Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2 H-Nationalism Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2 Blog Post published by Yoav Peled on Monday, May 24, 2021 In this post Yoav Peled, Tel Aviv University, discusses the relations between nationalism and religion among Muslims and Jews in Israel. In March 2021 Israel held its fourth general election in two years, which resulted in the same deadlock between Benjamin Netanyahu’s populist supporters and his opponents as the previous three campaigns. (This is not an issue of left and right, as the anti-Netanyahu bloc includes several right- wing parties.) Right before the elections, the United Arab List (UAL), an Islamist political party which represents one of two affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood in Israel (the other affiliate has been outlawed), split from the United List, a coalition of four Arab political parties espousing different shades of Palestinian nationalism. Upon leaving the United List, UAL’s leader, Mansour Abbas, a dentist by profession, declared that his party would be open to negotiate with either side of the political map, including Netanyahu’s bloc, the most nationalist, i.e., anti-Palestinian, political formation in Israel’s history. As it turned out, after the elections Netanyahu and his bloc were short two Knesset seats (out of 120) to form a governing coalition, and the UAL had four seats, which could have carried Netanyahu over the top. However, Religious Zionism, the most right-wing party in Netanyahu’s bloc, which gained six seats, refused to participate in a coalition that would depend on an Arab party, even if that party’s support will be only in the form of abstaining in the crucial vote in the Knesset.1 Religious Zionism Religious Zionism is a tendency within the Zionist movement, established in 1902. Until 1967 it was a moderating force in Israeli politics vis-à-vis the Israeli-Arab conflict. Since 1967, however, religious Zionists spearheaded the efforts to settle Jews in the Occupied Palestinian Territories in order to keep them in Israel’s possession. 2 The movement is now split between two right-wing political parties: a more mainstream party called Yamina (Rightward), and a more extreme party, religiously and nationalistically, that took the name Religious Zionism. The latter is widely considered to be heir to Rabbi Meir Kahane’s Kach party, which was outlawed and declared a terror organization in 1994 for being racist and anti-democratic. So what does this tell us about the dynamics of nationalism and religion in Israel? An anti-Zionist Islamist political party was willing to forsake the cause of Palestinian nationalism, at least for the moment, in return for various material concessions from a right-wing Israeli government, while an ultra-nationalist, religious Jewish political party was willing to sabotage the attempt to form the most extremely Jewish nationalist government in Israel’s history by refusing to cooperate with an Arab party even in the most minimal way. Saved by Hamas Luckily for Netanyahu and his bloc, as their rivals were about to form a government with UAL support, another affiliate of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas in Gaza, launched a rocket attack on Citation: Yoav Peled. Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2. H-Nationalism. 05-24-2021. https://networks.h-net.org/node/3911/blog/vistas/7762053/nationalism-and-religion-take-2 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. 1 H-Nationalism Israel in response to altercations between Palestinians and the state in occupied East Jerusalem, including in the holy Al-Aqsa compound. The purpose of that intervention was to establish Hamas as defender of Palestinian interests in Jerusalem, in the face of the inaction of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) led by the officially secular Fatah nationalist movement. Moreover, the PNA recently “postponed” indefinitely parliamentary elections that were supposed to be held in May 2021 and in which Hamas was going to be the clear winner, giving Hamas an added incentive to display its might. Hamas’s attack unleashed a major campaign of shock and awe against Gaza, with Hamas responding in kind, but with vastly inferior capabilities. This exchange of fire lasted eleven days. In addition, a series of mutual lynchings and pogroms between Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel ensued in mixed cities inside the country. Under these circumstances, Yamina, the more mainstream religious Zionist party, which has seven seats in the Knesset, could not be part of a coalition that included an Arab party either, and deserted the anti-Netanyahu bloc, dooming its chances to form a government. This will lead, most probably, to another round of general elections next fall. Thus, Hamas, in effect, gave the Netanyahu regime a renewed lease on life.3 Insights A number of insights may be drawn from this episode, at least provisionally, relating to the nature of Islam and Judaism and their inter-relations in the Israeli/Palestinian context, and maybe beyond: Since Islam, unlike Judaism, is a multi-national religion, in a formally democratic context a moderately religious Islamist party can pragmatically suspend its (unrealistic) nationalist aspirations in favor of real-life deals with a ruling party that is diametrically opposed to it ideologically. Non- religious nationalist Palestinian parties would find it much more difficult to engage in bargaining of this kind. While in the case of the UAL religion moderated its nationalism, since Israeli Judaism is identical with Jewish nationalism, in the case of Religious Zionism its religiosity hardened its nationalism to the point of almost enabling a rival political bloc to come to power. The dynamics of nationalism and religion depend, among other factors, on the religious group’s status as majority or minority in the society. A minority nationalist-religious group, struggling for equal rights, will tend to be more pragmatic than a majority group enjoying the privileges of power. The differences between Hamas and Fatah may indicate that in the context of anticolonial struggle religion will reinforce nationalism, while in other situations it may moderate it. Notes 1. Before the elections Religious Zionism had even sought to bar the UAL from running altogether, but its appeal was turned down by the Central Elections Commission. Bezalel Smotrich, head of Religious Zionism, recently declared that the Palestinian citizens of Israel are citizens “for now.” 2. For the history of religious Zionism see Yoav Peled, Horit Herman Peled,The Religionization of Israeli Society, Routledge 2019. Citation: Yoav Peled. Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2. H-Nationalism. 05-24-2021. https://networks.h-net.org/node/3911/blog/vistas/7762053/nationalism-and-religion-take-2 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. 2 H-Nationalism 3. For a similar, but more outspoken, analysis see Thomas L. Friedman, “For Trump, Hamas and Bibi, It Is Always Jan. 6,” The New York Times, May 16, 2021. Posted in: Vistas Citation: Yoav Peled. Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2. H-Nationalism. 05-24-2021. https://networks.h-net.org/node/3911/blog/vistas/7762053/nationalism-and-religion-take-2 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. 3.
Recommended publications
  • Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
    Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Privatizing Religion: the Transformation of Israel's
    Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious- Zionist community BY Yair ETTINGER The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. This paper is part of a series on Imagining Israel’s Future, made possible by support from the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund. The views expressed in this report are those of its author and do not represent the views of the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund, their officers, or employees. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu Table of Contents 1 The Author 2 Acknowlegements 3 Introduction 4 The Religious Zionist tribe 5 Bennett, the Jewish Home, and religious privatization 7 New disputes 10 Implications 12 Conclusion: The Bennett era 14 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious-Zionist community The Author air Ettinger has served as a journalist with Haaretz since 1997. His work primarily fo- cuses on the internal dynamics and process- Yes within Haredi communities. Previously, he cov- ered issues relating to Palestinian citizens of Israel and was a foreign affairs correspondent in Paris. Et- tinger studied Middle Eastern affairs at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and is currently writing a book on Jewish Modern Orthodoxy.
    [Show full text]
  • Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel?
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 3 Studies Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel? Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD Israel in summer 2021 – the end of the pandemic seems to be near. Israel opens up, almost all mask requirements are cancelled, international travel groups are welcome and even the individual guests are allowed to travel to the Holy Land with almost no restrictions. It seems Israel is back in pre-pandemic times. But it is not the same country anymore. Some fundamental changes have happened over the last few weeks. When, in March 2021, the Israelis had to vote again for the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, it was for the fourth time within two and a half years. The outcome was almost the same as the three times before. Benjamin Nethanyahu, Israel´s long-time prime minister, won most of the seats with his Likud party. As the State of Israel is a parlamentary democracy the executive branch or the government draws its authority from the Parliament (the legislative branch) and needs its confidence. Therefore, the prime minister is not decided directly by the voters but depends instead on a process of bargaining among the various fractions elected to parliament. In Israel, no single party holds most of the seats in Parliament and thus the process of forming a government is long and complicated.1 Israel also has an extreme proportional system of government, 1 For more information see Melanie Carina Schmoll, “Israel and the permanent siege: The people have spoken - who will find an answer to the needs of the voters?” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 20, 1 (2019).
    [Show full text]
  • JCRC Statement in Response to Potential Inclusion of Otzma Yehudit in Israeli Government
    For Immediate Release Contact: Jeremy Russell February 25, 2019 Director of Marketing and Communications [email protected] JCRC Statement in Response to Potential Inclusion of Otzma Yehudit in Israeli Government San Francisco, CA – The Jewish Community Relations Council of San Francisco, the Peninsula, Marin, Sonoma, Alameda and Contra Costa Counties (JCRC) is deeply concerned about reports of an agreement between the Bayit Yehudi or “Jewish Home” and the Otzma Yehudit or “Jewish Power” parties to run on a joint list in the April Knesset (Israeli Parliament) elections. Otzma Yehudit is the ideological successor of the Kach party, which was founded by Meir Kahane, who espoused racist, extremist and violent views. Kach was designated a terrorist organization under Israeli, American and European law. Furthermore, it was banned from the Knesset for inciting violence, and ultimately outlawed from Israel altogether. Statements from party leaders and the party platform make it clear that Otzma Yehudit continues to hold these reprehensible views. Since 2007, the Bay Area Jewish community has been on record in support of “a two‐state solution to end the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, in which the parties peacefully coexist with fully normalized diplomatic relations, in mutual cooperation that promotes the economic development and social welfare of their respective citizens.” Furthermore, in 2018, at the culmination of a nine-month education and deliberation process that engaged the wide swath of the Jewish community, the JCRC Assembly – comprised of 80 community members representing the rich diversity of the Bay Area Jewish community – issued a consensus policy statement on the delegitimization of Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
    ‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Israeli Government: Background and Prospects
    Situation Assessement | 14 June 2021 The New Israeli Government: Background and Prospects Unit for Political Studies The hee Isrhele Gohsrnhrnte rackgrornd ane Prospect Series: Situation Assessement 14 June 2021 Unit for Political Studies TheUnit for Political Studies is thheCenter’s department dedicated to the study of the region’s most pressing current rffairs.eAn integral and vital part of thheACR S’ activities, it offers academically rigorous analysis on issues that are relevant and useful to the pubela, academics and policy-makers of thheArab region and bhyond. TheUnit for Political Studie draws on the collaborative efforts of a number of scholars based within and outside thheACR S. It produces nhree ofenhheCenter’s publication series: Assessment Report, PolicyeAnalysis, and Case Analysis reports.e.e Copyrighne©e2021eArabeCenter for Research and PolicyeStudies.eAll RlkhnIeReserved.eeeeee TheArabeCenter for Research and PolicyeStudies is an independent research institute and think tank for thhe studyeGfehistory and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. TheCenter’s paramount concern is the advancement ofeArab societies and states, their cooperation withe one another and issues concerning thheArab nation in general.eTo that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose nhe situation in thheArab world - states and communities- to analyze social, economic and cultural policies and to provide political analysis,efrom an Arab perspective.e TheCenter publishes in botheArabic and English in order to make its work accessible to botheArab and non- Arab researchers.e TheArabeCenter for Research and PolicyeStudies Ae-TarfreStreet,eWrnleAl Banat Ae-Dryrhr,eQatar O Boxe10277,eDGhre +974e4035e4111 www.nGhainstitute.org The hee Isrhele Gohsrnhrnte rackgrornd ane Prospect Series: Situation Assessement Table of Contents 14 June 2021 Background .
    [Show full text]
  • "The War of the Torah": the Israeli Religious Peace Movements' Struggle for Legitimation
    "THE WAR OF THE TORAH": THE ISRAELI RELIGIOUS PEACE MOVEMENTS' STRUGGLE FOR LEGITIMATION Gerald Cromer Since the Six-Day War, religious Zionism has been increasing ly identified with the ideology of the Complete Land of Israel (Er etz Yisrael Hashlema). The maximalist stance on the territorial issue has become depoliticized and achieved a taken-for-granted status. The religious peace movements have interpreted privileged texts and politicized the annual cycle offestivals in an attempt to break this ideological hegemony and to show that their more dov ish stance is also grounded in an authentic reading of Jewish tra dition. However, they have failed to create the cultural resonance that is an essential prerequisite for success. The Long Journey to the Right With the signing of the armistice agreements in 1948, the question of Israel's boundaries disappeared from the public agen da. The right-wing Herut movement continued to dream and sing about "the two banks of the Jordan," but for all intents and pur poses the subject was no longer relevant. Only after the Six Day War, nearly twenty years later, did it become a live issue again. The debate as to whether the territories that came under Israeli jurisdiction had been liberated or occupied was not just a Jewish Political Studies Review 13:3-4 (Fall 2001) 159 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.72.226 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 06:42:46 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 160 Gerald Cromer semantic one; it reflected the conflicting opinions about their fu ture and that of Israeli society as a whole.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
    Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically.
    [Show full text]
  • Hamas Attack on Israel Aims to Capitalize on Palestinian
    Selected articles concerning Israel, published weekly by Suburban Orthodox Toras Chaim’s (Baltimore) Israel Action Committee Edited by Jerry Appelbaum ( [email protected] ) | Founding editor: Sheldon J. Berman Z”L Issue 8 8 7 Volume 2 1 , Number 1 9 Parshias Bamidbar | 48th Day Omer May 1 5 , 2021 Hamas Attack on Israel Aims to Capitalize on Palestinian Frustration By Dov Lieber and Felicia Schwartz wsj.com May 12, 2021 It is not that the police caused the uptick in violence, forces by Monday evening from Shei kh Jarrah. The but they certainly ran headfirst, full - speed, guns forces were there as part of security measures surrounding blazing into the trap that was set for them. the nightly protests. When the secretive military chief of the Palestinian As the deadline passed, the group sent the barrage of Islamist movement Hamas emerged from the shadows last rockets toward Jerusalem, precipitating the Israeli week, he chose to weigh in on a land dispute in East response. Jerusalem, threatening to retaliate against Israel if Israeli strikes and Hamas rocket fire have k illed 56 Palestinian residents there were evicted from their homes. Palestinians, including 14 children, and seven Israelis, “If the aggression against our people…doesn’ t stop including one child, according to Palestinian and Israeli immediately,” warned the commander, Mohammad Deif, officials. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Israel “the enemy will pay an expensive price.” has killed dozens of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad Hamas followed through on the threat, firing from the operatives. Gaza Strip, which it governs, over a thousand rockets at Althou gh the Palestinian youth have lacked a single Israel since Monday evening.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
    Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers.
    [Show full text]
  • Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv.
    [Show full text]
  • Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Adnan, Wifag; Miaari, Sami H. Working Paper Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap IZA Discussion Papers, No. 11261 Provided in Cooperation with: IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Suggested Citation: Adnan, Wifag; Miaari, Sami H. (2018) : Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap, IZA Discussion Papers, No. 11261, Institute of Labor Economics (IZA), Bonn This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/177065 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 11261 Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap Wifag Adnan Sami H. Miaari JANUARY 2018 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 11261 Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap Wifag Adnan New York University Abu Dhabi and IZA Sami H.
    [Show full text]