Why Does Israel Keep Moving to the Right?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Why Does Israel Keep Moving to the Right? Why Does Israel Keep Moving to the Right? By Molly Murphy and Lila Weitzner The Knesset u 120 members u Elections every four years u Number party representatives proportional to amount of support received. u Roles: • Legislate and revise laws • Policy decisions • Review government decisions • Elect the president • Speaker of the Knesset: • Yuli Edelstein (Likud) 2013-present Israeli Political Parties (currently represented in the Knesset) HaBayit HaYehudi/ Jewish Home (2008) u Ultra-right religious Zionist party u Jewish Identity of the state on every level: cultural, RIGHT to LEFT to RIGHT personal status, legislature and society. u Opposes two state solution- expand settlements The Likud (1973) u Party Leader: Benjamin Netanyahu u Settlement is crucial to Zionist effort to redeem the country, maintain security. u Israel cannot withdraw from Palestinian territories. u Many members call for formal annexation of West Bank. Israeli Political Parties (currently represented in the Knesset) Yisrael Beiteinu (1999) Shas (1984) Ultra-orthodox u movement following the path of Zez u End to social and economic discrimination Jabotinsky, founder of Revisionist Zionism 1999 against Sephardic Jews u “Peace-for-peace and land-for-land” u Jewish religious law governing society RIGHT to LEFT to RIGHT u "The end result must not be a state and a half for Palestinians and half a state for the Jews… It u No chance of peace before problem of would be unjustifiable to create a Palestinian state that would exclude Jews while Israel Hamas is dealt with became a bi-national state with an Arab minority of more than 20 percent of its citizens.” –Yisrael Beiteinu party manifesto Kulanu (2014) United Torah Judaism (1992) u Moshe Kahlon broke off from Likud due to u Jewish religious law should govern society corruption within the party prior to 2015 u ultra-orthodox, non-Zionist party elections. u Much of support comes from u Focus on economic and cost of living issues West Bank settlements u Unresolved views towards peace process and two state solution Israeli Political Parties (currently represented in the Knesset) Yesh Atid (2012) Meretz (1992) “We believe that Israel is a democratic, Jewish State in the spirit of the visions of the Prophets of • Campaigns on issues of social justice, equality, and Israel.” peace with Palestinians u Supports a two state solution- status of Jerusalem not up for negotiation • Supports Palestinian efforts to achieve statehood RIGHT to LEFT to RIGHT through UN u Doubts of the possibility of peace with Arabs Zionist Union (Labor and Hatnuah) United Arab List u Isaac Herzog and Tzipi Livni form center-left • Balad, Ra'am-Ta'al, Arab-Jewish Hadash, and the challenge to Netanyahu’s reelection Islamic Movement parties join forces for 2015 u In favor of two state solution –believes in elections, headed by Hadash leader Ayman possibility of peace Odeh. u Upholding Israel’s values of both a Jewish • Calls for Palestinian state on the ‘67 borders with and democratic state East Jerusalem as its capital and dismantlement of u Israeli settlements chief barrier to peace Israeli settlements • Only Arab party represented in Knesset Benjamin Netanyahu 2015 Israeli Elections u Prime Minister 1996-1999 & 2009-present u Called for early elections after 5 party coalition government fractures u Closest rivals- Isaac Herzog and Tzipi Livni (Zionist Union) u Israel must never relinquish “security control” over West Bank u Last minute campaigning: u No Palestinian state while he’s in power u Racist text messages "Arab voters are coming out in droves to the https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rFzFJj7Iup8 polls. Left-wing organizations are busing them out.“-Netanyahu Facebook post Why has Israeli politics shifted so far to the right? u Increasing religiosity among Jewish Israeli populations. u Continual violence inflicted as the occupying power of the Palestinian Occupied Territories. u Militarization of society. u Failure of peace process to bring about any positive change. u The gradual defeat of the left-wing peace movement. How religious are Israeli Jews now? TWO MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT ISRAELI JUDAISM 1) All Israelis are religious Jews. u There is a fairly even split between Israelis who consider themselves Jewish before Israeli and Israelis who consider themselves Israeli before Jewish. u Forty-two percent of Israeli Jews are secular. 2) The majority of Israelis are completely secular while a minority are ultra-orthodox or “haredim.” u Only forty-two percent of Israeli Jews are secular. u A minority of Israeli Jews are “ultra-orthodox.” u “Secular” in Israel is very different than in the United States. u The animosity between haredim and the rest of the population hides moderate observance of Judaism ONE REALITY ABOUT ISRAELI JUDAISM 1) The ultra-religious population is growing and it is pushing the country farther and farther to the right. What is the relationship between secular and religious Israelis? u Day to day interaction is seldom and unwanted. u Haredim expect secular Israelis to observe Jewish laws and harass secular Israelis when they do not. u Haredim have high birth rates and often do not work or serve in the military so secular tax dollars Vs. go to aid so the ultra-Orthodox can study Torah all day. u Haredim take over secular neighborhoods particularly in Jerusalem. u Secular Israelis see the ultra-Orthodox as the weak, effeminate past of Judaism as opposed to the sexy, strong, secular future of Judaism. u Haredim and seculars clash over which side of the green line is more valuable. What does the secular/Orthodox schism tell us about Israeli politics? u The secular clash with the Orthodox because of their disproportionate power in the Knesset. u This power comes from an alliance with the right wing for the West Bank . u The secular blame the Haredim for the occupation and oppression of the Palestinians, which excuses their own complicity. “I can’t count the number of times I’ve heard secular Jews blame religious Jews for all of the country’s ills. It seems, to me, the easy way out—a way of shrugging off responsibility for the state of the state. “Their settlements are ruining this place,” secular Jewish Israelis sometimes say, ignoring the fact that not all settlers are religious and not all religious are settlers. This statement also overlooks the crucial role Israeli society plays, as a whole, in supporting the settlement enterprise—militarily, financially, and politically.” What does an increase in religious violence do for the right wing? Netanyahu’s right-wing and their structural violence doesn’t look so bad compared to the ultra- Orthodox’s direct violence. “It’s a shame that the military authorities have chosen at this time during which u Between 2009 and 2011, violence inflicted upon the security forces in general, and IDF Palestinians by Orthodox settlers tripled. soldiers in particular, are working day and night in order to restore security to u Since 2008, attacks on Christians have increased civilians, and instead of giving them by 150 percent each year. freedom of action and the minimal backing needed, these same combat u In certain cases of attacks on Palestinians, ultra- soldiers have found themselves arrested Orthodox Israelis are granted legal support by an and forced to deal with the baseless organization funded by Israeli taxpayers. claims of a terrorist.” - Nathan Haber, lawyer for Honenu u Price tag hate crimes were officially recognized as acts of terror by US State Department in 2012. How does continual violence shift Israeli culture to the right? u Violence against Israeli civilian populations creates a constant sense of threat and desire for heightened security. u Under rightwing leadership, Israeli national security has increased. u Systematic violence towards Palestinians has increased. u Normalization of violence. Militarization u IDF Mandatory service for both men and women of Society u Seen as a rite of passage u IDF soldiers working among civilian population- weapons ever present u Glorification of military- part of Israel’s identity u Intensifies the perceived threat of Palestinians u Militarism ingrained in legal system u IDF taking on civilian matters u Psychological effects Failure of the Peace Process to Bring About Change u Allows right to develop rejectionist narrative u Likud blames failure of Peace process on Palestinian rejectionists u Camp David u Losing faith in the possibility of Peace u Times of Israel poll: u 43% believe economic issues most important u 16% deterioration with Palestinians Where has the left-wing peace movement gone? 1) They have left the country. u The number of Israeli emigrants that leave because of ideological problems is statically insignificant, but symbolically significant. 2) The idea of peace is a lost cause. 3)Violence has become normalized in the name of security. 4) Internal Problems u Criticized for being little more than very educated, elite Ashkenazi Jews seeking fulfillment of ideology, but not action. u Criticized for not having vision of what Israel should be after the liberation of Palestinians. u Siding with international organizations has made their views seem more marginal. 5) Right wing propaganda and violence targeted at the left-wing has successfully delegitimized the movement. What does this mean for the future of Israel/Palestine? The right-wing engineered settlements nullify the legality of occupation. If that holds true, Israel is no longer a democracy. “For Israel, a state that has always been tenacious and aggressive in combatting perceived
Recommended publications
  • Jabotinsky Institute in Israel Peres, Netanyahu and Edelstein Praise
    Jabotinsky Institute in Israel Published by the Hon. Chairman Jabotinsky Institute in Israel Mr. Yitzhak Shamir Z"L Founder and first director: Former Prime Minister of Israel ז"ל Joseph Pa'amoni Volume 52 Octobre 2013 ראש הממשלה בנימין נתניהו מעיין בכרך "לאומיות ליברלית" מאת Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu looks through volume ז'בוטינסקי, שהגישו לו )משמאל( ד"ר קרני רובין־ז'בוטינסקי, יוסי Liberal Nationalism, given to him by members of Institute אחימאיר, מרדכי שריג וכן עמירם בוקשפן. .Executive Board Peres, Netanyahu and Edelstein Praise New Volume of the Works of Jabotinsky - Liberal Nationalism “Your renewed publication of the Works of Jabotinsky, edited the new book, that he has had the honor of reading a number by Prof. Arye Naor and translated by Peter Kriksunov and of Jabotinsky’s works in their original language—Russian. He Hamutal Bar-Yosef, marks an important theoretical stratum lauded the Jabotinsky Institute for this project and stated that there in the research of Jabotinsky’s doctrine,” wrote President was a great need to aid the Institute to continue this praiseworthy Shimon Peres in a thank-you letter to the director general endeavor. of the Jabotinsky Institute in Israel for the book Liberal Liberal Nationalism, the first volume in the new series of Nationalism by Ze’ev Jabotinsky. Jabotinsky’s ideological works, is edited by Professor Arye Naor. Currently the book is being produced by the Jabotinsky Institute Peres added, “The reader of Jabotinsky’s writings cannot help but be in an annotated edition featuring new translations to Hebrew from moved by the liberalism so inherent in his doctrine, by Jabotinsky’s such languages as Russian, Yiddish and English.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
    Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 2016 Annual Report
    Research. Debate. Impact. 2016 ANNUAL REPORT 1 Table of Contents Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board 4 Sixth Meeting of IDI's International Advisory Council 8 The Center for Democratic Values and Institutions 11 The Center for Religion, Nation and State 23 The Center for Governance and the Economy 29 The Center for Security and Democracy 35 The Guttman Center for Surveys and Public Policy Research 41 IDI in the Media 47 Our Team 50 Our Leaders 51 Our Partners 52 Financials 53 Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board Dear Friends, 2016 was a year of change and upheaval throughout the jobs available to Haredim. The government adopted most of democratic world. Set against the tumult of Brexit and the the recommendations and is now in the process of allocating US elections, Israel seemed at times like an island of stability. a half-billion-shekel budget in line with these proposals. This However, under the surface, Israeli society is changing, and IDI success story illustrates the potential of turning relatively small took on a leading role in identifying those changes and working philanthropic investments into large-scale transformational with policymakers to address them. change by affecting policy and legislation on the basis of outstanding applied research. As the report that follows lays out, 2016 was a year rich in activity and achievements. In this letter, we have chosen to single Several new scholars joined our team in 2016. Ms. Daphna out the impact one program had on government policy in the Aviram-Nitzan, former director of research for the Israel employment area.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World 2019
    Freedom in the World 2019 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/israel A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 A largely ceremonial president is elected by the Knesset for one seven-year term. In 2014, Reuven Rivlin of the right-leaning Likud party was elected to replace outgoing president Shimon Peres, receiving 63 votes in a runoff against Meir Sheetrit of the centrist Hatnuah party. The prime minister is usually the leader of the largest faction in the Knesset. In 2014, in a bid to create more stable governing coalitions, the electoral threshold for parties to win representation was raised from 2 percent to 3.25 percent, and the no- confidence procedure was revised so that opponents hoping to oust a sitting government must simultaneously vote in a new one. The incumbent prime minister in 2018, Benjamin Netanyahu of the conservative party Likud, had been in office since 2009, most recently securing reelection after the 2015 parliamentary polls. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 Members of the 120-seat Knesset are elected by party-list proportional representation for four-year terms, and elections are typically free and fair. In the 2015 contest, Likud secured 30 seats, followed by the center-left Zionist Union with 24. The Joint List—a coalition of parties representing Arab citizens of Israel, who often identify as Palestinian—earned 13 seats; the centrist Yesh Atid (There Is a Future), 11; Kulanu, also centrist, 10; Habayit Hayehudi (Jewish Home), 8; the ultra- Orthodox parties Shas and United Torah Judaism, 7 and 6, respectively; the right- wing Yisrael Beiteinu, 6; and the left-wing Meretz party, 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Peace Between Israel and the Palestinians Appears to Be As Elusive As Ever. Following the Most Recent Collapse of American-Broke
    38 REVIVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE PROCESS: HISTORICAL LES- SONS FOR THE MARCH 2015 ISRAELI ELECTIONS Elijah Jatovsky Lessons derived from the successes that led to the signing of the 1993 Declaration of Principles between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization highlight modern criteria by which a debilitated Israeli-Palestinian peace process can be revitalized. Writ- ten in the run-up to the March 2015 Israeli elections, this article examines a scenario for the emergence of a security-credentialed leadership of the Israeli Center-Left. Such leadership did not in fact emerge in this election cycle. However, should this occur in the future, this paper proposes a Plan A, whereby Israel submits a generous two-state deal to the Palestinians based roughly on that of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s offer in 2008. Should Palestinians find this offer unacceptable whether due to reservations on borders, Jerusalem or refugees, this paper proposes a Plan B by which Israel would conduct a staged, unilateral withdrawal from large areas of the West Bank to preserve the viability of a two-state solution. INTRODUCTION Peace between Israel and the Palestinians appears to be as elusive as ever. Following the most recent collapse of American-brokered negotiations in April 2014, Palestinians announced they would revert to pursuing statehood through the United Nations (UN), a move Israel vehemently opposes. A UN Security Council (UNSC) vote on some form of a proposal calling for an end to “Israeli occupation in the West Bank” by 2016 is expected later this month.1 In July 2014, a two-month war between Hamas-controlled Gaza and Israel broke out, claiming the lives of over 2,100 Gazans (this number encompassing both combatants and civilians), 66 Israeli soldiers and seven Israeli civilians—the low number of Israeli civilians credited to Israel’s sophisti- cated anti-missile Iron Dome system.
    [Show full text]
  • Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel?
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 3 Studies Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel? Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD Israel in summer 2021 – the end of the pandemic seems to be near. Israel opens up, almost all mask requirements are cancelled, international travel groups are welcome and even the individual guests are allowed to travel to the Holy Land with almost no restrictions. It seems Israel is back in pre-pandemic times. But it is not the same country anymore. Some fundamental changes have happened over the last few weeks. When, in March 2021, the Israelis had to vote again for the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, it was for the fourth time within two and a half years. The outcome was almost the same as the three times before. Benjamin Nethanyahu, Israel´s long-time prime minister, won most of the seats with his Likud party. As the State of Israel is a parlamentary democracy the executive branch or the government draws its authority from the Parliament (the legislative branch) and needs its confidence. Therefore, the prime minister is not decided directly by the voters but depends instead on a process of bargaining among the various fractions elected to parliament. In Israel, no single party holds most of the seats in Parliament and thus the process of forming a government is long and complicated.1 Israel also has an extreme proportional system of government, 1 For more information see Melanie Carina Schmoll, “Israel and the permanent siege: The people have spoken - who will find an answer to the needs of the voters?” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 20, 1 (2019).
    [Show full text]
  • An Israeli Labor Party Perspective on Peace | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1818 An Israeli Labor Party Perspective on Peace by Isaac Herzog Jun 20, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Isaac Herzog Isaac Herzog is chairman of the executive at the Jewish Agency for Israel. Brief Analysis n June 16, 2011, Isaac Herzog addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute to discuss Israel's next O steps in the wake of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's recent visit to Washington. A member of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Mr. Herzog has served in a number of senior positions in the Israeli government, most recently as minister of welfare and social services. He is currently a candidate for the Labor Party chairmanship. The following is a rapporteur's summary of his remarks. Given the huge uncertainties created by the Arab Spring, many Israelis believe that the best response is a "wait and see" approach. That is a narrow, short-term view, however. A better response is to shape the region's changes in Israel's interest, based on the view that it is better to influence history than be swept along as a passive participant. From that perspective, President Obama's recent speech hit on the crux of the difference between the Israeli right and left. The current government chose to focus on a few controversial words in the speech and, in the process, deepened the tension between Israel and the United States. On the other hand, the Israeli opposition -- especially the Labor Party -- welcomed the address as another evolutionary step from the 2000 Clinton Parameters toward the goal of ending the conflict with the Palestinians.
    [Show full text]
  • S Election Results
    The Challenge of Israel’s Election Results I wrote the following for the latest newsletter of the World Union of Meretz, from the J Street Conference in Washington, DC. Representatives of all of the Israeli opposition gathered there, meeting together with its counterparts from American Jewry, who clearly represent the majority of American Jews. The final polls allowed on Friday the 13th, four days before election day, had given the Zionist Union (Labor & Hatnua) led by Herzog and Livni a lead of 24 to 20 seats, with an even chance to lead the next government. Netanyahu then went into emergency mode, using every demagogic trick in the book to turn the results around. He warned the leadership of the settlers that “the left” was on the verge of winning, and would begin to evacuate settlements, so they mobilized en masse, coming in thousands to Likud strongholds in the outlying and development towns to get out the vote. Mobilizing the extreme right to abandon Naftali Bennet’s Jewish Home party, Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu and the ultra-right Yachad party (led by Shas refugee Eli Yishai in alliance with Kahanist Baruch Marzel), Netanyahu renounced his support for a two-state solution, and on election day warned that Israeli Arabs were voting in droves, being “bussed in by Jewish left-wingers” supported by foreign money. This last claim was ridiculous, since Israeli Arab citizens were simply walking to the polling booths, exercising their democratic right to vote, and energized by the fact that the four Arab parties had united in a Joint Arab List to ensure that they would pass the minimum voter threshold that had been raised to try to prevent them from entering the Knesset.
    [Show full text]
  • Michael Manekin, Sitting on the Fence: the Problems with Herzog’S Disengagement Plan
    Michael Manekin, Sitting on the Fence: The problems with Herzog’s Disengagement Plan Mikhael Manekin is the executive director of Molad, the Center for the Renewal of Israeli Democracy. Yesterday he posted the best response I have seen to Isaac Herzog’s Disengagement plan. In essence, he argues that plan looks more like a PR stunt than a real policy. Herzog avoids discussing real issues and does not offer solutions to most problems. But Manekin’s most significant contribution is his observation that Herzog simply fails to perceive himself as an alternative to Netanyahu. He cannot imagine a universe in which Netanyahu will not be Israel’s Prime Minister. This is an interesting psychological failure – one I had not expected of the leader of the opposition. Translation by Maya Haber from The Hebrew original: In recent weeks there has been talk about Isaac Herzog’s new plan and his argument that the two-state solution should be suspended until further notice. It is important to understand the real problems with Herzog’s plan. The plan calls for separation from the Palestinians. This is not new. It has been the Labor Party’s plan for the last few decades. Other than that, the program lacks content and looks more like a PR stunt, as if it was written by people who are seeking a magic formula rather than a political solution. 1. The plan is characterized by inconsistencies. It was presented at various forums and in different formats – Herzog’s speech, several interviews he gave to different media outlets, on the Labor Party’s website, in an email sent to party activists and in several Facebook posts.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
    Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2
    H-Nationalism Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2 Blog Post published by Yoav Peled on Monday, May 24, 2021 In this post Yoav Peled, Tel Aviv University, discusses the relations between nationalism and religion among Muslims and Jews in Israel. In March 2021 Israel held its fourth general election in two years, which resulted in the same deadlock between Benjamin Netanyahu’s populist supporters and his opponents as the previous three campaigns. (This is not an issue of left and right, as the anti-Netanyahu bloc includes several right- wing parties.) Right before the elections, the United Arab List (UAL), an Islamist political party which represents one of two affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood in Israel (the other affiliate has been outlawed), split from the United List, a coalition of four Arab political parties espousing different shades of Palestinian nationalism. Upon leaving the United List, UAL’s leader, Mansour Abbas, a dentist by profession, declared that his party would be open to negotiate with either side of the political map, including Netanyahu’s bloc, the most nationalist, i.e., anti-Palestinian, political formation in Israel’s history. As it turned out, after the elections Netanyahu and his bloc were short two Knesset seats (out of 120) to form a governing coalition, and the UAL had four seats, which could have carried Netanyahu over the top. However, Religious Zionism, the most right-wing party in Netanyahu’s bloc, which gained six seats, refused to participate in a coalition that would depend on an Arab party, even if that party’s support will be only in the form of abstaining in the crucial vote in the Knesset.1 Religious Zionism Religious Zionism is a tendency within the Zionist movement, established in 1902.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel 2019 International Religious Freedom Report
    ISRAEL 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary This section covers Israel, including Jerusalem. In December 2017, the United States recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. It is the position of the United States that the specific boundaries of Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem are subject to final status negotiations between the parties. The Palestinian Authority (PA) exercises no authority over Jerusalem. In March 2019, the United States recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. A report on the West Bank and Gaza, including areas subject to the jurisdiction of the PA, is appended at the end of this report. The country’s laws and Supreme Court rulings protect the freedoms of conscience, faith, religion, and worship, regardless of an individual’s religious affiliation, and the 1992 “Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty” protects additional individual rights. In 2018, the Knesset passed the “Basic Law: Israel – The Nation State of the Jewish People.” According to the government, that “law determines, among other things, that the Land of Israel is the historical homeland of the Jewish people; the State of Israel is the nation state of the Jewish People, in which it realizes its natural, cultural, religious and historical right to self-determination; and exercising the right to national self-determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish People.” The government continued to allow controlled access to religious sites, including the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif (the site containing the foundation of the first and second Jewish temple and the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqsa Mosque).
    [Show full text]