Taiwan's Political Survival in a Challenging Geopolitical Context
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Imaginary War with China: Is the 1992 Consensus an Essential Element In
Imaginary War With China: Is The 1992 Consensus an Essential Element in Promoting Peace Across Taiwan Strait? Ching-Hsin Yu,* Ching-Hsing Wang,† and Dennis Lu-Chung Weng‡ Abstract This study aims to examine the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan in the name of the Republic of China (R.O.C) without declaring independence. Given President Tsai Ing-wen’s refusal to recognize the existence of the 1992 consensus that provides the basis for dialogue between Taiwan and China, there is a pressing need to understand the role of the 1992 consensus in Taiwanese people’s support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. By using data from the 2017 Taiwan National Security Survey, this study finds that people with higher levels of support for the 1992 consensus are more likely to support Taiwan in the name of the R.O.C without declaring independence. This implies that from the public’s perspective, the acknowledgement of the 1992 consensus is a required condition to maintain the status quo for Taiwan. Consequently, President Tsai and her administration might need to rethink about their policy of denying the existence of the 1992 consensus. Keywords: 1992 consensus, Taiwan, R.O.C., Taiwan independence, presidential approval. * Distinguished Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University, email: [email protected]. † Postdoctoral Fellow, Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston, email: [email protected]. ‡ Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston State University, email: [email protected]. 1 Introduction The independence-unification issue has been the most salient political issue in Taiwan that has played an important role in domestic political competition as well as the development of cross-strait relations. -
New Challenges and Opportunities in the Taiwan Strait: Defining America’S Role
New Challenges and Opportunities in the Taiwan Strait: Defining America’s Role By Thomas J. Christensen PREFACE Nations define their identities in many ways – through language, culture, political ideology, religion, ethnicity, and territory. When one or more of these elements becomes contested either between nations or within them, the potential for conflict and war arises. In the case of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, all six of these elements are now to a greater or lesser degree being contested. The official view of the PRC is that Taiwan is part of a yet-to-be-defined “one China.” The ROC no longer claims to be the legitimate government of all of China; its official position is that it is a separate, independent state, reunification is only an option, and an option that could only be achieved should both sides of the Strait, as equals, come to a mutually satisfactory agreement. Adding to the complexity of what is known as cross-Strait relations is the deep involvement of the United States, which maintains close but “unofficial” ties with Taiwan and ever-expanding, official relations with the mainland, and whose policies and military support for Taiwan are designed to dissuade both parties from actions that would lead them to violent conflict. Developments of major historical significance have taken place in the PRC and the ROC since Truman first involved the United States by sending the Seventh Fleet to patrol the Taiwan Strait shortly after the outbreak of the Korean War. The two most relevant to current cross-Strait relations are the PRC’s “Reform and Opening” and its resulting economic growth, and the development of multi-party democracy in the ROC. -
Taiwan's Upcoming Presidential and Legislative
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES TAIWAN’S UPCOMING PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS A Conversation with Shelley Rigger and Hsu Szu-chien The Brookings Institution December 14, 2011 Washington, DC [Transcript prepared from an audio recording] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction and Moderator: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Featured Speakers: SHELLEY RIGGER Brown Professor of East Asian Studies Chair, Department of Political Science Davidson College HSU SZU-CHIEN Assistant Research Fellow Institute of Political Science Academia Sinica * * * * * P R O C E E D I N G S RICHARD BUSH: I’m Richard Bush. I’m the Director of the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, which is the unit at Brookings that is sponsoring today’s event on the Taiwan election. I’m really pleased that you’ve all come. I’m really pleased that Shelley Rigger of Davidson College and Hsu Szu-chien of Academia Sinica in Taipei are here because they’re our speakers today. The way we will work this is that I will have a couple of introductory remarks and then ask questions of our resource people about the election and its implications. And then we will open it up for discussion. Taiwan’s election takes place one month from today, on January 14th. It will be both an election for the legislature―the Legislative Yuan―and for the presidency. This is the first time that the two elections have been held on the same day. -
Under the Shadow of China. Beijing’S Policy Towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in Comparative Perspective
China Perspectives 2014/2 | 2014 Contested Urban Spaces Under the Shadow of China. Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective. Samson Yuen Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6491 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.6491 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2014 Number of pages: 69-76 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Samson Yuen, « Under the Shadow of China. », China Perspectives [Online], 2014/2 | 2014, Online since 01 January 2017, connection on 15 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ chinaperspectives/6491 © All rights reserved Current Affairs China perspectives cefc News Analysis Under the Shadow of China Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective SAMSON YUEN n 18 March 2014, student protesters stormed Taiwan’s Legislative With the lessons of CEPA in mind, opinion in Taiwan was divided over the Yuan, kicking off to a 24-day sit-in that paralysed the island’s leg - service trade pact. Supporters, including the KMT government led by Pres - Oislature. The historic occupation, later given the name Sunflower ident Ma Ying-jeou, argued that the pact would be economically beneficial Student Movement ( taiyanghua xueyun 太陽花學運 ), was a protest against to Taiwan while diplomatically indispensable for Taiwan to join other free the attempt by the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) to pass a service trade pact trade zones such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership with China. The pact, entitled the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (RCEP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). (8) Opponents argued that (CSSTA), (1) was signed between China and Taiwan in June 2013 as one of the pact lacked a democratic mandate and condemned the negotiation two follow-up treaties to the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement process between the CCP and KMT governments as a “black box” ( heixiang (ECFA) signed in 2010. -
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson Colleg
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson College The Taiwan Issue in US-China Normalization After 1949, there were many obstacles to normalization of relations between the United States and the new People’s Republic of China (PRC), but Taiwan was no doubt a key obstacle. The Kuomintang-led Republic of China (ROC) government and armies had retreated there. Washington maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC government and, in 1954-55, acceded to Chiang Kai-shek’s entreaties for a mutual defense treaty. After June 1950 with the outbreak of the Korean conflict, the United States took the position that the status of the island of Taiwan— whether it was part of the sovereign territory of China—was “yet to be determined.” More broadly, PRC leaders regarded the United States as a threat to their regime, particularly because of its support for the ROC, and American leaders viewed China as a threat to peace and stability in East Asia and to Taiwan, which they saw as an ally in the containment of Asian communism in general and China in particular. It was from Taiwan’s Ching Chuan Kang (CCK) airbase, for example, that U.S. B-52s flew bombing missions over North Vietnam. By the late 1960s, PRC and U.S. leaders recognized the strategic situation in Asia had changed, and that the geopolitical interests of the two countries were not in fundamental conflict. Jimmy Carter and Deng Xiaoping not only reaffirmed that assessment but also recognized a basis for economic cooperation. -
Urban China China
URBAN CHINA URBAN URBAN CHINA CHINA TOWARD EFFICIENT, CITIES AND SUSTAINABLE INCLUSIVE, INCLUSIVE, AND TOWARD EFFICIENT, SUSTAINABLE URBANIZATION INCLUSIVE, AND BUILDING EFFICIENT, BUILDING EFFICIENT, SUSTAINABLE URBANIZATION The World Bank Development Research Center of the State Council, The People’s Republic of China ISBN 978-1-4648-0206-5 90000 9781464 802065 SKU 210206 Urban China Urban China Toward Efficient, Inclusive, and Sustainable Urbanization The World Bank Development Research Center of the State Council, the People’s Republic of China Washington, DC © 2014 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank and the Development Research Center of the State Council, P. R. China 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved 1 2 3 4 17 16 15 14 This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank and the Development Research Center of the State Council, P.R. China. Note that neither The World Bank nor the Development Research Center of the State Council, P. R. China necessarily own each component of the content included in the work. The World Bank and the Development Research Center of the State Council, P. R. China therefore do not warrant that the use of the content contained in the work will not infringe on the rights of third parties. The risk of claims resulting from such infringement rests solely with you. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of nor imply an official endorsement by The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, the governments they represent, or the Government of China. -
Pokojowe Negocjacje Czy Twa
POKOJOWE NEGOCJACJE CZY TWARDA GRA? ROZWÓJ STOSUNKÓW PONAD CIEŚNINĄ TAJWAŃSKĄ seria pod redakcją BOGDANA SZLACHTY 54 ŁUKASZ GACEK EWA TROJNAR POKOJOWE NEGOCJACJE CZY TWARDA GRA? ROZWÓJ STOSUNKÓW PONAD CIEŚNINĄ TAJWAŃSKĄ Kraków 2013 © Copyright by Łukasz Gacek, Ewa Trojnar, Kraków 2012 Recenzent: Prof. dr hab. Adam W. Jelonek Opracowanie redakcyjne: Edyta Wygonik-Barzyk Korekta: Irena Gubernat Projekt okładki: Emilia Dajnowicz Zdjęcie na okładce – figurki (od lewej): Chiang Kai-shek, Sun Yat-sen, Mao Zedong Skład i łamanie: www.anatta.pl Książka dofinansowana przez Wydział Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego ISBN 978-83-7638-277-7 KsięgarNIA AKADEMICKA ul. św. Anny 6, 31-008 Kraków tel./faks 43-127-43, 422-10-33 w. 11-67 [email protected] www.akademicka.pl Słowo WSTęPNE Prowadzenie badań naukowych poświęconych problematyce rozwoju stosunków w Cieśninie Tajwańskiej stanowi nie lada wyzwanie. Ich unikatowość i zarazem złożoność zjednują i dzielą uczonych na całym świecie. Powstawaniu prac nauko- wych o tej tematyce sprzyjają różnorodne podejścia badawcze, prowadzące często do rozbieżnych wyjaśnień i prognoz dotyczących rozwoju wypadków. Wśród nich panuje jednak dość powszechna akceptacja poziomu skomplikowania zagadnienia. Nie zrażając się tym faktem, a wręcz czerpiąc z niego badawczą satysfakcję, autorzy oddają w ręce Czytelników opracowanie poświęcone bieżącym stosunkom pomiędzy Chinami a Tajwanem, uwzględniające wnikliwą analizę zarówno wewnętrznych, jak i zewnętrznych uwarunkowań procesu. Monografia powstała w oparciu o aktualne i dostępne w 2012 r. dane. Jest to praca o charakterze nie tylko podręcznikowym, ale i analitycznym. Wynika to z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze, podejmując taką decyzję, autorzy kierowali się potrzebami świata akademickiego, gdyż omawiane stosunki są tematem wielu wykła- dów akademickich na kierunkach: nauk politycznych, ekonomicznych, stosunków międzynarodowych, a także na studiach kulturoznawczych i innych. -
Transcript Prepared from an Audio Recording]
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES in cooperation with THE FREEMAN CHAIR IN CHINA STUDIES, CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES TAIWAN’S PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS: IMPLICATIONS FOR TAIWAN, THE UNITED STATES, AND CROSS-STRAIT RELATIONS Panel Three: Implications for the United States and Cross-Strait Relations Center for Strategic and International Studies January 17, 2012 Washington, DC [Transcript prepared from an audio recording] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 Introduction: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director Center for Northeastern Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution BONNIE GLASER Senior Fellow, Freeman Chair in China Studies and Senior Associate, Pacific Forum Center for Strategic and International Studies Panel 1: Analysis of the Presidential and Legislative Elections Moderator: EDWARD McCORD Director, Sigur Center for Asian Studies Director, Taiwan Education and Research Program The George Washington University Panelists: ANTONIO CHIANG Columnist, Apple Daily CHU YUN-HAN Distinguished Research Fellow, Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica DAFYDD FELL Senior Lecturer in Taiwan Studies and Deputy Director, Centre of Taiwan Studies School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Panel 2: Lessons from the Past, and Policy Issues for the New Administration Moderator: NANCY BERNKOPF TUCKER Professor of History, Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service Georgetown -
Communications and China's National Integration: an Analysis of People's
OccAsioNAl PApERs/ REpRiNTS SERiEs iN CoNTEMpoRARY •• AsiAN STudiEs NUMBER 5 - 1986 {76) COMMUNICATIONS AND CHINA'S NATIONAL INTEGRATION: AN , ANALYSIS OF PEOPLE'S DAILY •I AND CENTRAL DAILY NEWS ON • THE CHINA REUNIFICATION ISSUE Shuhua Chang SclloolofLAw UNivERsiTy of 0 c:.•• MARylANd_. 0 ' Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah Chiu Executive Editor: Jaw-ling Joanne Chang Acting Managing Editor: Shaiw-chei Chuang Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Martin Wilbur, Columbia University Professor Gaston J. Sigur, George Washington University Professor Shao-chuan Leng, University of Virginia Professor James Hsiung, New York University Dr. Lih-wu Han, Political Science Association of the Republic of China Professor J. S. Prybyla, The Pennsylvania State University Professor Toshio Sawada, Sophia University, Japan Professor Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, Center for International Politics, University of Munich, Federal Republic of Germany Professor Choon-ho Park, International Legal Studies Korea University, Republic of Korea Published with the cooperation of the Maryland International Law Society All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu, University of Maryland School of Law, 500 West Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201 USA. All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion con tained therein. Subscription is US $15.00 for 6 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues) in the United States and Canada and $20.00 for overseas. -
US-Taiwan Relationship
U.S.-Taiwan Relationship: Overview of Policy Issues Shirley A. Kan Specialist in Asian Security Affairs Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in Asian Trade and Finance January 4, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41952 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S.-Taiwan Relationship: Overview of Policy Issues Summary The purpose and scope of this CRS report is to provide a succinct overview with analysis of the issues in the U.S.-Taiwan relationship. This report will be updated as warranted. Taiwan formally calls itself the sovereign Republic of China (ROC), tracing its political lineage to the ROC set up after the revolution in 1911 in China. The ROC government retreated to Taipei in 1949. The United States recognized the ROC until the end of 1978 and has maintained a non-diplomatic relationship with Taiwan after recognition of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing in 1979. The State Department claims an “unofficial” U.S. relationship with Taiwan, despite official contacts that include arms sales. The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979, P.L. 96-8, has governed policy in the absence of a diplomatic relationship or a defense treaty. Other key statements that guide policy are the three U.S.-PRC Joint Communiqués of 1972, 1979, and 1982; as well as the “Six Assurances” of 1982. (See also CRS Report RL30341, China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy—Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei.) For decades, Taiwan has been of significant security, economic, and political interest to the United States. -
Taiwan: Crisis Deferred, but Maybe Not for Long
Asia Pacific Bulletin Number 145 | January 19, 2012 Taiwan: Crisis Deferred, But Maybe Not For Long BY DENNY ROY Taiwan’s elections on January 14, which for the first time combined polls for the presidency and the legislature, displayed further positive evolution in Taiwan’s now well-established democracy. The results also precluded an immediate disruption in relations between Taiwan and the PRC, which is good news in Washington. In Beijing’s view, however, the goal is not Denny Roy, Senior Fellow at stability across the Taiwan Strait, but unification. Chinese impatience might weigh more heavily on President Ma Ying-jeou, and by extension on the United States, during Ma’s the East-West Center, second term. discusses the implications of Although the election awarded the presidency and a majority of the legislature to the the recent Taiwan election Kuomintang (KMT), it strengthened Taiwan’s two-party system. After a sound beating in results. “In the short-term, we the 2008 presidential election and the trial and imprisonment of former President Chen can expect a deepening of Shui-bian for corruption, the ability of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to remain a viable challenger to the KMT was questionable. In the intervening years, however, the DPP cross-Strait economic and rebounded impressively. DPP candidate Tsai Ing-wen was an intelligent candidate who social integration, persistence raised important policy issues. Her 45 percent of the vote improved on the 42 percent of the diplomatic truce, and garnered by DPP candidate Frank Hsieh in 2008. The DPP also gained 13 new seats in the legislature, although the gain was less than expected. -
Country of Origin Information Report China
Country of origin information report China July 2020 Country of origin information report China | May 2020 Publication details Location The Hague Assembled by Country of Origin Information Reports Section (AB) The Dutch version of this report is leading. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands cannot be held accountable for misinterpretations based on the English version of the report. Country of origin information report China | May 2020 Table of contents Publication details ............................................................................................2 Table of contents .............................................................................................3 Introduction ....................................................................................................6 1 Political developments ................................................................................ 8 1.1 General ..........................................................................................................8 1.2 Xi Jinping .......................................................................................................8 1.3 The Shuanggui system .....................................................................................9 1.4 The security situation .......................................................................................9 1.5 Social credit system ....................................................................................... 10 1.5.1 Companies ..................................................................................................