https:// orcid.org/0000-0002-4751-1276 2Doctor. University of São Paulo (USP), São Paulo, Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] / Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7856-5640 2 Doctorate Degree. University of São Paulo (USP), São Paulo, Brazil. E-mail: jeanditzz@ hotmail.com / Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7856-5640 R. Esc. -
Featured Q&A with Our Board of Advisors
Monday, January 29, 2007 BOARD OF ADVISORS Featured Q&A With Our Board of Advisors Bernard Aronson Peter Hakim Managing Partner, President, Latin America's state-owned mium for multinationals firms to do busi- ACON Investments LLC Inter-American companies are gaining in impor- ness in 'sensitive' sectors, let alone enter Diego Arria Dialogue tance as renewed nationalism into partnership with the state-owned Director, Donna Hrinak has taken hold in several coun- enterprises. Partnerships work best for all Columbus Group Director for Corporate Q tries. But partnerships with the private when there is in place a government that Genaro Arriagada and Govt. Affairs, sector remain key to the success of state- respects private enterprise, the rule of law, Kraft Foods Inc. Board Member, Banco owned enterprises, nearly all government and the sanctity of contracts, and where del Estado de Chile Jon Huenemann officials in the region say publicly. When there is an environment conducive to for- Joyce Chang Principal, and why should a multinational company eign investment. For the multinational International Global Head of decide to seek strategic partnership with firm, the nature of the investment (e.g., Emerging Markets Department, Research, J.P. Morgan Miller & Chevalier state-owned industry players? How can large, export-oriented) as well as the level Chase & Co. James R. Jones these partnerships be structured to be of know-how (technology) and human Adrian Cruz Co-chair, beneficial for all parties, including the capital required (highly skilled technical Founder and Senior Manatt Jones region? Aside from the publicly-owned and managerial people) will determine its Partner, Global Strategies LLC companies, how can the private sector, bargaining position. -
Segurança Internacional, Estudos Estratégicos E Política De Defesa
Belo Horizonte, Coração Eucarístico da PUC Minas, 29 a 31 de julho de 2015 Área temática: Workshop Doutoral – Segurança Internacional, Estudos Estratégicos e Política de Defesa Título do trabalho: A ATUAÇÃO DO BRASIL EM PAZ E SEGURANÇA INTERNACIONAL COMO FONTE DE NOVAS CATEGORIAS DE ANÁLISE PARA A TEORIA DAS RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS Autora: Mariana Alves da Cunha Kalil, Universidade de Brasília (UnB) e Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) 2 RESUMO A partir da narrativa sobre a história da política externa brasileira, busca-se compreender se o comportamento do Brasil no cenário internacional enseja o reconhecimento de novas categorias de análise para a Teoria das Relações Internacionais. Delimita-se essa narrativa àquelas acerca de temas sobre paz e segurança internacional, que envolvam, por exemplo, princípios como os de soberania e de não intervenção, sobretudo em arranjos multilaterais. Como agentes constituintes dessa narrativa, selecionam-se as publicações de acadêmicos sobre o tema, os pronunciamentos de autoridades como os Presidentes da República, os Ministros das Relações Exteriores, os plenipotenciários do Estado brasileiro em fóruns como o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, as notas à imprensa do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, os documentos e as notas lançados pelo Ministério da Defesa e os pronunciamentos do Ministro da Defesa. Foram feitas pesquisas de campo no Haiti, em Dezembro de 2014, e na Missão do Brasil nas Nações Unidas, em Janeiro-Fevereiro de 2015. Busca-se, neste momento, reunir estas oportunidades com as pesquisas em fontes primárias e secundárias em projetos para qualificação no Doutorado em História das Relações Internacionais do Brasil (IRel-UnB), a realizar-se até Novembro de 2015, com ao menos um capítulo da tese também já pronto, como requer o programa. -
Media and Foreign Policy in Lula's Brazil
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations | e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.1, n.2, Jul-Dec 2012 | p.201-224 MEDIA AND FOREIGN POLICY IN LULA’S BRAZIL Guilherme Stolle Paixão e Casarões1 Introduction The interaction between the mass media and foreign policy in Brazil has always been a delicate one, slight at most times, but never meaningless. It has become commonplace to say that, due to the virtual monopoly the Brazilian Foreign Ministry (Itamaraty) has enjoyed over foreign policymaking from the early days of its most important chancellor, Barão do Rio Branco (1902-1912), public debate on the country’s goals and strategies has never really taken place (CHEIBUB, 1985; LIMA, 2000; FARIA, 2008). Instead, diplomacy has been by far one of the most undisputed public issues throughout the twentieth century, having survived two long authoritarian periods and several political upheavals. When the first civil president was elected in early 1985, after two decades of military regime, he is said to have decided to keep foreign policy untouched for it represented a supra-partisan consensus that had successfully pushed development forward (RICUPERO, 2001). Only recently have some studies unveiled the role of public opinion and the mass media in times when foreign policy goals were subject to controversy (MANZUR, 1999; 2009; FRANCO, 2009; FERREIRA, 2009). What these works suggest is that public debate over foreign policy goals grows more intense as polarization within Itamaraty becomes salient. Although such relationship seems quite obvious at first, it is not that much straightforward for two reasons. 1 Teacher of undergraduate courses in International Relations (Faculdades Integradas Rio Branco - FIRB - and Fundação Armando Alvares Penteado - FAAP) and a post-Graduate (lato sensu) in International Relations at FAAP. -
Brazil-Turkey Fundação Alexandre De Gusmão Fundação Two Emerging Powers Intensify Emerging Powers Two
coleção Internacionais Relações Relações coleção coleção Internacionais 811 Ekrem Eddy Güzeldere is a political Eddy Güzeldere Ekrem Ekrem Eddy Güzeldere The bilateral relations of Brazil and Turkey scientist from Munich with a specialization Within the theoretic frame of role theory, this book represents a first attempt at are a little researched subject. Therefore, this in international relations. He holds a PhD describing the bilateral relations of Brazil and Turkey since the 1850s until 2017 book offers a first attempt at analyzing both (2017) from the University of Hamburg. with an emphasis on contemporary relations. Both states are treated as emerging the political, economic, cultural and academic From 2005 to October 2015 he worked in powers, which intensify their relations, because of two main motivations: to raise bilateral relations, especially since they have Istanbul for the German political foundation their status in international affairs and for economic reasons. In the period of 2003 been intensifying in the 2000s. However, there Heinrich Böll, an international ESI think until 2011, Brazil and Turkey succeeded in intensifying their relations in many is also a historic chapter about the relations in tank, as a journalist and political analyst fields, with 2010 being the year of most intensive politico-diplomatic relations, the 19th century, which in its depth, using both for international media and consultancies. because of both a major diplomatic initiative, the Tehran Declaration, and an Turkish and Portuguese-language sources, Before moving to Istanbul, he worked in ambitious Strategic Partnership. The economic relations reached a high in 2011 represents a first endeavor in English. -
From Yekaterinburg to Brasilia: BRICS and the G20, Road to Nowhere?
Article From Yekaterinburg to Brasilia: BRICS and the G20, road to nowhere? DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329202000109 Rev. Bras. Polít. Int., 63(1): e009, 2020 Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional Abstract ISSN 1983-3121 The BRICS have forged a collective identity to become a new driving force http://www.scielo.br/rbpi in Global Governance. They have used bodies such as the G20 to produce changes at global governance levels. This has raised two questions on their Niall Duggan1 role. First, can they hold a common position despite different developmental 1University College Cork, Government, agendas? Second, has the China’s economic leap produced a unique (Chinese) Cork, Ireland agenda rather than a collective (BRICS) one? ([email protected]) ORCID ID: Keywords: BRICS; Emerging powers; China; G20; Global governance. orcid.org/0000-0002-3578-1068 Juan Carlos Ladines Azalia2 2Universidad del Pacifico, International Received: January 15, 2020 Business, Lima, Peru. ([email protected]) Accepted: June 13, 2020 ORCID ID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9327-9068 Introduction he BRICS differ from one another culturally, politically, and Tdemographically. What these countries do share, however, is an aspiration to be “rule makers” instead of “rule takers” within global governance. The 2009 BRIC summit’s joint declaration outlined foundations for a common “thought” among member states, including the primacy of the rule of law and multilateral diplomacy with a leading role for the UN (Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil 2008, 2). This produced a common standpoint and meant that the BRICS became a new driving force for change within global Copyright: governance, leading to the promotion of South-South cooperation. -
9 º Congreso ALACIP Democracias En Recesión? 26-28 De Julio De 2017, Montevideo
1 9 º Congreso ALACIP Democracias en recesión? 26-28 de Julio de 2017, Montevideo Grupo de Relaciones Internacionales Panel: Políticas externas e de defesa de Argentina e Brasil a partir de 2015. Rede de Pesquisa sobre Política Externa e Política de Defesa entre Argentina e Brasil BRAZIL’S RISE AND DECLINE IN SOUTH AMERICA Miriam Gomes Saraiva Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro [email protected] Resumen/Abstract During the Lula da Silva administration, the Brazilian government has performed to consolidated a regional governance in South America putting renewed effort into building the country’s leadership in the region. Since 2011, when Dilma Rousseff came into power, the Brazilian links with its neighbours has been losing strength, as well as its role as a regional power has been declining. The aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in Brazilian regional strategy of leadership in South American issues, from 2011 onwards. It argues that, although Rousseff is part of the same political party, while the Lula government behaviour focused on building up of Brazilian leadership in the region on several different fronts, the Rousseff administration has behaved differently from its predecessor; the Brazilian efforts to build a leadership in the region would have reached a turning point affecting, therefore, its role as regional power. 2 Since 2003, in a shifting international scenario of increasing fragmentation and following the decline of the liberal world order seen in the 1990s, Brazil has taken assertive action to expand its participation in multilateral forums and debates on global political matters as part of a diplomatic strategy that envisages a reformulation of existing international institutions. -
50Anos Depois Do Golpe
brasileiros no multilateralismo N A experiência brasileira à frente 7 de organizações internacionais 2014 os 50 anos dos 3ds Permanência e evolução de uma ideia tríade modernista no itamaraty Niemeyer, Burle Marx e Athos Bulcão DIPLOMACIA E HUMANIDADES JUCA política da indiscrição A vergonha pelo vazamento de informações Diplomacia e Transição Democrática 50 ANOS DEPOIS DO GOLPE CARTA dos EDITORES Os 50 anos do Golpe militar. As manifestações de junho de 2013. A crescente abertu- ra do Itamaraty ao diálogo com a sociedade civil. A exposição de limites da diploma- cia tradicional. A consolidação da liderança brasileira em importantes organizações multilaterais. Certamente, o período do curso de formação da Turma 2012-2014 do Instituto Rio Branco coincidiu com episódios marcantes para a diplomacia, a política e a sociedade brasileiras. A produção de mais um exemplar da JUCA não poderia passar ao largo desse tem- po de mudanças. O fato de sermos numericamente menos que os colegas das “Turmas de 100” não anulou o entusiasmo de propor inovações. Primeiramente, renovamos o projeto gráfico da Revista, de forma a reforçar a afinidade entre textos e identidade visual. Além disso, fomentamos parcerias com jovens acadêmicos, coautores de dois importantes artigos desta edição. “Last but not least”, a JUCA tem, pela primeira vez, seu conteúdo traduzido para o inglês. Com a edição bilíngue e a recém-lançada pági- na no Facebook (facebook.com/revistajuca), esperamos conquistar novas audiências, nos lugares mais distantes. Ao mesmo tempo em que instituímos mudanças, cuidamos da essência da JUCA. O conteúdo desta edição reitera o compromisso dos jovens diplomatas em tomar parte nas discussões relacionadas à profissão com a qual ainda se estão acostumando, além de revelar seus talentos e opiniões sobre arte, política, literatura e filosofia. -
Brazil's Role in Institutions of Global Economic
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository@Hull - CRIS BRAZIL’S ROLE IN INSTITUTIONS OF GLOBAL ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE: THE WTO AND G20 Mahrukh Doctor Abstract: The article evaluates the extent to which Brazil’s foreign policy actions, negotiating positions and diplomatic strategies in global governance institutions contribute to supporting its national interest and foreign policy aims. It compares Brazil’s preferences and behaviour in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and Group of 20 (G20). For decades, Brazil’s primary national interest has been national economic development. The article argues that Brazil is moving from a material interests based definition of its prime national interest to a more complex one that includes both material and prestige/status based aspects. Research demonstrates that Brazil has become increasingly focused on gaining recognition as a leader of developing countries, sometimes even at the cost of realizing its full material interests. It considers the value of constructivist international relations theory to understanding Brazilian foreign policy. Key Words: Brazil, WTO, G20, emerging power, global governance The past decade has seen a major shift in global economic dynamism and power distribution. Ideological as well as pragmatic factors colour established and emerging powers’ attitudes towards the emerging world order. Moreover, the growing political, economic, and ideological diversity present in the international system has dissipated the like-mindedness that guided post-war collaboration on issues of global governance. The impacts of the global financial crisis, Euro-zone troubles, and turbulence in emerging markets required both established and emerging powers to re-think their behaviour in arenas of global economic governance. -
The Responses of Mercosur to the Impeachment Processes in Paraguay and Brazil
REGIME EFFECTIVENESS AND DEMOCRACY PROTECTION: THE RESPONSES OF MERCOSUR TO THE IMPEACHMENT PROCESSES IN PARAGUAY AND BRAZIL Efetividade de regimes e proteção à democracia: as respostas do Mercosul aos processos de impeachment no Paraguai e no Brasil Alexandre San Martim Portes1 Introduction Democratization and regional integration are phenomena relatively new in South America. After decades of authoritarian regimes, new democratic orders and globalization brought the necessity of looking for partnership in the neighborhood. The Common Market of the South, or in the Spanish acronym Mercosur, was created in 1991, as an attempt to bring the countries in the region not only economically but also politically closer. Although initially a project lead by Brazil and Argentina, Mercosur has today three more members: Paraguay, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Bolivia is in the process of integration and Chile, Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana and Surinam are associate members (MERCOSUR, 2017). Even tough Mercosur created institutionalized mechanisms to protect democracy in the region, two impeachment process happened in the group, generating controversies. One of the processes was in Paraguay in 2012, removing Fernando Lugo from the government, and the other in Brazil in 2016, impeaching Dilma Rousseff. The group reacted differently to each process, resulting in the suspension of Paraguay from the group in the first case, and accepting the domestic decision in the second. Since different responses were given to the impeachment problem, an important question emerges: can the regime of protection of democracy of Mercosur be considered effective, even when it had different reactions to the impeachment process occurred in Paraguay and Brazil? The hypothesis to the question is that the regime, to be effective, should have given a similar response to problems that are also similar.